7,1117EV.Lt 7220 , IP OW Z. Sl' ID & 8 WEDNESDAY, FEBRUARY 3. 1847. RENAMES OF JOHN C. KNOX, 'Or COUSTT, On as 'Enetistislas relative to the Torii". Dthrered En the Rouse of Representatires Jan. 15, 1847 Mr. KNOX rose and said : me. SPEAKER:—Among the various defini- lions of roan, there is one which. though it has not yet a place in -Johnson or ' Webster, pro mises well to become the standard definition : l allude to that definition wherein man is said to • be an animal that makes tariff speeches." nen sir. was this subject everLintroduced be. fare a body of men, without calling forth speeches on the one side and the other, or with out being made the occasion for introducing Pit to the debate all the subjects embraced between, and upon which the different parties may dir k. I had hoped this session might have pass ed the subject having been, discussed. We assembled here, as is well known to every genilf-man present. under a pledge, at least un 'Jo' the expectation. that this should he a short •esstnn. Economy in the expenditure of time. 11 trell,ss money„. was to be the order of the dar ; but unless gentlemen exercise great care, her will find that their sixty (la% s will pass MIS', and the scsi.iim Will extend itself to one timulrt-d or more. Oo the first day of the ses con the gentleman from Somerset. (Mr. Edie) read in his p l ace resolutions entitled Reso lutions relative to the tariff. " They are as follows : WHEREAS, the tariff act of 1842. answered n the purposes of revenue, and yid!, d to American industry the encouragement neces sary to the development of the great resources of the zolintry ; and whereas, a bil has since passed the Congress of the United States and become a law, which has injuriously, effected Me impa-tant staple productions of Otis Com monwealth, and retarded the great agricultural and manufacturing interests of the nation ; there fare, • Rewired by the Senate and Mouse of Repre tentaticrt of the Commonwealth of Pennsylva nia, in GPnerol .issembly met, That our Sena- ors in (2 , .nress be arid are herebr instructed. ad our It-prcsentatives requirpieti. to ule'evi , runt to procure the repeal of the tariff act if 1846, arid dia restoration of the act of 1842. Res rived, 'That the Governor be requested to trinsnitt a ropy of this resolution to each of our Senators anti representatives in Congress. On the third day of the session the gentle moo from Schuylkill. (Mr. Lc! hum) introduc ed the follow in , . entitled •• Resolutions rela tive ti the tariff" : %Vileness. the happiness and prosperity of a country depends upon the- protection afford ed to the industry of its citizens ; and whereac experience, the best teacher, !lath shown that the cutz,ns of the United States have always been ,most happy and prosperous under a ta riff that affords direct protection to the farmers, laborers, manufacturers, mechaniesos:c.; there fire, Resolved by the Senate and House of Repre snit vtives ef the Conuanntrealth of Pennsylva nia. in General .thsembly met. That our Sen-a tars to Congress be instructed, and our Repre !mauves requested, to use every honiarabie means in their power to repeal the anti-Ameri ean tariff bill of • 1846, and substitute in lieu rreof the glorious American protective tariff ii of 1842. Resolved, That the Speakers of the Senate nil !rouse of Representatives of this Com menwealth. be directed to forward a copy of these resolutions to each of our Senators and Representatives in Congress. with a requestto hy the same before the respective bodies of which they are members. The resolutions of the gentleman from So merset were made the order of the day for Tuesday last. On Monday, and during the absence of the gentleman from Somerset, the gentleman from Schuylkill moved to proceed to the consideration of his resolutions. The Reuse proceeded to the consideration of the rein unties. They passed through Committee of the Whole, without amendment, and were reported to the House. When they were ta ken up for consideration again, the gentleman from Greene. (Mr. Bou,ghner) offered an amendment. I have not that amendment be fore me, but the purport of it was, that our Senators be instructed, and our Representa toes requested, to vote for an increase of the rates of duties on iron, coal, and other staple Products of Pennsylvania, provided, that in !heir opinion, suc'r an increase of duties would -increase the revenues of the country. This amendment was voted down by a strict party 'me, with the exception of the gentleman from • Armstron g , (Mc. Klingensmith). The Demo cratic members voting for the amendment—the Whir against it. An amendment was then offered by the gentleman from Allegheny. (Mr. highan3) to the resolutions of the