DEMOCRACYTO DATE Sketches of tlie National Con ventions Since the Di vision of 1860. M'OLELLAN'S PLATFOBM. How Ohio Flanked the Kew York Politicians in Tammany Hall. REMARKABLE BISE OP TILDEN. Bis Letter of Declination Taken to Cincin nati Ij Whitney. MANNING'S MANAGEMENT FOE GEOTER rTTErrrtK ron tki dispatch.! Apropos of the coming national gathering Jf the Democracy the following brief sum mary of the conven tions since that of 1860 has been pre pared. Of course, the Na tional Democratic Convention of 1860 at Charleston was por- tentious, but it has often been described. There Ben Butler won fame and Henrv B. Stephen JL Douglas. Payne became a Na tional figure. The war had already broken out in the hearts of the delegates and the n ithdrawal of the seven identical States which nine months later seceded from the Union was not unan ticipated. They af terwards nominated Breckinridge, while the delegates who were left adjourned to Baltimore June 18, and put before the people the idol ot the party in the North, Juhn c Breckinridge. Stephen A. Douglas. It is a rather curious fact that Breckinridge and Douglas were the youngest men ever nominated for the Presidency up to that time. Following are sketches of each of the suc ceeding con entions. The portraits are re produced from those circulated at the time of the greatest prominence of the subjects. TBE WAR CONVENTION. It Was Called to Sutb the Democratic Tarty From Annihilation. It was a serious question for a time dur ing the war whether the Northern Democ racy would be able to muster a sufficient force of delegates to make a respectable appearance when Gathered in national convention. Eleven States were engaged then id an effort to establish a Southern Confederacy, and, of course, could not be respresented. The or- Jfc.d on. ganization in the Northern States was de- Moralized. A call was issued by A"ncnst Belmont, who was Chairman of the National Com mittee, for a convention to be held in Chi cago on July 4, but the lack of organization and the indifference of many leading Demo crats made it necessary to adjourn the con tention until August 20. At that time there gathered a curious bodv of men, curious at least in their purpose or lack of purpose. It has since been confessed by Mr. Belmont that the main purpose of holding the con tention was to prevent the Democratic or ganization from going wholly to pieces. Declared tho'Vtar a Fnilnr-. The convention was singularly unfor tunate. The delegates had practically agreed, even before going to Chicago, upon nominating General JlcClellan, and they had also agreed to do the absurdly inconsist ent thing ot placing in nomination a Union general who had won some brilliant vic tories, and of compelling him to stand upon the platform which was virtuallv an insult to his career as a soldier. The platform de clared that atter four years of failnre to restore the Union it was high time to call for immediate cessation of hostilities. .McClellan was nominated upon the first ballot, and with such a reproach as was hinted in this platform as the issue of the campaign. Even before the convention ad journed the lie was given to the platform, for the news of the capture of Fort Morgan was then received, and only the day after the convention adjourned General Sherman emphasized the ridiculous position in which the party had placed itselt by sending the news that Atlanta had fallen. General McClellan himself in accepting the nomination practically repudiated the platform. George H. Pendleton was nomi nated for Vice President, and as in 1860 now the Democracy had placed in nomination very strong young men. McClellan was not 40 i ears of age and Pendleton was only a little past 40. Of course the canvass which followed this nomination was without in terest The result was known even before the ballots were cast. ONLY CONTENTION IN NEW YORK How Ohio Delegates Flanked Tilden nud Earned Horatio "seymonr. The convent'on of 1868 was the first gath ering of national Democrats since I860, in wuicu representatives from all the Southern States were received. Mr. Tilden always spoke of the conven tion of 1868 as some thing in the nature of preparation lor what the party was to un dertake in the future. In view of Tilden' suDsequeni career it is i, fair to suppose that Henry Wntter Davit. he bad then his own possible selection as leader in mind, although he knew well that the leader chosen in 1863 was only the leader for a skirmish, and not one who could by any possibility win a national vic tory. Tilden, in his days of retirement, was fond of chatting with his intimate friends about this convention, and he always claimed that it was a drawn battle between the Western and Eastern Democrats so far as its results were concerned. The situation was like this: In the "West an idea had sprung up, which had seemingly captivated the entire Democratic party and which has since been called the greenback craze. Its motto was the same currency for the bond bolder and the plow holder. George H. Pendleton had become associated in the popular mind with that idea, and as he was possessed of gifts of intellect and charms of personal manner which made him resneetrd and admired, popular sentiment in the party in the West centered upon him as the lavorite candidate of the greenback