7,1117EV.Lt 7220
, IP OW Z. Sl' ID & 8
WEDNESDAY, FEBRUARY 3. 1847.
RENAMES OF JOHN C. KNOX,
'Or COUSTT,
On as 'Enetistislas relative to the Torii".
Dthrered En the Rouse of Representatires Jan. 15, 1847
Mr. KNOX rose and said :
me. SPEAKER:—Among the various defini-
lions of roan, there is one which. though it has
not yet a place in -Johnson or ' Webster, pro
mises well to become the standard definition :
l allude to that definition wherein man is said
to • be an animal that makes tariff speeches."
nen sir. was this subject everLintroduced be.
fare a body of men, without calling forth
speeches on the one side and the other, or with
out being made the occasion for introducing Pit
to the debate all the subjects embraced between,
and upon which the different parties may dir
k. I had hoped this session might have pass
ed the subject having been, discussed.
We assembled here, as is well known to every
genilf-man present. under a pledge, at least un
'Jo' the expectation. that this should he a short
•esstnn. Economy in the expenditure of time.
11 trell,ss money„. was to be the order of the
dar ; but unless gentlemen exercise great care,
her will find that their sixty (la% s will pass
MIS', and the scsi.iim Will extend itself to one
timulrt-d or more. Oo the first day of the ses
con the gentleman from Somerset. (Mr. Edie)
read in his p l ace resolutions entitled Reso
lutions relative to the tariff. " They are as
follows :
WHEREAS, the tariff act of 1842. answered
n the purposes of revenue, and yid!, d to
American industry the encouragement neces
sary to the development of the great resources
of the zolintry ; and whereas, a bil has since
passed the Congress of the United States and
become a law, which has injuriously, effected
Me impa-tant staple productions of Otis Com
monwealth, and retarded the great agricultural
and manufacturing interests of the nation ; there
fare, •
Rewired by the Senate and Mouse of Repre
tentaticrt of the Commonwealth of Pennsylva
nia, in GPnerol .issembly met, That our Sena-
ors in (2 , .nress be arid are herebr instructed.
ad our It-prcsentatives requirpieti. to ule'evi ,
runt to procure the repeal of the tariff act
if 1846, arid dia restoration of the act of
1842.
Res rived, 'That the Governor be requested
to trinsnitt a ropy of this resolution to each of
our Senators anti representatives in Congress.
On the third day of the session the gentle
moo from Schuylkill. (Mr. Lc! hum) introduc
ed the follow in , . entitled •• Resolutions rela
tive ti the tariff" :
%Vileness. the happiness and prosperity of
a country depends upon the- protection afford
ed to the industry of its citizens ; and whereac
experience, the best teacher, !lath shown that
the cutz,ns of the United States have always
been
,most happy and prosperous under a ta
riff that affords direct protection to the farmers,
laborers, manufacturers, mechaniesos:c.; there
fire,
Resolved by the Senate and House of Repre
snit vtives ef the Conuanntrealth of Pennsylva
nia. in General .thsembly met. That our Sen-a
tars to Congress be instructed, and our Repre
!mauves requested, to use every honiarabie
means in their power to repeal the anti-Ameri
ean tariff bill of • 1846, and substitute in lieu
rreof the glorious American protective tariff
ii of 1842.
Resolved, That the Speakers of the Senate
nil !rouse of Representatives of this Com
menwealth. be directed to forward a copy of
these resolutions to each of our Senators and
Representatives in Congress. with a requestto
hy the same before the respective bodies of
which they are members.
The resolutions of the gentleman from So
merset were made the order of the day for
Tuesday last. On Monday, and during the
absence of the gentleman from Somerset, the
gentleman from Schuylkill moved to proceed
to the consideration of his resolutions. The
Reuse proceeded to the consideration of the
rein unties. They passed through Committee
of the Whole, without amendment, and were
reported to the House. When they were ta
ken up for consideration again, the gentleman
from Greene. (Mr. Bou,ghner) offered an
amendment. I have not that amendment be
fore me, but the purport of it was, that our
Senators be instructed, and our Representa
toes requested, to vote for an increase of the
rates of duties on iron, coal, and other staple
Products of Pennsylvania, provided, that in
!heir opinion, suc'r an increase of duties would
-increase the revenues of the country. This
amendment was voted down by a strict party
'me, with the exception of the gentleman from
• Armstron g , (Mc. Klingensmith). The Demo
cratic members voting for the amendment—the
Whir against it. An amendment was then
offered by the gentleman from Allegheny. (Mr.