gentleman from Schuylkill, and I believe was accepted by hint as a modification of his resolutions. That amendment. I thirk, was in the exact words of the resolutions offered by the gentleman from Somerset. When the resolutkons had passed second reading.jand the preamble came before the House for tie consideration. the gentleman :rum Greene, (Mr. Jllonghner) offered an a mendment to that, and-the gentleman from Allegheny offered an amendment to the amend ment, to strike out the amendment of the gen tleman from Greene, and insert his amend ment. which. I believe, was precisely the pre-- amble of the gentleman from Somerset. And the real question before the House--(the House baring adopted the amendment to the amend • m ent)--is between the preamble of the gentle man from Schuylkill and that of thigentleman 'tom Allegheny, originally belonging to the Putman from Somerset. 'lint is the real titceation before tire !louse. If the vote is 'in tat ar Odle amendment as amended. the pre amble el the gentleman from Somerset. be come, the preamble to the resolutions. If the amendment is lost, the preamble of the gentle an, from Schuylkill Would stand. Now, I 11 THE - 'I3RADVI.R.D..,_.:::..REPIRTER U •have looked through these two preambles in order to ascertain how to vote. I have tried to d i scoversomething recommendatory in ei. ther onti;or tckascertain which of the two was the least objectionable; but I am placed pre cisely in the situation of the woman who wit nessed a fight between her husband and a bear, not being able to give a preference for either, she declaied that she did'nt care which whipt. So I say in regard to these'preambles; Lease not which of them the House may think fit to accompany the resolutions. But on this ques tion, limited as it is, the debate has taken a wide range, and the whole subject of the tariff —.-of the respective merits of the tariff of 1842 and 1848, has been brought before us. This debate was commenced by the gentlemen who have the control of the deliberations of this House,—who - have it in their power .to say what shall be done, and how much time shall ' be spent. .It was commenced by the majority, and had it not been so commenced, the resole- lions would have been disposed of without de bate. Hence the majority is alone responsible for this consumption of time. for it could not be expected that gentlemen should rise in their places and abuse the present administration. and use severe and opprobrious epithets to wards the Democratic party, its measures and nen, and that the members of that party should remain silent in their seats. The gentleman from Allegheny commenced this debate, and talked about progressive Democracy, its beau ties and inconsistencies. Sir, I acknowledge that the Democratic party is a progressive party. I trust it will ever continue a progressive party until the rights which belong to man, are fully understood and enjoyed. Ido not belong to the tread-wheel party—going round and round in a circle. I think I can see evidence of pro gression in the opposition party. They have changed their notions on the sub ject now under consideration, to wit; the sub. ject of instructions. No longer ago than last winter the resolutions on the tariff were simply in the form of a " request ;" but now they come up to the mark, and the word " instruct" is in their resolutions. There is progression on the part of the Whigs. I think, sir, it you look around this hall—it you look to the differ ent officers which are annually elected and ap pointed by this body to perform certain duties, you will discover that our W hig friends have become believers in the odious doctrine, that to the victors belong the spoils." . Even the women who sweep the hall, and brush the desks of the members, are gone, and others, more orthodox in their pOlitical principles, have taken their places. Here is still further progression on the part of our Whig friends. But the gentleman from Allegheny tells us that he discoved. nn the first day of the session, that the Democratic party had changed its views on the tariff. and he is plea.ed to refer to the vote of the Democratic members for Speaker as evidence of that change. The gentleman must be possessed of quick perceptive faculties to make a discovery of this kind. If it be true that the vote of the Democratic party for Speak er is evidence that they have adopted the no :tinns and views of their candidate, with what alarm must - the friends of a certain gentleman have witnessed the unanimous vote that was given by the Whigs for his high-minded oppo nent for the same office I But there is another thing that plagues the gentleman from Allegheny. He has been very much troubled to aszertain who it was that drew