element in the party. A specious but seemingly magnificent demonstration was made for 1$ 7 pymt0m s w msr Pendleton throughout the West, and the movement was led with great adroitness and ability by Editor Washington McLean. tietr York for Hard Money. In New York, however, the antagonism to Pendleton and his theory was as earnest as it was secret. August Belmont, a repre sentative of foreign bondholders; Mr. Til den, then esteemed the greatest of the cor poration lawyers of New York; Augustus Schell, an old-fashioned, hard-money Dem ocrat; Henry C Murphy, a man of great ability and the highest busine'ss capacity, who barely escaped the Presidental nomina tion at the time it was given to Franklin Pierce, and others of like character were determined (hat the party should not be committed to what was called the greenback heresy, or at least should have a candidate for the Presidency who would prevent, if elected, the consummation of greenback legislation. These Sew York men, with great adroitness and much secrecy, under took to head off the Pendleton movement, and with a good deal of audacity actually proposed to bring about the nomination of Chief Justice Chase. Thev entered into correspondence with Chase. He had been an old-time Democrat, who had separated from his party on the slavery issue, and that issue had now been forever determined. It was helieved that a very considerable ele ment in the Bepublican party would sup port Chase, and Mr. Tilden always claimed that this belief was sound. Thus when the convention met it was in fluenced by these two antagonistic influ ences, the Pendleton sentiment being openly and loudly demonstrated, the New York op position being concealed, but resolute. Sejmour's Stroke for the domination. New York for the first and only time se cured the National Convention of the De mocracy. It was called to meet in New York City and in the hall owned by the Tammany Society. It met on the 4th of July. Horatio Seymour was chosen Presi dent of the convention, and he made one of his characteristic speeches. No man ever so skillfully concealed the thorn beneath the pleasing flonersof rhetoric as he, and the speech which he made on taking the chair was perhaps the most consummate ex hibition of this power. It was thought by many after the convention adjourned, and is to this day believed by some, that Mr. Seymour knew that the secret purpose of the New York delegation was to bring about his nomination. Yet Mr. Tilden al ways denied tiiat, and onlv a little while before his death Henry C Murphy declared that the final action of the convention was a surprise to the New York delegation. The action of the New York delegates during the early part of the convention was peculiarly diplomatic and subtle. The delegates did not con ceal their opinion that it might be wise to nominate Mr. Pendle ton, but they suggested that it might be well to nominate a warm personal lricnd oi Pen- ..Infnn n. .tnA whn ''IT- u.tfcwu, nuu vut. nuw fll represented to some extent western senti ment Thomas A. Hendricks, of Indiana. Nearly all of Pendle ton's friends believed that New York was Thomai A.Bay ord. sincere in proposing Hendricks' name, yet thete was no sincerity in it. That name was simply used as a pawn in this game of political chess. Mr. Tilden informed the Western delegates that if New York was asked to name a candidate from the State it had an eminent man in view in Sanford E. Church. But it was apparent to every one mat tnere was neither sincerity nor nope in the suggestion of Church's name. Westerners Won the Platform. The convention spent some time in the construction of the resolutions. The green back men controlled a majority, and they were able to secure the adoption ot their financial plank. General Wade Hampton had insisted upon the insertion of a resolu tion declaring all the reconstruction acts unconstitutional, revolutionary and void, and with such a platform as this to stand upon the convention proceeded to the work ot naming its candidate. The excitement and confusion in Tam many Hall was so great as almost to' de moralize the convention, and there were ac cusations that Tammany had filled the gal leries with some of its more violent parti sans. Yet the cheering that was raised whenever Pendleton's name was pronounced indicated that good care had been taken to procure the attendance of men who had strong lungs and willingness to use them lor "Gentleman George." The first ballot gave Pedleton a handsome plurality, and if the two-thirds rule had not prevailed he would have then been nominated. He re ceived 105 votes, Andrew Johnson, 65; San ford E. Church, 34; General Hancock, 33, with some scattering lor Asa Packer, James E. English and Joel Parker. Six ballots were taken during the day without any material change, and then the convention adjourned till the following day. Samuel X. Tilden as a Manager. In the evening the New York politicians began with the greatest skill to neutralize the strength of Pendleton. Very cautiously, in that secretive and whispering manner which characterized him, Mr. Tilden sug gested that opposition to Pendleton would cease to be opposition if Pendleton's friend Hendricks were suggested. Hendricks then possessed that extraordinary nonnlnr- ity which he maintained in Indiana until