highan3) to the resolutions of the gentleman
from Schuylkill, and I believe was accepted by
hint as a modification of his resolutions. That
amendment. I thirk, was in the exact words
of the resolutions offered by the gentleman from
Somerset. When the resolutkons had passed
second reading.jand the preamble came before
the House for tie consideration. the gentleman
:rum Greene, (Mr. Jllonghner) offered an
a mendment to that, and-the gentleman from
Allegheny offered an amendment to the amend
ment, to strike out the amendment of the gen
tleman from Greene, and insert his amend
ment. which. I believe, was precisely the pre--
amble of the gentleman from Somerset. And
the real question before the House--(the House
baring adopted the amendment to the amend
• m ent)--is between the preamble of the gentle
man from Schuylkill and that of thigentleman
'tom Allegheny, originally belonging to the
Putman from Somerset. 'lint is the real
titceation before tire !louse. If the vote is 'in
tat ar Odle amendment as amended. the pre
amble el the gentleman from Somerset. be
come, the preamble to the resolutions. If the
amendment is lost, the preamble of the gentle
an, from Schuylkill Would stand. Now, I
11
THE - 'I3RADVI.R.D..,_.:::..REPIRTER
U
•have looked through these two preambles in
order to ascertain how to vote. I have tried
to d i scoversomething recommendatory in ei.
ther onti;or tckascertain which of the two was
the least objectionable; but I am placed pre
cisely in the situation of the woman who wit
nessed a fight between her husband and a bear,
not being able to give a preference for either,
she declaied that she did'nt care which whipt.
So I say in regard to these'preambles; Lease
not which of them the House may think fit to
accompany the resolutions. But on this ques
tion, limited as it is, the debate has taken a
wide range, and the whole subject of the tariff
—.-of the respective merits of the tariff of 1842
and 1848, has been brought before us. This
debate was commenced by the gentlemen who
have the control of the deliberations of this
House,—who - have it in their power .to say
what shall be done, and how much time shall '
be spent. .It was commenced by the majority,
and had it not been so commenced, the resole-
lions would have been disposed of without de
bate. Hence the majority is alone responsible
for this consumption of time. for it could not
be expected that gentlemen should rise in their
places and abuse the present administration.
and use severe and opprobrious epithets to
wards the Democratic party, its measures and
nen, and that the members of that party should
remain silent in their seats. The gentleman
from Allegheny commenced this debate, and
talked about progressive Democracy, its beau
ties and inconsistencies. Sir, I acknowledge
that the Democratic party is a progressive party.
I trust it will ever continue a progressive party
until the rights which belong to man, are fully
understood and enjoyed. Ido not belong to
the tread-wheel party—going round and round
in a circle. I think I can see evidence of pro
gression in the opposition party.
They have changed their notions on the sub
ject now under consideration, to wit; the sub.
ject of instructions. No longer ago than last
winter the resolutions on the tariff were simply
in the form of a " request ;" but now they
come up to the mark, and the word " instruct"
is in their resolutions. There is progression
on the part of the Whigs. I think, sir, it you
look around this hall—it you look to the differ
ent officers which are annually elected and ap
pointed by this body to perform certain duties,
you will discover that our W hig friends have
become believers in the odious doctrine, that
to the victors belong the spoils." . Even the
women who sweep the hall, and brush the
desks of the members, are gone, and others,
more orthodox in their pOlitical principles,
have taken their places. Here is still further
progression on the part of our Whig friends.