the amendment of the gentleman from Greene. and where it came from. He thinks it must have come from some caucus, some deliberation on the part of the Democratic mem bers ; for he assures us that he could see it had been well digested. Sir, allow me to say, in reply to the gentleman from Allegheny. that we are not at all troubled to ascertain from what source the amendments that he and his colleague offered came from. We have only to refer to our files, and we find that they came from the gentleman from Somerset, and that, in his absence, they were copied, word for word, and made use of as the property of the gentleman and his colleague. But, sir. I have said that-the whole subject of the tariff has been opened by this discussion. The gentleman from Adams, (Mr. Cooper) in a speech of considerable length. and df great eloquence, has gone into the subject and dis cussed it generally. He commenced by tell ing us that the question was now settled to which party belonged the honor of passing the act of 1842. He said that it is r,ow conceded -that to the Whig party belonged the honor of passi.tg that tariff. I think the gentleman is correct. He admits himself, I believe, (if he has not made the admission. the record ishows,) that the act of 1842 could not have been pass ed without Democratic votes. Yet I am wil ling to concede that the honor of passing the bill of 1842 belongs to a Whig Congress. yea, the hard cider Congress of 1842. And they may take along with it the honor of passing the bankrupt law, and the honor of attempting to palm on the country another United Slates Bank. The gentleman, after telling us to whom belonged the honor of passing the actof 1842, asks why it was repealed. and answers his own question by saying that the• South de manded it, and the North, like •servile slaves, obeyed their behests. I was sorry. sir, to hear a gentleman of his acknowledged urbanity in dulge in such language. Let me refer the gen tleman to the fact that the Great West had something to do with the passage of the new tariff It was not a Southern or a Northern, an Eastern or a Western measure ; but, sir, it was a Democratic measure, supported by the great body of the Democratic party, and op posed by the almost united action of the Whig party. It is true that all of the Pennsylvania delegation, with one exception, voted against the bill. That exception was the member from the district which I have the honor in part to represent gp this floor. (Mr. WiLmo.r.) and his constituents have passed upon that vote, and have sent him back to Congress to war against monopoly in every tshape it may assume, even although h may adopt for its motto, "protec tion to American industry." I cannot refrain from saying. that that solitary vote of his, sup ported as it was by an able and statesman-like PUBLISHED EVERY WEDNESDAY, AT TOWANDA, BRADFORD COMITY, PA., BY E. 0.1 . H. P. GOODRICH. II REGARDLESS 91. DENUNCIATION iniox ANT QUARTER." speech, has endeared him to the hearts °Ellie constituents, whiph neither time nor Impel can elTa'ee - or destroy. But to return to the question, why was _the tariff of '42 repealed? It was because it was unequal in its operatt•'n, unjust in its principle, and particularly destruc tive to the great commercial and agricultural interests of this country. I aver, sir. that the experience of the past has shown, that under a tariff having for its ob. jest, and recognizing direct protection, every thilfg that is. drawn front- the eoil, be it cotton or tobacco, the products of the. South—or breadsitiffs. the agricultural products of the North. the 'East and the West, has been duced'An yrictituid lessened in quantity sold in foreign countries; whilst. on the contrary, the articles purchased 'arid - consumed by 'the agri culturalists, have been to a greater or less ex tent enhanced in price; and that under a sys• tern of moderate duties the reverse is the fact. This is the reason why the South and the West oppose it; not because they envy the North, but because they rely upon the products of the soil for their subsistence ; and they are unwil ling that the government of their common choice ahoula, by its revenue laws., enrich the manufacturers of the East, at . their expense. The gentleman says that the new bill will ruin. or nearly so, the shoemaker, the - mild, the blacksmith and the hatter. Whx ? Because French boots, coats and hats are to take the place of American manufactureand England is to supply us with horse shoes. Sir, I live in the interior. and I can assure the gentleman that I have never seen the first pair of French boots, a French hat or coat, or an English hors shoe, offered for sale in that region. But I have seen the products of the overgrown manufacturing establishments of the East brought there and sold, to the prejudice of the village mechanics. Why not protect against then, ? I maintain that the protective system is inju rious to the agricultural interests of this coun try. It is injurious in more respects than one. In the first ,place it is calculated to confine the sales to the home market. It is calculated to shut them out from the market of the world.