his death, and the suggestion of his name compelled the Indiana delegates to break away from Pendleton. Tilden and those back of him had no more idea of the nomi pation of Hendricks than they had of that of Pendleton. They had another man in reserve in case Hendricks showed no great strength. Nothing that Tilden ever did in politics was more characteristic of his ereat adroitness than the skill with which he flanked Pendleton with Hendricks, and then flanked Hendrick's with Hancock. However, he could not play his game long without discovery, and the Ohio deleeation, advised by Mr. McLean, after a long con sultation decided to flank Tilden. It was realized that at the opportune moment New York would bring lorward the name of Chase with the idea that the convention might be stampeded to the Chief Justice. On the following day Pendleton's vote ran up to 156 on the eighth ballot, and on the twelfth ballot Hancook was subtly brought lorward for the purpose of prevent ing any sudden rush to Hendricks. Mr. Tilden also gave the signal at this time which indicated that Chase might be a can didate, for one-half a vote was then given to the Chief Justice. Twelve ballots were taken on that day, the final one giving Han cock 144, Pendleton 56 and Hen dricks 87. Ohio's Fart In the Game. After the convention had adjourned for the day the impression was general that Hancock would be nominated. The Ohio aeiegaiion Knew Detter, believing that the plans ot the New York politicians were now ripe ana mat on the Iollowing morning Chase would be brought forward trom under cover. It was a time for instant action and for heroic measures, and in the little par lors where the Ohio leaders met a sugges tion was made which, first deemed auda cious and dangerous, was accepted as the only possible way in . which Ohio could flank New York. " Not an inti mation of this purpose reached the ears of Mr. Tilden and those associated with him. Exactly what their plan was has never been clearly understood. The New York I delegation :were always averse to talking I about the matter. The presumption i th.t I jar. xiiaen intended still to play Hancock and Hendricks against Pendleton until the proper moment arrived lor presenting Chase's name. A report was spread abroad that the agreement was that after several ballots Seymour himself was to take the floor and in the name ol Sew York present Chase to the convention. There are good reasons for believing that loundation for this report existed. At all events it was believed to be true by the Ohio delegation, and the conviction was that Chase would be surely nominated if Seymour thus pre sented his name. "There is only one way to prevent it," said Mr. McLean to the Ohio delegates, and w vwi . ..I - I uc oiu mem wnat tnat way was. Thi P9 ir-mn ik r ri voted to make the experiment, rash though it seemed. The Stamped to Sfjmoir, As soon as the convention met next Bon ing Ohio surprised the convention by with- name, and then with drew apparently for a brief conference. Three ballots were taken w;th no choice, Han cock running up to 135f, Hendricks to 132, with 49 scatter ing. Just before the fit.ftli Ttllnf .r li-. dar was beeun (he Ohio jfr& delegates returned. Inv'y'xC) a moment the conven- Saneoek't War tion was in confusion. Photo. Almost before anyone was aware what had been done the delega tion presented the name of Horatio Sey mour, Such a cry went up as is only heard in a great convention hall. The New York members were lor a moment or two stupe fied seemingly, and the Ohio delegates, see ing their advantage, raised still louder the cry of ''Seymour 1 Seymour I Seymour himself was a strange, almost pitiable object to look upon. He seemed dumfounded, bewildered, and he shoot his head with undignified and deprecatory ges ture. He arose trembling, and in falter ing voice, raising his hand with something like piteous appeal, he said, "Your candi date I cannot be," and then left the plat form. If it were acting it was superb. If it were simulation ot surprise it was mag nificent. To this refusal the Ohio delega tion paid no heed and persisted. Other delegates toot up the cry, and New York looked on, perceiving that that thing most to be dreade'd in a convention a stampede was inevitable. Then some of the New York delegates cheered for Seymour, and speedily it was evident that Unto bad Hanked .New tort and had forced a candidate upon the State. Seymour himself was appealed to. He was told that the convention had with unanim ity pronounced for him, and with something that suggested abjectness he bowed his head and submitted. New York had npt chosen Chase; Ohio had not won with Pendleton, but the honors in the political game were even. HOW GREELEY WAS NOMINATED The Convention or 18GS and Its Many An tagonistic Factions. If the purpose of the politicians in 1868 was to maintain the Democratic organiza tion rather than to carry on a campaign with any idea of vic tory the political ' situation in 1872 seemed to indi cate that purpose had miscarried. The Democracy had been gaining some popular Horace Greeley. victories in the North. It had carried Connecticut, New York, New Jersey, and had made a very close contest in Ohio. Yet, as the time for the National Convention approached, the Democratic leaders seemed to be in a con