But the gentleman from Allegheny tells us that
he discoved. nn the first day of the session, that
the Democratic party had changed its views
on the tariff. and he is plea.ed to refer to the
vote of the Democratic members for Speaker as
evidence of that change. The gentleman must
be possessed of quick perceptive faculties to
make a discovery of this kind. If it be true
that the vote of the Democratic party for Speak
er is evidence that they have adopted the no
:tinns and views of their candidate, with what
alarm must - the friends of a certain gentleman
have witnessed the unanimous vote that was
given by the Whigs for his high-minded oppo
nent for the same office I
But there is another thing that plagues the
gentleman from Allegheny. He has been very
much troubled to aszertain who it was that
drew the amendment of the gentleman from
Greene. and where it came from. He thinks
it must have come from some caucus, some
deliberation on the part of the Democratic mem
bers ; for he assures us that he could see it had
been well digested. Sir, allow me to say, in
reply to the gentleman from Allegheny. that
we are not at all troubled to ascertain from
what source the amendments that he and his
colleague offered came from. We have only
to refer to our files, and we find that they came
from the gentleman from Somerset, and that,
in his absence, they were copied, word for
word, and made use of as the property of the
gentleman and his colleague.
But, sir. I have said that-the whole subject
of the tariff has been opened by this discussion.
The gentleman from Adams, (Mr. Cooper) in
a speech of considerable length. and df great
eloquence, has gone into the subject and dis
cussed it generally. He commenced by tell
ing us that the question was now settled to
which party belonged the honor of passing the
act of 1842. He said that it is r,ow conceded
-that to the Whig party belonged the honor of
passi.tg that tariff. I think the gentleman is
correct. He admits himself, I believe, (if he
has not made the admission. the record ishows,)
that the act of 1842 could not have been pass
ed without Democratic votes. Yet I am wil
ling to concede that the honor of passing the
bill of 1842 belongs to a Whig Congress. yea,
the hard cider Congress of 1842. And they
may take along with it the honor of passing
the bankrupt law, and the honor of attempting
to palm on the country another United Slates
Bank. The gentleman, after telling us to
whom belonged the honor of passing the actof
1842, asks why it was repealed. and answers
his own question by saying that the• South de
manded it, and the North, like •servile slaves,
obeyed their behests. I was sorry. sir, to hear
a gentleman of his acknowledged urbanity in
dulge in such language. Let me refer the gen
tleman to the fact that the Great West had
something to do with the passage of the new
tariff It was not a Southern or a Northern,
an Eastern or a Western measure ; but, sir, it
was a Democratic measure, supported by the
great body of the Democratic party, and op
posed by the almost united action of the Whig
party. It is true that all of the Pennsylvania
delegation, with one exception, voted against
the bill. That exception was the member from
the district which I have the honor in part to
represent gp this floor. (Mr. WiLmo.r.) and his
constituents have passed upon that vote, and
have sent him back to Congress to war against
monopoly in every tshape it may assume, even
although h may adopt for its motto, "protec
tion to American industry." I cannot refrain
from saying. that that solitary vote of his, sup
ported as it was by an able and statesman-like
PUBLISHED EVERY WEDNESDAY, AT TOWANDA, BRADFORD COMITY, PA., BY E. 0.1 . H. P. GOODRICH.
II
REGARDLESS 91. DENUNCIATION iniox ANT QUARTER."
speech, has endeared him to the hearts °Ellie
constituents, whiph neither time nor Impel
can elTa'ee - or destroy. But to return to the
question, why was _the tariff of '42 repealed?
It was because it was unequal in its operatt•'n,
unjust in its principle, and particularly destruc
tive to the great commercial and agricultural
interests of this country.
I aver, sir. that the experience of the past
has shown, that under a tariff having for its ob.
jest, and recognizing direct protection, every
thilfg that is. drawn front- the eoil, be it cotton
or tobacco, the products of the. South—or
breadsitiffs. the agricultural products of the
North. the 'East and the West, has been
duced'An yrictituid lessened in quantity sold in
foreign countries; whilst. on the contrary, the
articles purchased 'arid - consumed by 'the agri
culturalists, have been to a greater or less ex
tent enhanced in price; and that under a sys•
tern of moderate duties the reverse is the fact.
This is the reason why the South and the West
oppose it; not because they envy the North,
but because they rely upon the products of the
soil for their subsistence ; and they are unwil
ling that the government of their common
choice ahoula, by its revenue laws., enrich the
manufacturers of the East, at . their expense.