— The trade of the world is but an exchange of products ; and when any country has in opera tion a system of restrictive duties, it must ne cessarily find its own foreign trade limited in extent. Because, if you will not buy of other countries, you cannot sell to them. There is no tiuth better established than this; this end accounts for the fact that where the duties on our imports have been restrictive in their char acter for any given time, our exports have fall en oIT, and we have not been able to sell sooth er nations. But, says the honorable Speaker, we have sustained an injury by the repeal'of the British Corn Laws. It seems to me, sir, that the ar guments of the friends of the restrictive policy have changed with the change of times and circumstances; in other words, to use the lan guage of, the gentleman from Allegheny, they are .• progressive." Not one year since, the argument was, let England repeal her Corn Laws ; let her admit our breadstullk free of, or with a revenue duty, and we may then buy of them in exchange." But now, after this-is done• we are told that we must adhere more closely to.the doctrine of prote'cti ' on, because, foriooth, we are injured by her.ehange of poli cy. The gentleman has given us the amount of products sold to England, and states that the amount will be be less hereafter. I cannot subscribe to his argument or his doctrine. 1 believe,-sir, that, if under tke new rariff, we are to buy more of English manufactures, coupled with the change of her policy; she will buy more of us. To the same extent that she clothes us, we will feed her; and it is a poor compliment to the industry and enterprise of the American people, to say that we shall lose by coining in contact with English capital and English labor. I-am aware, sir, that the agricultural interest of this country has not, as yet, realized the ad vantages to be derived from the abandonment of the protective policy by Great Britain, to a great extent. And the reason why it has not, is that, our own selfish and narrow-sighted policy, had so crippled our foreign commerce, and had so limited the number of our vessels engaged in the foreign trade, that we have - been unable to procure vessels except at exorbitant rates, to convey our produce across the Atlan tic-. But sir, when under a more liberal and perfect system. our commerce shall -hive at tained to that perfection and extent to which it is capable ; when the canvass of American ves sels shall have whitened every sea ; and when the means of internal transportation shall have been so increased, that the farmer of the West can send his crops to the shores of the Atlan tic, without paying for their carriage more than one-half of their value; then, sir, and not till then will we fully understand the benefits to be derived, and the blessings to be felt by a free and unrestricted trade with the world. The gentleman from Adams, (Mr: Cobna) has pointed us to England, as evidence in fa vor of the protective policy. I cannot join him in his eulogy of England, and her policy ; al though that policy mat' haVe been adopted by her - Tudors. continued by her Stuarts, and per petuated by the house of Hanover. I wish not to see that policy perpetuated in this country. And the very season that makes it so lovely in the eyes of the gentleman from Adams, is the reason which induces me to oppose it with all my might. I -know, sir. that England is a powerful nation, and that her restrictive policy his much to do with her present condition.— But. I ask whether the condition of- England is so attractive as to allure. us to pursue her policy in order to arrive to the same condition I It is true she is a powerful nation : but is it not equally true, that side by side of one of the most luxurious aristocracies in the world, is to be seen more than three millions of her popu lation deprived of the absolute necessaries or Isle 1 I know that to use the quotation of the gentleman from Adams, the •• tap of her drum does beat round the world." " But, sir, to %That purpose does it beat t To protect the rights of man 1 No. no, but to injure and destroy them. To increase the power of England at 1 the expence of the world. Thank God I its last tap in this country.was heard on the plains of N. Orleans, beating a retreat. Ws want