dition of hesitancy. This was due, however, not so much to any lack of purpose on their part as to the the extraordinary manifestations of disturb ance which had been revealed within the Bepublican organization. For more than a vcar the evidence of a tendency to split the Benublican partvhad been very striking. In Missouri, under the leadership of Carl Schurz and Gratz Brown, and on the issue of removing the disabilities of some of the citizens of that State, a split had already occurred, an 'element of the Bepuhlicans, who called themselves Liberals, uniting with the Democracy to secure such legisla tion. Out of that circumstance came the suggestion that similar alliance might be made elsewhere. To this day the belief is general that the Liberal movement, as it was called, was conceived and developed by Carl Schur, and'1' there is' no doubt that he deserves, in a measure, such opinion. Nevertheless, had it not been' for factional contentions in New York State, Mr. Schurz coma not nave developed tnis plan mucn beyond the State ot Missouri Opposition to Grant's Administration. There were personal animosities in the Bepublican party, and there was genuine conviction that the policy of Congress and the tendency oi Grant's administration were toward such a rule as was then character ized as better fitted for military despotism than for a free republic. Everybody who cared to ally themselves with a movement against the administration was invited to at tend a convention to be held in Cincinnati on May 1, 1872. There gathered upon that day a strange throng strange in that many of the men had hitherto differed in their political views and were even then without any clear, well-formulated idea as to- the purpose which brought them together. Carl Schurz was the central figure, and in all his varied career probably he never en joyed a political attain ment more keenly than he did this one. Then there was Theodore Tilton, at that time in the height of his unique fame; and Wil liam Dorsheimer, after ward to become conspicu ous as a Democrat, and David Dudley Field, then esteemed in some respects the ablest of American lawyers; and Colonel Mc- Clure, who only eight Carl Schurz. years before bad been largely instrumental in securing the nom- luubiuu ui jjiuwiu, tuiu me puiisueu otan ley Matthews, the statistical Edward At kinson, David A. Wells, even then an ex ponent of tree trade, although only a few years before a Bepublican officeholder: Long John Wentworth, Leonard Swett,who was one of Lincoln's intimates, and Joseph Pulitzer, even then with an ambition to gain as great fame and as -substantial suc cess as had characterized Mr. Schurz' career. It was in one sense a cosmopolitan body of politicians, for there were men ot many nationalities and almost as many views. The Attitude en the Tariff When it was reorganized, it seemed likely that one of two men would be placed in nomination for the Presidency, either David xavis or unanes uraneis Adams. Mr. Adams was the candidate of the Idealists. Schurz was reported to have said, "either Adams or no one." Horace Greeley seemed to care more about the platform than the candidate, and he had a mast difficult task before him, for the convention was com posed not only of rampant iree traders like Mr. Wells, but equally rampant protection ists like himself. There was no trouble about its agreeing upon snch planks of the platform as contained vigorous accusations against the administration of General Grant. but how to construct a plank which would suit both protectionists and free traders was a problem which was belived to be unsolv able. Nor was it solved; it was dodged. Greeley, preceivlng that the convention would go to pieces it this issue was forced, formulated his "home district" plan. By this it was proposed to remit the question ot the tariff to the Congress districts, and with such a subterfuge as that as a part of its piauorm tne convention proceeded with its work. Stanley Matthews was the Tem porary Chairman, and General Schurz the Permanent Before the balloting was begun a quarrel sprung up among David Davis' followers which very likely cost him the nomination. There was also opposition to Adams, vague, and mainly due to the fear that he could not arouse any popular enthusiasm. Greeley Hardly Thought of at First, On the other hand, curiously enough no one knows exactly how or why, there began to appear decided sentiment for Horace Greeley, although he was not originallv thought of by anyone in connection with the nomination. The shrewdest -politicians in the -convention were inclined to think that Lyman Trumbull would win honor in &?