The gentleman says that the new bill will ruin.
or nearly so, the shoemaker, the - mild, the
blacksmith and the hatter. Whx ? Because
French boots, coats and hats are to take the
place of American manufactureand England
is to supply us with horse shoes. Sir, I live
in the interior. and I can assure the gentleman
that I have never seen the first pair of French
boots, a French hat or coat, or an English
hors shoe, offered for sale in that region. But
I have seen the products of the overgrown
manufacturing establishments of the East
brought there and sold, to the prejudice of the
village mechanics. Why not protect against
then, ?
I maintain that the protective system is inju
rious to the agricultural interests of this coun
try. It is injurious in more respects than one.
In the first ,place it is calculated to confine the
sales to the home market. It is calculated to
shut them out from the market of the world.—
The trade of the world is but an exchange of
products ; and when any country has in opera
tion a system of restrictive duties, it must ne
cessarily find its own foreign trade limited in
extent. Because, if you will not buy of other
countries, you cannot sell to them. There is
no tiuth better established than this; this
end
accounts for the fact that where the duties on
our imports have been restrictive in their char
acter for any given time, our exports have fall
en oIT, and we have not been able to sell sooth
er nations.
But, says the honorable Speaker, we have
sustained an injury by the repeal'of the British
Corn Laws. It seems to me, sir, that the ar
guments of the friends of the restrictive policy
have changed with the change of times and
circumstances; in other words, to use the lan
guage of, the gentleman from Allegheny, they
are .• progressive." Not one year since, the
argument was, let England repeal her Corn
Laws ; let her admit our breadstullk free of, or
with a revenue duty, and we may then buy of
them in exchange." But now, after this-is
done• we are told that we must adhere more
closely to.the doctrine of prote'cti ' on, because,
foriooth, we are injured by her.ehange of poli
cy. The gentleman has given us the amount
of products sold to England, and states that the
amount will be be less hereafter. I cannot
subscribe to his argument or his doctrine. 1
believe,-sir, that, if under tke new rariff, we
are to buy more of English manufactures,
coupled with the change of her policy; she
will buy more of us. To the same extent that
she clothes us, we will feed her; and it is a
poor compliment to the industry and enterprise
of the American people, to say that we shall
lose by coining in contact with English capital
and English labor.
I-am aware, sir, that the agricultural interest
of this country has not, as yet, realized the ad
vantages to be derived from the abandonment
of the protective policy by Great Britain, to a
great extent. And the reason why it has not,
is that, our own selfish and narrow-sighted
policy, had so crippled our foreign commerce,
and had so limited the number of our vessels
engaged in the foreign trade, that we have - been
unable to procure vessels except at exorbitant
rates, to convey our produce across the Atlan
tic-. But sir, when under a more liberal and
perfect system. our commerce shall -hive at
tained to that perfection and extent to which it
is capable ; when the canvass of American ves
sels shall have whitened every sea ; and when
the means of internal transportation shall have
been so increased, that the farmer of the West
can send his crops to the shores of the Atlan
tic, without paying for their carriage more than
one-half of their value; then, sir, and not till
then will we fully understand the benefits to
be derived, and the blessings to be felt by a
free and unrestricted trade with the world.
The gentleman from Adams, (Mr: Cobna)
has pointed us to England, as evidence in fa
vor of the protective policy. I cannot join him
in his eulogy of England, and her policy ; al
though that policy mat' haVe been adopted by
her - Tudors. continued by her Stuarts, and per
petuated by the house of Hanover. I wish not
to see that policy perpetuated in this country.
And the very season that makes it so lovely in
the eyes of the gentleman from Adams, is the
reason which induces me to oppose it with all
my might. I -know, sir. that England is a
powerful nation, and that her restrictive policy
his much to do with her present condition.—
But. I ask whether the condition of- England
is so attractive as to allure. us to pursue her
policy in order to arrive to the same condition I
It is true she is a powerful nation : but is it
not equally true, that side by side of one of the
most luxurious aristocracies in the world, is to
be seen more than three millions of her popu
lation deprived of the absolute necessaries or
Isle 1 I know that to use the quotation of the
gentleman from Adams, the •• tap of her drum
does beat round the world." " But, sir, to %That
purpose does it beat t To protect the rights
of man 1 No. no, but to injure and destroy
them. To increase the power of England at
1
the expence of the world. Thank God I its
last tap in this country.was heard on the plains
of N. Orleans, beating a retreat. Ws want
nothing to do.with that splendib English poli
cy in America.. But the gentleman says Eng
land will never abandon her policy. I cannot
agree with him. I believe that the restrictive
policy has been abandoned by ;England ; and
rather than eulogize the Tudork and the Sm
arts, who projected and continued it, I would
give my feeble tribute ot praiee to her Cobden.