nothing to do.with that splendib English poli cy in America.. But the gentleman says Eng land will never abandon her policy. I cannot agree with him. I believe that the restrictive policy has been abandoned by ;England ; and rather than eulogize the Tudork and the Sm arts, who projected and continued it, I would give my feeble tribute ot praiee to her Cobden. for his patriotic and enlightened efforts for its abolishment, by arousing the people of Eng land to assert their rights. and demand redress for their wrong.. Yee, sir, if it was commen ced by a Tudor.it was abolished by a,Cobden. Originated with a tyrant. and met its fate at the hands of an indignant people. Fit origin, and apt destruction, fur such a system. I know not how it can be said that England has not abolished her restrictive policy. In what did that restrictive policy consist ? Was it not in her Corn Laws t Was it not in her protec tive duties, in relation triher agricultural inter ests t In England, the agricultural were the favored interests. Why, sir ? because they were in the hands of the few, and the argu• ments there was, it would promote "English industry," to protect, not manufacturers, but breadstuff.. The grain of other nations, must not enter her ports. in order that the prices of the agriculturists might be greater. This has been the policy of England foreenturies. That policy, thank Heaven I has been abolished, never, to be restored. Sir. never came there from the lips of human betng a better senti ment than that which was uttered by Robert Peel on the abandonment of that policy ; and it is true. as he said, although the friends of protection may denounce him for interfering with' their heaven-daring monopoly ; yet the hardy yeomanry of England, when they come to realize the bleasingeof cheap food, will bless his name for all time to come. Sir, I would sooner have the feeling which finds utterance in such language, than to possess the prondept ducal coronet which England, with all her power can bestow. But I will pass on to oth er remarks of the gentleman from Adams. He has told us, sir, that the tariff of 1840. is to bring ruin on the country ;it is-to destroy the manufacturing interests ; the iron furnaces of Pennsylvania are to cease operations ; the fires of our furnaces are to 'go out ; the earth is to refuse to yield her mineral wealth, and all clas ses and occupations are to be ruined. And how ruined ? why. by and excessive importa tion of foreign goods. And, yet. almost in the next breath, after having said he thinks his opi nion is entitled to as much weight as the Presi dent's. or Mr. Walker's (and I will not express any opinion nen that,) in regard to the opera non of the tariff, of 1846. which he declares will not yield more tbau eighteen millions of reven ue ; yet because of the excessive importations that will take place under it, it is to spread ruin all over the country. I cannot reconcile this argument. I find by referring to the amount of importations under the tariff of 1842. that. in the year 1848, there was imported into this country dutiable goods, to the amount of 096.- 924,058, at the average of duties under the act of 1848, would produce upwards of 24,000,- 000. without any increased importations. I believe the imports will be greater than they were under the tariff of 1842, but I do not believe they will be so much greater as to des troy the home manufacturer. But it appears to me from the manner in which the gentleman from Adams treated this question. that.he has taken it for granted that such is to be the effect of the tariff of 1848. He has assumed that po sition to be true. Sir, we deny the correct ness of any such position, and time alone is to test it. It is said, that the present is a free trade tariff. It is not a free trade tariff. It is not entirely. in my opinion, a revenue tariff.— I believe that the tariff of 4848 has within it discriminations even for the purpose of protec tion ; and I am authorized in believing this, by referring to what has been said on the other ta riffs. and the positions which have been taken by gentlemen of the opposite party. I refer to the position taken by Mr. Clay, in regard to the Compromise act. When helves told in the U. S. Senate, that by the terms of the Com promise act he had abandoned the protective system. he denied it, and pointed Senators to its discrimination., as evidence 'of its protec tive features. And what, sir, were those dis criminations ? Discriminations below the standard of 20 per cent. And yet we are told that the bill of 1846, although the duties vary from 5 to 100 per cent.. is a free trade tariff. and is without protection for our home menu factures. It is true it is based on the revenue principle. That is the primary ohject in the tariff of 1846. Its protection is incidental, and which every revenue tariff affords to home manufacturers. Why. is it not necessary in order to pay the expenses of this government. that there should be 28 millions raised from im post duties I Can it - be said when this sum is levied, that there is no protection for home mannfactures ? • I believe, if the tariffof 1846 is suffered to remain, as I have no doubt it will be, till tested by time, it will be found that all the interests of Pennsylvania, and all the inter ests of the Union are suf f iciently protected. 