& iffMWm. wjpcQ the end. The first ballot showed that Mr. Adama, while having a plurality, was really in a hoplss minority if ali the element combined against him. He received 205 rotes, Greeley 157, Trumbull 110, Grata Brown '95. David Davie 99W, Governor Curtin 62 and Chief Justice Chase 2U. The balloting proceeded w.ithput much change excep that Greeley gained a little and Adams lost. On the sixth ballot Greeley received 333jotes to 324 for Adams, with 51 scattering, and changes were made which a few minutes later brought about the nomina tion of Greeley, and with hut Jittle contest Gratz Brown was nominated for Vice Presi dent The nomination caused intense chagrin to the friends of Mr. Adams, and some of them were disposed to repudiate it at once,' It was said of Mr. Schurz that he went to the pianq in his parlor, find being filled with desnair and sorrow, sat down and played "The Heart Bowed Down,'' while Mr. Samuel Bowles wept. The anecdote was published at, the time and caused great amusement, while it did not tend .to strengthen the cause of the Liberals. The Regular Drmocratlo Convention. It would be supposed that the nomination of Greeley would have caused the Southern Democrats to re fuse to carry out the understanding which had been reached informally between some of the Democratic lead ers and those who managed this Lib eral movement. On the contrary, the Southern Demo crats were far more kindly disposed to ward Greeley than those of the North. It i i " association Hendricks. with the so-called peace conference, his bailing of Jeff Davis and his demand for universal amnesty had caused the Southern Democrats to for get or forgive much that Greeley had said in the exciting times before the war. Therefore when the Democrats met in con vention in Baltimore on July 9 it was plain that the convention'! work would be per functory, and that the only question which would come before it would be whether it should formally put Greeley and Brown in nomination or merely indorse the Cincin nati platform and candidates. It was re garded the better politics to make the formal nominations and formally to accept the platform. The party therefore stood before the country in the inconsistent light of having repudiated its own platform oi 1868, which radically differed from that adopted by the Liberals at Cincinnati. It was foreseen before two months had passed that there could be no successful coalition. Samuel J. Tilden perceived it and warned some of his Bepublican friends in New York not to identify themselves with the Liberal movement, 'because Mr. Tilden said it was doomed to emphatic re- Sudiation by the people at the polls in November. WHAT TILDEN'8 GENIUS DID. It Saved thi farty From Destruction and Nominated IU Savior. The discipline through which the Demo cratic party bad passed as a political organi zation since 1860 did not bear lruit until a master politician, with genius sufficient to take advantage of opportunities, a p peared. It seemed, after the disastrous fiasco of 1872,coupled as it was in New- York State with the revelation of the abominations 'prac ticed by Tweed and -AMen O. Thurman. other robbers disguised as ' a Democratic association, as though demoralization must be permanent Split as a party in 1860, pitiful and absurd in. 1864, committed to what was deemed to be a heresy in 1868, and made ridiculous by'a futile attempt at coalition'in 1872. even the most courageous of Democrats despaired of the, future of the party. Yet within two years the situation changed. A tidal wave had given the Democracy the control of the House, and the genius of one of the most extraordinary intellects produced in America had con verted the threatened ' disaster due to the Tammany exposures into a potent influence ,lor Democratic supremacy in New York State and possibly the nation. Mr. Tilden was past 60 years of aje when he thus sud denly made splendid revelation of his genius for political management He jiad never held but one political office until in 1872, when he was elected a member of the Legislature. He had been known as per haps the ablest corporation lawyer in New York City, and had revealed as Chairman of the Democratic State Committee not only political skill but also creative capacity. Tilden and the Overthrow ot Tammany. He had identified himself as the leader of those who had overthrown Tammany and had by this act saved the Democracy as a party from much of the reproach which otherwise would have been entailed by Tweed's use of its name. By reason of this identification he was clearly indicated in 1873 as the party's candidate for Governor, and his political intuition made it plain to him that if he won the Governorship on the platform he made, and carried on the campaign while Governor which he had in mind, he would also be indicated as the choice of the na tional Democracy lor President in 1876. As we look back now over Tilden's career at that time it is easy to see wherein he dis tinguished himself above all Democratic leaders. He perceived that his party could not hope to win on the old issues, and he saw in the Tweed, corruption and that of the canal ring inNew York a chance to raise a new issue, partly sentimental, partly justified, and one which he called adminis trative reform. As he handled this issue it appealed powerfully to the masses of his party, and, while he made this public and sentimental demonstration, he was secretly at work teaching the young men whom he gathered about him the finest lesson ot or ganization which perhaps was ever taught by a Democratic politician. It was a reve lation, a departure, in fact a revolution jn the science of political organization. He turned his back upon the older leaders and summoned a score or more of enthusiastic young men, who were brilliant and who he knew would be faithful; and thus appealing publicly to the masses, while behind the curtain directing an organization which ex tended throughout the country, he