for his patriotic and enlightened efforts for its
abolishment, by arousing the people of Eng
land to assert their rights. and demand redress
for their wrong.. Yee, sir, if it was commen
ced by a Tudor.it was abolished by a,Cobden.
Originated with a tyrant. and met its fate at the
hands of an indignant people. Fit origin, and
apt destruction, fur such a system. I know
not how it can be said that England has not
abolished her restrictive policy. In what did
that restrictive policy consist ? Was it not in
her Corn Laws t Was it not in her protec
tive duties, in relation triher agricultural inter
ests t In England, the agricultural were the
favored interests. Why, sir ? because they
were in the hands of the few, and the argu•
ments there was, it would promote "English
industry," to protect, not manufacturers, but
breadstuff.. The grain of other nations, must
not enter her ports. in order that the prices of
the agriculturists might be greater. This has
been the policy of England foreenturies. That
policy, thank Heaven I has been abolished,
never, to be restored. Sir. never came there
from the lips of human betng a better senti
ment than that which was uttered by Robert
Peel on the abandonment of that policy ; and
it is true. as he said, although the friends of
protection may denounce him for interfering
with' their heaven-daring monopoly ; yet the
hardy yeomanry of England, when they come
to realize the bleasingeof cheap food, will bless
his name for all time to come. Sir, I would
sooner have the feeling which finds utterance
in such language, than to possess the prondept
ducal coronet which England, with all her
power can bestow. But I will pass on to oth
er remarks of the gentleman from Adams. He
has told us, sir, that the tariff of 1840. is to
bring ruin on the country ;it is-to destroy the
manufacturing interests ; the iron furnaces of
Pennsylvania are to cease operations ; the fires
of our furnaces are to 'go out ; the earth is to
refuse to yield her mineral wealth, and all clas
ses and occupations are to be ruined. And
how ruined ? why. by and excessive importa
tion of foreign goods. And, yet. almost in the
next breath, after having said he thinks his opi
nion is entitled to as much weight as the Presi
dent's. or Mr. Walker's (and I will not express
any opinion nen that,) in regard to the opera
non of the tariff, of 1846. which he declares will
not yield more tbau eighteen millions of reven
ue ; yet because of the excessive importations
that will take place under it, it is to spread ruin
all over the country. I cannot reconcile this
argument. I find by referring to the amount
of importations under the tariff of 1842. that.
in the year 1848, there was imported into this
country dutiable goods, to the amount of 096.-
924,058, at the average of duties under the act
of 1848, would produce upwards of 24,000,-
000. without any increased importations.
I believe the imports will be greater than
they were under the tariff of 1842, but I do not
believe they will be so much greater as to des
troy the home manufacturer. But it appears
to me from the manner in which the gentleman
from Adams treated this question. that.he has
taken it for granted that such is to be the effect
of the tariff of 1848. He has assumed that po
sition to be true. Sir, we deny the correct
ness of any such position, and time alone is to
test it. It is said, that the present is a free
trade tariff. It is not a free trade tariff. It is
not entirely. in my opinion, a revenue tariff.—
I believe that the tariff of 4848 has within it
discriminations even for the purpose of protec
tion ; and I am authorized in believing this, by
referring to what has been said on the other ta
riffs. and the positions which have been taken
by gentlemen of the opposite party. I refer
to the position taken by Mr. Clay, in regard to
the Compromise act. When helves told in
the U. S. Senate, that by the terms of the Com
promise act he had abandoned the protective
system. he denied it, and pointed Senators to
its discrimination., as evidence 'of its protec
tive features. And what, sir, were those dis
criminations ? Discriminations below the
standard of 20 per cent. And yet we are told
that the bill of 1846, although the duties vary
from 5 to 100 per cent.. is a free trade tariff.