7— When I say remain, I mean remain in princi ple. Ido not niean to say it is perfect in all its details. Ido not mean to say it is imper fect, that it would be sacritege to touch it.— Time will show in what its imperffictions con sist. and to other hands will be.committed the task of removing those imperfections. : And now; here is thn difference between the two parties. The Whig party have rallied round the standardof 1842. and nothing else. They go for the restoration of the tariff of 1842, and the entire repeal olthe act 0f1846. They are unwilling that the' tariff of 1846 should be tried. They are unwilling that we should have time to give it a fair trial ; hut they go, as they say. for the immediate repeal of the act and fur.the tarilTof 1842, opposing all tnod ideation' to perfect the bill. They:go for the restore tton, and that atone. New. with all due de ference to the opposition party. I feel bound to say that their course is altogether impractica ble, and not only impracticable, but is ealcula- ted to injure their friends. whom - they love so dearly—the manufacturers of this country.— When do they expect to repeal the tariff of 1848 t How is it to be done ? When is the tared 1842 to be the law again t Let them answer me these questions. 1 refer them to the present political complexion of the Senate of the United States. I ask them how they can repeal the tariff of 18461 When do they expect to have a majority in the Senate of the United States f Would not the more prudent and better policy have been, to have endeavor ed to modify the new bill in such respects as it required modifications in order to. afford equal protection to all-the interests of the coos try. • I think that the tariff of 1846, in many respects, is below the revenue standard, and particularly at the present time. I have no doubt that many of its duties might be increas ed, and still be within the revenue standard ; but that -would not be satisfactory to the gen tleman. That would not restore their darling' project—the tariff of 1842. Now, air, as the predictions have been made on the other side. allow-me to predict, that the time will never come when the tariff of 1842, will be restored. There is no gentleman with in the sound of my voice whose age dill bet prolonged so that he will see the tariff 0f11842 restored. That day will never come. • I be lieve the protective policy of this country must and will be abandoned, if it is not already.— And when I speak of the protective policy, I mean that policy advocated by the gentleman ' from Adams, (Mr. Cooper.) and the gentleman from Allegheny, (Mr. Bigham.) that it is the duty of Congress to levy taxes for direct pro tection. And I refer to the policy advocated by the preamble, where it says that this coun try is prosperous and happy under direct pro tection. I. for one, am opposed to this doc trine of protection, as the gentlemen advocate it-1 mean direct protection. I believe it is an odious doctrine ; I will not say an unconstitu tional doctrine. for I know many of our ablest men differ on that point., And I take it not to myself to give'an opinion, but I believe it is contrary to the genius and spirit of our institu tions. The doctrine of protectiorf has been tried elsewhere, and it has been thrown over board, after being tested for centuries. I havi no idea that now when even England has aban doned it the United States are to adopt it and incorporate it into the republican creed in this country. And I say to you now, sir. and I say to this House, if that principle should ever become a permanent One of this country—if it should be carried to the extent here that it has been in England, the conditionof our people would be the same as it is there—a splendid aristocracy, but an humble and degraded yeo manry. Gentlemen may cry "demagogue,' " demagogue." as much as they please ; and may abuse and revile the President of the Union for asserting that the 'doctrine of f pro tection is against the interests of the pdor. I know this is the course resorted to in order to quell that kind of language, and to prevent the friends of