was in position when the convention assembled in St Louis on June 28 to dominate it John Kelly Voiced the Opposition." There seemed to be some opposition, but it was of a kind over which Tilden rejoiced, lor it was voiced in the convention by John Kelly, who had succeeded Tweed as the head of the Tammany organization, Some able men were in the convention, most of them for the first time appearing prominently in such association. There were William fW. sheimer, who would become Governor if Tilden were elected President; Speaker Bandall, who venerated Tilden as the ablest Democrat since Jackson; young "Vilas, of "Wisconsin, afterward to serve in a Presi dent's Cabinet; Leon Abbett, afterward Governor of New Jersey; William C. Whit ney, himselt to gain great prominence: Henry Watterson and "Bine Jeans" Will iams. The platform was prepared by Mn Tilden himself, although in its verbal expression it represented the culture of Manton Marble and John Bigelow. Its features were the demand for administrative reiorm, for the repeal of the resumption act and a vague assertion that the tariff should be laid with the view principally of securing revenue. Only one formal ballot was taken, Tilden lacking only a lew of a two-thirds vote, the rest being scattered tor Hendricks, Barard, Hancock and Governor Allen. Before the second ballot was completed Mr. Tilden was nominated, and Governor Hendricks was placed upon the ticket with him. It was the first convention since 1860 in which the Democratio party revealed itselt as a great political organisation managed by leaders of consummate MHty. There fol lowed the canvass which resulted in a dis puted eleotion and time of peril WHY HANCOCK WAS NAMED. Tilden's Pectination and Political Jnggllpg Defeated Well-lald Plan. For fqnr yewa after the convention of 1876 the Democratic party had declared that at its next Na tional Convention it would have but one issue, and that would be the righting of the wrong' done to Tilden in "1876. Mr. Blaine, Mr. Conk lingj as well as Mr. Bandall and Colonel Watterson, have said that the party could dp nothing else than JO-Secretq, VhUnep. to nominate Tilden on this issue. Not to do that wonld be to suggest that there had been insincerity in this plaint and charge of fraud extending through four years. The convention was called to meet in Cin cinnati on the 22nd of June, and within a week or ten days of (he meeting it is sup posed that the body would" simply place in nomination the ticket 1876, reaffirm the platform of that year, with an added plank" renouncing the alleged wrong of 1876. Til den, however, Tiad written a letter in which he declined to become a candidate. This was due partly to his health, partly to some feelinsr that he had not been treated with entire justice by some of the Democratic leaders. The letter was committed to "IjvSU iam a Whitney, but it was the intention, of a majority ot the New York delegation to secure the nomination of Tilden in order that the record of the party might be con sistent, and then, having nominated him, if he chose to decline'on the score of ill health. it would be for the convention to say what action should be taken. There has' al was been a suspicion that Mr. Whitney was filled with a greater desire to secure the nomination of his father-in-law, Jienry u. jrayne, wan to Bequre tor Mr. Tilden such indorsement as a nomination, even if declined, would give. Mr. Whitney's friends say this does him injustice, but the charge is made that he mismanaged, pro duced Mr. Tilden's letter at an inopportune moment, and thereby compelled the New York delegation to abandon Tilden as a candidate. At all events, the convention was somewhat at sea after learning that Tilden would decline. Bayard was brought forward by an influential element, and so was Judge Thurman. William B. Mor rison, as a tariff reform candidate, was sup ported, but the bent of the convention, through political manipulation which has never been fully understood, seemed to be for Hancock. He received 171 votei on the first ballot; Bayard, 153$; Payne, 81; Thur man, 68; Justice Field, 65; Morrison, 62: Hendricks, 49; Tilden, 38. , New York seeing that Payne could not be nominated tried to combine on Bandall, but it did so too late. The combination had been mads for Hancock, "and upon the second ballot there was a stampede, which gave Hancock ultimately every vote of the convention but 32, and with William L. English, oi Indiana, as candidate for Vice President The platform called lor a tariff for revenue only, and on that platform Hancock was defeated. AT LAST SUCCESSFUL. Manning's Wonderfully Skillful Conduct of Cleveland's Cause. In the Hancock campaign of 1880 a young Buffalo Democrat carried a torch. Within two years he had been elected Govarnor of New York by a plurality of 190,000, due most entirely to a bitter factional fight within the Bepublican party.' 