and is without protection for our home menu
factures. It is true it is based on the revenue
principle. That is the primary ohject in the
tariff of 1846. Its protection is incidental, and
which every revenue tariff affords to home
manufacturers. Why. is it not necessary in
order to pay the expenses of this government.
that there should be 28 millions raised from im
post duties I Can it - be said when this sum is
levied, that there is no protection for home
mannfactures ? • I believe, if the tariffof 1846
is suffered to remain, as I have no doubt it will
be, till tested by time, it will be found that all
the interests of Pennsylvania, and all the inter
ests of the Union are suf f iciently protected. 7—
When I say remain, I mean remain in princi
ple. Ido not niean to say it is perfect in all
its details. Ido not mean to say it is imper
fect, that it would be sacritege to touch it.—
Time will show in what its imperffictions con
sist. and to other hands will be.committed the
task of removing those imperfections. :
And now; here is thn difference between the
two parties. The Whig party have rallied
round the standardof 1842. and nothing else.
They go for the restoration of the tariff of 1842,
and the entire repeal olthe act 0f1846. They
are unwilling that the' tariff of 1846 should be
tried. They are unwilling that we should have
time to give it a fair trial ; hut they go, as they
say. for the immediate repeal of the act and
fur.the tarilTof 1842, opposing all tnod ideation'
to perfect the bill. They:go for the restore
tton, and that atone. New. with all due de
ference to the opposition party. I feel bound to
say that their course is altogether impractica
ble, and not only impracticable, but is ealcula-
ted to injure their friends. whom - they love so
dearly—the manufacturers of this country.—
When do they expect to repeal the tariff of
1848 t How is it to be done ? When is the
tared 1842 to be the law again t Let them
answer me these questions. 1 refer them to
the present political complexion of the Senate
of the United States. I ask them how they
can repeal the tariff of 18461 When do they
expect to have a majority in the Senate of the
United States f Would not the more prudent
and better policy have been, to have endeavor
ed to modify the new bill in such respects as
it required modifications in order to. afford
equal protection to all-the interests of the coos
try. • I think that the tariff of 1846, in many
respects, is below the revenue standard, and
particularly at the present time. I have no
doubt that many of its duties might be increas
ed, and still be within the revenue standard ;
but that -would not be satisfactory to the gen
tleman. That would not restore their darling'
project—the tariff of 1842.
Now, air, as the predictions have been made
on the other side. allow-me to predict, that the
time will never come when the tariff of 1842,
will be restored. There is no gentleman with
in the sound of my voice whose age dill bet
prolonged so that he will see the tariff 0f11842
restored. That day will never come. • I be
lieve the protective policy of this country must
and will be abandoned, if it is not already.—
And when I speak of the protective policy, I
mean that policy advocated by the gentleman
' from Adams, (Mr. Cooper.) and the gentleman
from Allegheny, (Mr. Bigham.) that it is the
duty of Congress to levy taxes for direct pro
tection. And I refer to the policy advocated
by the preamble, where it says that this coun
try is prosperous and happy under direct pro
tection. I. for one, am opposed to this doc
trine of protection, as the gentlemen advocate
it-1 mean direct protection. I believe it is an
odious doctrine ; I will not say an unconstitu
tional doctrine. for I know many of our ablest
men differ on that point., And I take it not to
myself to give'an opinion, but I believe it is
contrary to the genius and spirit of our institu
tions. The doctrine of protectiorf has been
tried elsewhere, and it has been thrown over
board, after being tested for centuries. I havi
no idea that now when even England has aban
doned it the United States are to adopt it and
incorporate it into the republican creed in this
country. And I say to you now, sir. and I
say to this House, if that principle should ever
become a permanent One of this country—if it
should be carried to the extent here that it has
been in England, the conditionof our people
would be the same as it is there—a splendid
aristocracy, but an humble and degraded yeo
manry. Gentlemen may cry "demagogue,'
" demagogue." as much as they please ; and
may abuse and revile the President of the
Union for asserting that the 'doctrine of f pro
tection is against the interests of the pdor. I
know this is the course resorted to in order to
quell that kind of language, and to prevent the
friends of equal rights from being heard. That
talk has been heard before, and on other sub
jects ; and it will be heard again undoubtedly,
but it will have no influence. I rejoice that
the Democratic party. not only of other States.