equal rights from being heard. That talk has been heard before, and on other sub jects ; and it will be heard again undoubtedly, but it will have no influence. I rejoice that the Democratic party. not only of other States. but of Pennsylvania also. has taken ground in favor of a revenue tariff fairly adjusted ; the is sue is between such a tariff and one recogni zing the doctrine of direct protection ; a tariff for the few at the expense of the many. One in favor of money and monied interests against the interests of labor. On the other side. a ta riff adopting the ad valorem principle, or levy ing a duty according to the value of the article, thus basing taxation on proverty. not consump tion. A tariff that will raise revenue sufficient to pay th i e expenses of government, and will, at the same time afford the necessary inciden tal protection to our own interests. This, sir. is the issue, and with this issue. in my opin ion, the Democratic party have nothing to fear. I know the power of money.and I am aware. sir, that that power has been, and will again be used to destroy the ascendency of the DeuiP-. cratic party, because that party will not lend it self as an instrument in the hands of capital, to legislate exclusively for its advancement ; and it will doubtless require all the energies of the Democracy to meet their wily and unscru pulous foe ; but the same battle, or one of like character, was fought and won upon the Bank question, and although we are not now led on by a JACKSON. yet his warnings and hie exam ple are before us, and, aided by the conscious ness that we are battling for the triumph of justice, we will do our whole duty. trusting in God to " preserve the right." These, sir, are my views upon the question legitimately before the Hose. But the gen tleman from Adams. not cdntent with denoun cing the domestic policy of the President, has travelled out of the record, and has seen fit to offer his prayer that the vengeance of a just God might not be visited upon this country, as a punishment for the foreign policy of the pre sent national administration. Mr. Speaker.. has it come to this, that in a Pennsylvania Le gislature. by the acknowledged leader of a great, and at present in this hall, dominant par ty ; yea, sir, by him who has been called up on to preside over-our deliberations, and whose duty it is to check and control the passions en gendered by political conflict in debate. that the acts of our general government in relation to our foreign policy, are denominated so pal pably unjust, so monstrously wicked, - as to threaten destruction to our country by the di rect interposition ,of an all-wise Providence ; and that. tOil, when the blood and the treasure Of her citizens is freely offered to carry to a successful termination that very foreign policy. - Let me tell the gentleman 'that his prayer, with meet With no response from the citizens of. Pennsylvania. believeoir, that the foreign policy of thief "administration meets the decided approbation of a large majority of thii people of this glorious old Commonwealth. and that man Of party that attempts to thnkait it. will need the prayers of their friends to/save them .from political destruction. • • Tits gentleman declares that, the presentis an unjust War. but assures us that he rejoices in the success of the Imericant arms, and trusts that those arms will continue triumphant. sr"), to the total overthrow ill - Mexico. if needs be. I know; sir, that the gentleman. in uttering his hopes fur the success of the American arms. gave.bitt the otupourinipt of a patriotic heart,— I ran postieipote with him in his ardent wishes for the triumpher the American flag., whenever it may be unfolded, and wherever it may be borne ; bot alt I sir, with what different feel ings ; with him there must be doubt. distrust ; his rejoicings are mingled with feelings of te gret and slam. With myself, air, believing its I do, that this war is just and righteous. that - it was forced upon us. 1 look upon every blow that is struck. every victory that is, won. as cal culated to advance the cause of universal Ire** dom, and remembering that "Thrice bibs - armad who. bath his quarteljuak, And be but naked, though locked up in ma. Whose conscience with injustice is oppressed., confidently rely that the guardian aye of this country will "Hover in the sulphur satulte. And ward away the battle stroke." And that we shall emerge from this war with victorious arms and an unsullied national honor. GRAVE 07 JOKE RANDRLPR.