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WE WIN YOUR TRADE ' AND YOUR NEIGHBORS' By selling cheaply and on liberal terms the goods you most need just now. There's no-good in selling winter good? cheaply in summeV, and no economy in buying them. 1 in. in. "MJg lEi i:'i K fiUl Mt.B jy, d yp 3 k' pehe. ; prodigality of this majority fastened upon him -the eyes of hi party, and caused Den if I Manning, one of the ututest of the politioians whpa Mr. Tilden educated, to fix upon hm as the moat available candi date for the Presidental nomination. Mr. Manning began the canvass which he honed wonld result in Cleveland's nomi nation immediately after Cleveland had been inaugurated for Governor, The can vass was conduoted with great secrecy but with great skill, n 4 within less than u year a combination had.heen effected with most of the Southern Democratic leaders and with Mr. Carlisle and bis friends. Cnrjisle had jnst been chosen Speaker, and with great skill but without the slightest betray, al, was enahled. to use his office in the inter est of Cleveland, "here was no formidable canvass made for any other candidate. Ilie friends of Governor Hendrjcks and those of Senator Bayard and ex-Speaker Bandall made gome pretention which was more loud sounding than strong. Almost a Stampede fo Hendrldc. When the convention met in Chicago on the 23d of June, 1884. Mr. Manning's esti mate was that Governor Cleveland would be nominated pot later than the leurtb, probably npon the second ballot, and there was never a momenHram the time of the opening of the convention until the result was announced when Mr. Manning and those who were associated witn him had apy reason to doubt the accuracy of his can vass. Yet there was a moment, ten mo ments perhaps, when it seemed to others as though the convention might be stampeded to Governor Hendricks. In the indescribable fury which accom panied that effort, when the convention seemed, to hove gone mad and the maniacal galleries were demanding, with vociferous and awful demonstration, the nomination of Hendricks, Mr. Manning sat at the head of the New York delegation as unruffled as though his ears were deaf and his eyes were blind. No more majestic picture of com posure in time of extraordinary political Serll was ever seen than that which Mr. Tanning and his delegates then offered. Had he wavered, had he or his betrayed the slightest sense of fear the end would have come and Hendricks would have oc cupied the White House instead of the Vice Presidental chair. Stemming the Hendricks Tide. At last, when there was a lull in this In.m XT If.nninn avn.A mnA In mil An liberate manner, as though all this which had just happened was the mere rustling of the leaves upon the trees outside, he said: '(Mr. Chairman, the New York delegation instructs me to cast its united vote for Grover Cleveland." And with this utter ance the Hendricks charm was broken and not long after Clover Cleveland was the nominee of his party for the Presidency, with Governor Hendricks for Vice. The canvass had been conducted for Cleveland in accordance with the political teachings of Governor' Tilden, for Manning was an apt scholar and, worthy of his train ing. The, Hendricks, incident was the only one of excitement during the meeting of the convention. " Of course the convention of 1888 was the mere perfunctory recording ot the party's determination to renominate 'President Cleveland. Some of the politicians would have defeated it if possible. The conven tion met in St Louis on June 20, 1883, and Cleveland was nominated, by acclamation almost immediately after the organization, with Judge Thurman,' rather against his will, as his associate upon the ticket. The platform in a modified way represented the views which President Cleveland had ex pressed in his tariff message of the winter beforehand on that issue the party went be fore the country. E. J. Edwakds. on Shonld Bay One, For Monday we offer 20 lines of men's suite, neat patterns, at $5 90, w6rtn $15. They are just the garments for business wear. At $9 90 we will sell men's light colored suits, neat mixtures and small patterns, including stylish light colors $3 90 li our price, the usual price charged is $18 to $2'X This sale will pay you. p. C. C. C Clothiers. Corner Grant and Diamond streets. HK.1r01.m2r Awkiitqs. warranted sun fast, at Mamanx Si Son's, 239 Penn avenue. wsn OF- ALL SIZES. We are selling lots of them of every size, shape and description.. A Refrigerator beats a7 Parlor Suit this weather. . It's no small luxury to have your milk and butter cold when the thermometer is among the nineties. We have an elegant line to ihow you. and the prices are most at tractive. IfcTOT .A. POOE, 3STOT A. OOCnyCOIT, 35TOT A.3ST IMPEAOTIOAL BBFBIGBEATOB Among the Jot, but all of makes that we can" recommend and sell with pleasure, knowing the satisfaction the article will give. WBITT?i" FOE THE DISPATCH BY DORA, RUSSELL, Author of "Footprints in the Snow," "The Broken Seal," "The " Track of the Storm," "A Fatal PasV Etc.' SYKOPSIS OV fBEVIOCs CHAPTERS. Two lovers, Str James MaoEennon, Bart, and Miss Miriam Clyde, are standing by the seashore, and the former is nr?Inj her to name the wedding- day. She pleads for delay. In the meantime an accident occurs, a soldier being wounded by a firing party. Miriam bind np his wound and saves nis life. Ulancinir ac eacn'otner'a race a mutual recognition takes Elace.. On arriving home tho doctor who was summoned to the wounded man gave) er a note whtoh the soldier bad hastily scribbled. It contains the words "For God's sake keep my seoiet." Miriam, by means of Dr. Beed, sends to her soldier-patient a brief mes sage, "Do not be afraid!" which