but of Pennsylvania also. has taken ground in
favor of a revenue tariff fairly adjusted ; the is
sue is between such a tariff and one recogni
zing the doctrine of direct protection ; a tariff
for the few at the expense of the many. One
in favor of money and monied interests against
the interests of labor. On the other side. a ta
riff adopting the ad valorem principle, or levy
ing a duty according to the value of the article,
thus basing taxation on proverty. not consump
tion. A tariff that will raise revenue sufficient
to pay th i e expenses of government, and will,
at the same time afford the necessary inciden
tal protection to our own interests. This, sir.
is the issue, and with this issue. in my opin
ion, the Democratic party have nothing to fear.
I know the power of money.and I am aware.
sir, that that power has been, and will again be
used to destroy the ascendency of the DeuiP-.
cratic party, because that party will not lend it
self as an instrument in the hands of capital,
to legislate exclusively for its advancement ;
and it will doubtless require all the energies of
the Democracy to meet their wily and unscru
pulous foe ; but the same battle, or one of like
character, was fought and won upon the Bank
question, and although we are not now led on
by a JACKSON. yet his warnings and hie exam
ple are before us, and, aided by the conscious
ness that we are battling for the triumph of
justice, we will do our whole duty. trusting in
God to " preserve the right."
These, sir, are my views upon the question
legitimately before the Hose. But the gen
tleman from Adams. not cdntent with denoun
cing the domestic policy of the President, has
travelled out of the record, and has seen fit to
offer his prayer that the vengeance of a just
God might not be visited upon this country, as
a punishment for the foreign policy of the pre
sent national administration. Mr. Speaker..
has it come to this, that in a Pennsylvania Le
gislature. by the acknowledged leader of a
great, and at present in this hall, dominant par
ty ; yea, sir, by him who has been called up
on to preside over-our deliberations, and whose
duty it is to check and control the passions en
gendered by political conflict in debate. that
the acts of our general government in relation
to our foreign policy, are denominated so pal
pably unjust, so monstrously wicked, - as to
threaten destruction to our country by the di
rect interposition ,of an all-wise Providence ;
and that. tOil, when the blood and the treasure
Of her citizens is freely offered to carry to a
successful termination that very foreign policy. -
Let me tell the gentleman 'that his prayer, with
meet With no response from the citizens of.
Pennsylvania. believeoir, that the foreign
policy of thief "administration meets the decided
approbation of a large majority of thii people of
this glorious old Commonwealth. and that man
Of party that attempts to thnkait it. will need
the prayers of their friends to/save them .from
political destruction. • •
Tits gentleman declares that, the presentis
an unjust War. but assures us that he rejoices
in the success of the Imericant arms, and trusts
that those arms will continue triumphant. sr"),
to the total overthrow ill - Mexico. if needs be.
I know; sir, that the gentleman. in uttering his
hopes fur the success of the American arms.
gave.bitt the otupourinipt of a patriotic heart,—
I ran postieipote with him in his ardent wishes
for the triumpher the American flag., whenever
it may be unfolded, and wherever it may be
borne ; bot alt I sir, with what different feel
ings ; with him there must be doubt. distrust ;
his rejoicings are mingled with feelings of te
gret and slam. With myself, air, believing its
I do, that this war is just and righteous. that - it
was forced upon us. 1 look upon every blow
that is struck. every victory that is, won. as cal
culated to advance the cause of universal Ire**
dom, and remembering that
"Thrice bibs - armad who. bath his quarteljuak,
And be but naked, though locked up in ma.
Whose conscience with injustice is oppressed.,
confidently rely that the guardian aye of
this country will
"Hover in the sulphur satulte.
And ward away the battle stroke."
And that we shall emerge from this war with
victorious arms and an unsullied national honor.
GRAVE 07 JOKE RANDRLPR.-4 writer in tl •
Norfolk Beacon describes a visrt to the grave of
this remarkable man. Speaking of the former
residence of Mr. Randolph. be says;
After a ride of two or three hours, we enter
ed a forest of tall oaks. and were told by Mr.
