Centre Democrat. (Bellefonte, Pa.) 1848-1989, February 24, 1881, Image 2

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    ®l;e Crntw
Terms 51.50 per Annnm.la Advance,
t. T. BHUGERT ami R H. FORSTER, Editor*.
Thursday Morning, February 24, 1881.
THE PRESIDENCY.
Kensons Tor a Hired Popular Vote.
SPEECH or HON. WILLIAM A. WALLACE DE
LIVERED IN THE UNITED STATES SEN
ATE RECENTLY IN ADVOCACY Of
Ills PROPOSED AMENDMENT TO
THE CONSTITUTION OR TIL E
UNITED STATES.
Mr. President, on the 28th of Jan
uary last I had the honor to submit
for the consideration of the senate
joint resolution No. 148, proposing an
amendment to the constitution of the
United States, which is in these words:
That hereafter the president and viee
president ot tlio United Slates shall be
chosen by the people of the respective
States in the manner following :
Each State shall ho divided by the
legislature thereof into districts, equal
in number to the whole number of sen
ators and representatives to which such
State uiny be entitled in the Congressol
the United States, the raid districts to
be composed of continuous territory,
and to contain, as nearly as may be, an
equal number of persons entitled to be
represented under the Constitution, and
to be laid off lor the lirsi term immedi
a'.ely after the ratification ol this amend
ment, and afterward at the session of
the legislature next ensuing the appor
tionment of representatives by the Con
gress of the United Slutes j but no al
teration after the first or after each
decennial formation of districts shall
take effect at the next ensuing election
after such alteration i* made. That on
the first Tuesday in the month of No
vember in the year 18.84 and on the
same days in every fourth year there
after, the citizens of each State who
possess the qualifications requisite for
electors of the most numerous branch
of the State legislature shall meet at
the places provided by .State law within
their respective districts and vote by
secret ballot for a president and vice
president of the United States, one of
whom at least shall not be an inhabi
tant of the same State with the voter;
and the person receiving the greatest
number of votes for president and the
one receiving the greatest number of
votes for vice president in each district
shall each be holden to have received
one vote, which fact shall be immedi
ately certified to the board of canvassers
of the State, to each of the senators in
Congress from such State, and to the
president of the Senate. The votes
shall bo canvassed and the result in
each district ascertained from the re
turns by the governor, the chsef justice
of the highest court of law. and the
secretary of State of the proper State,
who shall constitute the board of State
canvassers, and they shall certify the
result in said Stale to the speaker ol
the house of representatives ol the
United States within sixty days after
the election, and their certificate shall
be conclusive proof of such result. The
Congress of the United States shall be
in session on the second Monday in
February, in the year 1885, and on the
same day in every fourth year thereafter;
and the speaker of the h-ruce of repre
sentatives, in the presence of the senate
and house of representatives, shall open
all the certificates, and the votes shall
then be counted by the two bouses in
joint convention met. The person hav
ing the greatest number ot votes tor
president shall be president, and the
person having the greatest number of
votes for vice president shall be vice
president of the United States.
This amendment contemplates a•;
change in that provision of the eon.-ti- I
tut ion of the I nited States which reg
ulates the election of president and
vice president by substituting for the
electoral colleges a direct vote of the
people for the candidates themselves.
The electoral college lias failed to an
swer the purjrosea lor which those who
originated it intended it. It was
thought at the time of the formation
of the constitution that the substitu
tion of a body of intelligent and lead
ing citizens between the people and
the candidates would enable the coun
try, in the event of difficulty, to de
pend upon their judgment, integrity
and high position for the solution of
those difficulties. The reverse of this
has proved to be the fact in practice.
Party discipline, party caucus and the
recognized will of party control com
pel the electors to vote for the candi
dates named in their party caucus. It
is the purpose of this resolution to
substitute the will of the people direct
ly expressed for this system. I sub
mit it now with no ho|>e of it* imme
diate adoption, but a* a contribution
to the agitation from which alone a
change can come.
The features of the system arc :
First—The division of the legisla
ture of each State into districts, equal
in number to the whole number of
senators and representatives to which
such State is entitled in Congress.
Delaware, for instance, would be en
titled to three votes, and would he
divided by its own legislature into
three districts.
Second —The people are to vole in
these districts, at an uniform time,
directly for their candidate for presi
dent and vice president, one of whom,
as at present, shall not be a citizen of
the State in which the voter reside*.
Third —The person having the high
est number of votes in each district (a
plurality being sufficient) to lie en
titled to one vole out of the whole
number to which the State is entitled.
Pennsylvania having twenty-nine votes
would have probably cast ten Demo
cratic and nineteen Republican votes
* at the recent election.
Fourth—The returns of these votes
to bo made to tlio governor, chief
justice, and secretary of State, who
shall cnuvass and return the same,
which shall he conclusive proof of how
the State voted.
Filth —The votes thus returned to
ho counted by the two houses in joint
convention met.
Sixth —The person having the high
est number of votes from all of the
districts voting (a plurality being suf
ficient) to he elected.
The qualifications of voters, the di
vision of the Suite into districts, and
the canvass of individual votes to bl
under control of the State and the
mode of voting to be the secret ballot.