he receives as he is lying in the hospital. In the meantime Miriam's mother, Mrs. Clyde, makes np her mind that her daughter shall be married to Sir James In a month, and tells her so. But Miriam, thinking of a life dearer than her own, hanging in the balance, pleads earnestly for more time. Mrs. Clyde writes to her other daughter, Joan, who is married to hard and stern General Conway, asking them to the wedding. Conway thinks it's a good match, but pains Joan by intimating that Miriam should not so sopn forget another affair In wnica his nephew was the hero. He and Mrs. Clyde agree it Is best to hurry the wedding for fear Sir James shonld bear of that Miriam is obstinate, and gets Sir James to ask Mrs. Clyde for postponement. CHAPTER VIE. PBTVATE DABE. "Does she care for Sir James, do yon think?" asked Colonel Clyde, turning round in his. chair and facing his wife, for he was sitting at his writing-table when his wife entered the library. "She always seemed to like him," an swered Mrs. Clyde. "But that other miserable affair can she be thinking of that?" "But she accepted Sir James knowing all that, . and as the unfortunate man has been dead eighteen months, there can be nothing new in the idea." "And nothing further was ever heard about It, I suppose, or we should have heard from Joan or Conray?" "Joan never mentions it, for naturally it is a painful subject; and as for Miriam I believed she had entirely forgotten it, for I have never heard her mention young Con ray's name." 'It was a remarkable affair." "Yes, and an affair I should not like to reach Sir James' ears. That is one reason I am so anxious not to have the marriage de layed; and T told Miriam this, but she only became greatly excited, and persisted in her refusal not to be married in a month" "Well, let a lew days pass quietly over, and then we can see what is to be done. You are quite sure that Sir James is anxious for the marriage?" "I am perfectly sure; he is devoted to her, and it is Miriam alone that is to blame for causing the delay." v "And you think that I had better speak to her about it?" "Yes, yon may have more influence, more authority than I have; Miriam never dis obeyed me before, but surely she will not disobey her father." ""We can try, at all events," said Colonel Clyde, gravely. "I agree with yon; to delay the marriage under the circumstances is madness. Shall I go and speak to her now?" "Yes, do; fancy how disagreeable it would be to have to write to the Conrays to tell AT ALL PRICES. THE LARGEST TRADE For any spring since we have4 been in business is the proud record for the spring of '92. We are going to make things lively, too, while our competitors sleep during the summer. them it was put ofE Do, George dear, go, and Insist upon her yielding.'' Upon this Colonel Clyde rose, and pro ceeded slowly upstairs to his young daugh ter's room, -and having reached it, rapped at the door and then opened it An exclamation of astonishment, almost of dismay, burst from Colonel Clyde's lips when his eyes 'fell on Miriam. 'She was kneeling h the bed sobbing passionately, in an utter abandonment of grief, but she started to her feet when she heard her father's voice. "Miriam!" said Colonel Clyde. "llim not very well," faltered Miriam, trying to hide her agitation. "You seem very much upset at least" 'I have been upset," answered Miriam, and her sobs broke ont afresh as she spoke. "Pray, try to compose yourself: no pos sible good can come of exciting yourself thus. I have come to speak very seriously to Sou, Miriam, and I cannot do so unless you sten auietlr.." "I will try, father," answered Miriam, endeavoring to suppress her sobs. "It's on the subject of your marriage, or rather the time of your marriage. Your mother tells me it was settled you were to be married in a month, but that now yoo, wish to postpone it for another month." '1 neyer agreed, father, to be married in a month; mother and Sir James settled it," answered Miriam in her tear-choked voice, "and and Sir James is willing to wait two months. It is only mother " "My dear, your mother has your truest good at heart you may be sure. Neither she nor Hike postponed marriages, and I wish you, and yourmother wishes you, to be mar ried at the earlier date." "Father, I cannot 1" said Miriam, thus driven to bay. , "But why?" asked the ColoneL "Oh I please do not say anything more or ask anything morel" cried Miriam entreat ingly. VL have said it all to mother, and and she said some cruel things to me. I can't bear much more, father." And again MM an began to sob violently. 'Colonel Clyde was not so firm nor so hard as his wife, and he began to feel very sorry for his young daughter. Her unmistakable distress also afflicted him. but Mrs. Clvda had great influence over him, andhe thought ' it behoved him, therefore, to do his best -22 SATvS MAKE HOME COMFORTABLE. Thousands of people cannot join the throng of pleasure-seekers at mountain and seaside. They are compelled to remain at home. After all, home can-be made al most as attractive in summer as in winter with a small outlay. You'll find plenty of suggestions in our stock of PORCH AND LAWN FURNITURE. 923. 929, 927, -t- - - rr -7u, .. , , -mtmmmmmmmmmmmmammmim tBBBaBaaaissssfsssngsamansBigggsisgssssssH ,
Significant historical Pennsylvania newspapers