Cardwell that we were on Mr. Randulph's
estate Shortly. the houses that were occupied
by the great and eceentric genius appeared thro'
the intervening trees, built up in the midst of
the woods. Not a stump to be
,seen. not a
bush grubbed up ; alt standing, self the foot of
man had never trodden them.. Mr. Randolph
would not suffer the primitive aspect of things
to be disturbed in the least. Not a tree, or
branch, or a switch, was allowed to be ctit.—
During his absence in Europe a limb of mioak.
projecting• forwards a window of one of the
houses, grew so near that old Essex, fe•ring
the window would be broken cut the limb off.
On Mr. Randolph's return he at once discover
ed the mutilation ; old Essex was called up.
and the reasons demanded, for cutting off the
limb. The old' negro told his master he feared
the window would be broken. " Then," said
Mr. Randolph. " why did yds not move the
house.
'f'lit NEWRPAPE6.--11 is a great mistake in
female education to keep the young lady's time
and attention devoted to the fashonablo andpoli to
literature of the day. If you would qualify her
something to talk about—give her an acquain
tance with this actual world and its transpiring
events. Urge her to read the newspapers. sad
be familial with the present character arid molt*.
ments of out race. History is of some impor
tance, but the past world is dead, and we have
nothing to do with its. Our thoughts and our
concern should, be for the present world, to
know what it is, and to improve its conditit-n.
Let her have an intelligent opinion. and be able
to sustain intelligent conversation concerning
the mental, moral, political and religious move
ments of out,times. Let the gilded annuals and
and'poems:on the centre table be kept covered
with weekly and daily journals. Or, if they are
left in the book store, and the table is well sup
plied with newspapers, her mental and moral
character and her common sense will not suffer
on account of their absence. Let the whole
family—men women and children—read the
newspapers. And if any body has a fact or a
thought worth communicating, let him not try
to make sibig sleepy book, but speak to the
world through the newspapers. '!'his is the
way to make an intelligent, republican and
virtuous population.—Lowell Courier.
A Comr•aisoN.—%Vellington. the hero of
blood, got more than two millions of the na
tional money ; and half the cities of the em
pire are decorated with pillars and statues rais
ed to him whilst living. Who could compare
a Wellington and a Mathew I...the victor of
blood, and the victor of peace ? Who could
place in the same class the leader who dried
the orphan's tear and !melted the cry of the
widow, and him whose glory was erected on
crushed and writhing limbs—on thousands of
stark, ghastly, mangled corpses. and whose
praises were drowned in the shrieks, of miser
able mothers. wives and daughters 1 Who
could contrast the man of blood with the mes—
senger of peace ? Why. then, let it be written
now, to be remembered in after ages, that •
Wellington received a hundred times more
from his country than a Mathew ; the one for
slaughtering thousands of Frenchmen, the oth
er for elevating and purifying millions of his
own people. How posterity will scorn our
boasted civilization.
Art Exasnr's ComaEsv.—When the Crusa
ders. under King Richard of England. defeated
the Saracens, the Sultan. seeing his troops fly.
asked what was the number of the Christians
who were making all this slaughter i He was
told that it was only King Richard and his men.
and that they were alLon foot. -" Then." said
the Sultan, " God forbid that such a noble fel
low ai King Richard should man•h on foot,"
and sent him a noble charger. The messenger
took it, and said, " Sire. the Sultan sends' you
this charger. that you may not be on font."—
The king was as cunning as his enemy. and or
tiered one his squires to mount the horse in or
der to try ham. The squire obied; but the
animal proved fiery ; and the squire being uns.
ble to hold him in. he set nil at full speed to
the Sultan's pavilion. The sultan expected
he had got King Richard, and ,was not a little
mortified to discover his mistake.
RENOVATI , IN OF NACU Toor...—The peach
tree in this climate. is liable tcoseveral diseases.
When it is observed to sicken, no tine should
be lost in carefully robot lug the soil from the
roots, and supplying its place with charcoal.—
A friend informs us that during the pist . season.
a very healty tree in his garden. suddenly sick
ened, and began to east its foliage. Readopted
the measure shore presrribed, and was smear
ed al the t.uadeauctse of its fellOr4ii et.
X. 1271111131118 No