The districts are to he formed alter
each census of the United States has
been taken, and are first to he formed
immediately after the adoption of the
amendment. No change in the dis
tricts oun take effect at the fii—t elec
tion alter such change. The qualifi
cations of electors, as now prescribed
by the constitution of the I 'nited States
lor members of Congress, are preserv
ed, and the universality of a secret
ballot is enforced. The votes cast in
each district by the electors, when
computed by the election officers, un
to he returned to the State canvassing
hoard, and whoever shall have receiv
ed the highest number of votes in such
district shall he held to have received
one vote. The whole nuniht iof votes
cast for each candidate in all tin; dis
tricts in any State ure to he ascertain
ed by a canvassing hoard, composed of
the governor, chief justice and secre
tary of state, aud they ure within sixty
days alter the election to certify the i
number of votes by districts received 1
by each candidate in each State to the
s {maker of the house of representatives. j
1 his return is to ho the only and con
clusive proofed'the result in that State.
The returns thus made to the speak* r
of the house are to he laid before tin
two houses iu joint convention met, at
the usual time, ami they are authoriz
ed and empowered there to couut Un
vote aud determine the result. The
candidate for president ami vice presi
dent, respectively, receiving the high
est number of votes out of the whole
number of districts voting, shall IK
declared elected president and vice
president of the I nited States, thus !
substituting the plurality vote both in
the district* ami of the districts for
the majority rule of the Stat* s or of
the electoral colleges which i- now in
Operation. It will he noted that lib
system changes, lir-t, the electoral col
lege to a direct Vote bv the people in
districts; second, the plurality or ma
jority in each district contribute one
vote to the election of president and
vice president directly; third, the j
State has entire control of tin- elec
tions and the certificate thereof to
< 'ongrexs ; fourth, the two hon-. -, at t
ing together, are given sole power to |
count the votes; fifth, the necc-sity for
a majority of the electoral college and
for action iu any event bv the, lion-.-
of representatives voting by State* is
dispensed with, and the plurality* rule
by district* adopted. The district -
torn is no new thought in tin- politic.-
ot this country. It found it* origin ill
the constitutional convention ol 1780,;
on the motion of Judge Wilson, of
Pennsylvania, and it wu. initiated iu
Congress iu the very early day- of our
history. It has been elaborated and
enforced from time to time by loading
senators and members of the house. •
This is not a process of entire and ah
solute consolidation bv a direct vote
of the whole people of all the States,
hut it is a vote by the people, in the ;
district* made hv the State, direetlv
for the candidates, which votes are to j
IK- returned to State authority and
conclusively certified thereby as the j
result of State action. In this respect j
it is a* different from an universal j
vote throughout the whole country ILS- j
certaiuing result* by its aggregate as
is the present system from a direct ;
vote by the people. One of the lead
ing purposes to IK- attained by this j
amendment is representation of the
minority in each State, ami as a con
sequence the destruction ami absolute
eradication of sectionalism. Under j
this system in the last election Peon- I
sylvania would have probably chosen
nineteen electors for Garfield and ten
for Hancock, while Virginia would ;
have given eight for Hancock and 1
three for Garfield. It is simple and
direct, but it professes to contain no
new* thought. It is the mere applica
tion of what we have come to recog
nize as the American system of elec
tions to the practical working of the
federal constitution in the election of
president and vice president. In the
election* of our county and State of
ficials as well a* iu the election of
members of Congress, the person hav
ing the highest number of votes,
whether he have a majority or a mi
nority, i* the choscu candidate, hut al
present under the federal system a
majority of the whole electoral vote,
or of the. Stales in the house of repre
sentatives, is required. I can sec no
sufficient reason now for this differ
ence, if the just voice of each State
can he preserved. Our experience
teaches us that there is no longer any
necessity for the continuance of the
rigid majority rule. State equality iu
the senate aud State independence in
vote are, by the district system as
herein embodied, fully preserved. I
can see no practical reason for com
pelling a majority of all the. Stales, as
such, to be obtained either by the use
less processes of the electoral colleges,
or, failing that, of the vote by the
house of representatives by States, with
nil its (lantern tif civil war, corruption
and anarchy. Tlie preservation and
recognition of the equal and independ
ent voice of each State and of the
minority an well as of the majority of
its people is to my mind the vital
thought, and although a plurality
elects, my judgment is that we will as
frequently elect a majority president
under the district system as under the
system now in o|terution. There cau
be no good reason, bh I see it, why
a plurality of the American people
should not control when they hove fair
opportunities aud free suffrage in the
selection of their rulers; nor can I
conceive any reason why it is essen
tial now to preserve the old thought
(hat a majority of the States should
oust their electoral votes for any can
didate before there is un election, in
face of the fact that bo is often in a
minority of the whole people. I'ndei
the present system there arc many in
stances in which while the candidate
elected luis a majority of the electoral
colleges lie has a minority of the peo
ple. This was notably the case in
as it was in lMtjo and is in the
recent election to a smaller extent. It
seems to me better to err in the other
direction if we must err at ail. For
all purposes needed to effect federal
results, the thought that is embodied
in our every day practice in electing
township, city, county and State offi
cials aud congressmen can now Well
utid profitably he embodied in the
federal constitution. The lesson of the
election just completed in the count in
tin! house this week is full of instruc
tion. There are UOlf electoral voles.