-4 writer in tl • Norfolk Beacon describes a visrt to the grave of this remarkable man. Speaking of the former residence of Mr. Randolph. be says; After a ride of two or three hours, we enter ed a forest of tall oaks. and were told by Mr. Cardwell that we were on Mr. Randulph's estate Shortly. the houses that were occupied by the great and eceentric genius appeared thro' the intervening trees, built up in the midst of the woods. Not a stump to be ,seen. not a bush grubbed up ; alt standing, self the foot of man had never trodden them.. Mr. Randolph would not suffer the primitive aspect of things to be disturbed in the least. Not a tree, or branch, or a switch, was allowed to be ctit.— During his absence in Europe a limb of mioak. projecting• forwards a window of one of the houses, grew so near that old Essex, fe•ring the window would be broken cut the limb off. On Mr. Randolph's return he at once discover ed the mutilation ; old Essex was called up. and the reasons demanded, for cutting off the limb. The old' negro told his master he feared the window would be broken. " Then," said Mr. Randolph. " why did yds not move the house. 'f'lit NEWRPAPE6.--11 is a great mistake in female education to keep the young lady's time and attention devoted to the fashonablo andpoli to literature of the day. If you would qualify her something to talk about—give her an acquain tance with this actual world and its transpiring events. Urge her to read the newspapers. sad be familial with the present character arid molt*. ments of out race. History is of some impor tance, but the past world is dead, and we have nothing to do with its. Our thoughts and our concern should, be for the present world, to know what it is, and to improve its conditit-n. Let her have an intelligent opinion. and be able to sustain intelligent conversation concerning the mental, moral, political and religious move ments of out,times. Let the gilded annuals and and'poems:on the centre table be kept covered with weekly and daily journals. Or, if they are left in the book store, and the table is well sup plied with newspapers, her mental and moral character and her common sense will not suffer on account of their absence. Let the whole family—men women and children—read the newspapers. And if any body has a fact or a thought worth communicating, let him not try to make sibig sleepy book, but speak to the world through the newspapers. '!'his is the way to make an intelligent, republican and virtuous population.—Lowell Courier. A Comr•aisoN.—%Vellington. the hero of blood, got more than two millions of the na tional money ; and half the cities of the em pire are decorated with pillars and statues rais ed to him whilst living. Who could compare a Wellington and a Mathew I...the victor of blood, and the victor of peace ? Who could place in the same class the leader who dried the orphan's tear and !melted the cry of the widow, and him whose glory was erected on crushed and writhing limbs—on thousands of stark, ghastly, mangled corpses. and whose praises were drowned in the shrieks, of miser able mothers. wives and daughters 1 Who could contrast the man of blood with the mes— senger of peace ? Why. then, let it be written now, to be remembered in after ages, that • Wellington received a hundred times more from his country than a Mathew ; the one for slaughtering thousands of Frenchmen, the oth er for elevating and purifying millions of his own people. How posterity will scorn our boasted civilization. Art Exasnr's ComaEsv.—When the Crusa ders. under King Richard of England. defeated the Saracens, the Sultan. seeing his troops fly. asked what was the number of the Christians who were making all this slaughter i He was told that it was only King Richard and his men. and that they were alLon foot. -" Then." said the Sultan, " God forbid that such a noble fel low ai King Richard should man•h on foot," and sent him a noble charger. The messenger took it, and said, " Sire. the Sultan sends' you this charger. that you may not be on font."— The king was as cunning as his enemy. and or tiered one his squires to mount the horse in or der to try ham. The squire obied; but the animal proved fiery ; and the squire being uns. ble to hold him in. he set nil at full speed to the Sultan's pavilion. The sultan expected he had got King Richard, and ,was not a little mortified to discover his mistake. RENOVATI , IN OF NACU Toor...—The peach tree in this climate. is liable tcoseveral diseases. When it is observed to sicken, no tine should be lost in carefully robot lug the soil from the roots, and supplying its place with charcoal.— A friend informs us that during the pist . season. a very healty tree in his garden. suddenly sick ened, and began to east its foliage. Readopted the measure shore presrribed, and was smear ed al the t.uadeauctse of its fellOr4ii et. X. 1271111131118 No
Significant historical Pennsylvania newspapers