Garfield received 21 I; llaneock, with
out (ieorgia, 1 14. If New York had
enst her votes for llaneock,"the vote
of Georgia would have beeu required
to decide the contest, or the house
would have been compelled to elect,
for with New York voting for Han
cock there would have been a tie at
17b vote*, and a tie in the house vot
ing by States would probably have
resulted; and thus the peace of the
country might have been broken by
the tremendous eonvolsious consequent
on such a condition of affairs. The
plurality rule would obviate all this.
By this amendment the States are nut
divided into districts upon the ratio on
wliieb their representation in the lower
hoii-e of < ongre-s would be fixed, but
there i- given to each State u- such, iu
addition to it* representation iu the
lower house, her equal representation
iu the senate. So that while New
, l ork lias thirty-three members of the
lower li*)iise t *he ha* bo vote- for presi
dent ; and while Bhode Island ha* but
two member* of the lower bou*e, she
ha* four vote* for president. By thi*
i* pre-, rved State individuality and
State control, and to my mind suffi
eient of the federal system, if we *!atid
by the plain r ading of the constitu
tion in other re-jM ets. The correction
of the vicious system of markid Iml
lot* i* provided for also by prescribing
n -ecret ballot, and although thi* cu
lt r- the domain of Slate control, if*
wi*doiu a* well as it* necessity seem to
me to he apparent. The danger so
apparent to us all in recent year* of
anarchy and confu-ion from the doubt*
as to th< true method* of counting the
votes tor president aud vice pn-ident,
and from dispute* a* to who shall con
trol and declare them, i* provided for
by the return of the State living made
conclusive proof aud hy Congress be
ing tunde the controlling power when
iu joint convention nut. These are
some of the thought* to which thi*
amendment gin** force, I shall en
deavor now to elaborate them further
and to meet some of the objection* to
this system toward which I have no!
doubt the minds of senators are tend
ing.
I he pr ent system of choosing elec
tor* i* based u(Mm the constitutional
provision that "each State shall ap
point. in such manner ast the legislature
thereof may direct," it* elector* lor
president and vice president. The
power of the State legislatures to ap
point electors themselves, to authorize
the people to choose thetn by ballot
upon generffl ticket, and also to chooe
them in districts, is given by this pro
vision. In practice ami a* a result of
popular opinion, they arc now chosen
by the people in every State ii|kui gen
eral ticket; but our history has seen
ali three of these modes of choice in
operation at one time. Instability
and opportunity for chicane and man
agement, therefore, exists, which, in so
grave a matter, are dangerous in the
extreme, and an uniform system of
universal application, and under what
ever control, is manifestly better un- i
der existing conditions than this com
plex arrangement. An uniform sys
tem is better than a triple system, as
popular will is better than either elec
toral or legislative will. The power
of party and the sectional line have
made the electoral system an utter
failure, and our people will not tolerate
the choice of their rulers by the legis
latures. We are left then, to but the
two systems, the universal direct vote
of the whole people or a direct vote of
the jieoplo under State control by dis
tricts. The first greatest difficulty in
the way of an universal direct vote of
the whole people of all thi! States is
that it is utter destruction of the fed
erative system and produces practical
consolidation. By it Htate lines are
obliterated and State independence
and equality are lost sight of. Under
it a few populous States voting for a
candidate popular thore, would over
whelm the remainder, or by the divi
sion of their people a small State giv
ing a large majority for one candidate
would outweigh the voice of many
larger ones. In the late election the
majority in Texas for one candidate
was greater than the aggregate major
ities in New York, Peuiisy 1 vuuiu and
()liio for the other.
The preservation of the federative
system utterly turbid* the universal
direct vote. It would not aid in the
destruction of sectional feeling, but
the very reverse, for the tendency of
majorities is always to grow, and when
based upon passion or interest, section
al majorities invariably increase. Such
a rule would perpetuate bitterness, lbr
the result would demonstrate that
there was a nearly equal
the people of one section and a decided
preponderance of those of the other
which would overcome the former.
An universal direct vole can never be
had, except under a new compact
in which tlie smaller State* will agree
to surrender their equality and inde
pendence, ami this is neither desired
nor desirable.
Under the system of a direct vote
by district* each Stale ha* precisely
the Mime relative weight a* now. IVnti
sylviuiia would en*t twenty-nine votes ;
she has now twenty-nine electors and
twenty-nine Members of Congress.
Bhode Island would east four Votes;
she has now four electors and four
members of Congress. It i* true that
iu the election by tlie people in district*
a part of the <li*trict* would vote for
one |arson and u part for another, so
that the result would he to some ex
tent national more than State ; but
this is the ease with member* of the
house of representatives now, and the
small State* have due aud full weight
and power iu the fuel that the large
State* are nearly all closely divided in
polities, and the votes of the districts
will follow iu nearly the same propor
tion. A gerrymander is the only ar
gument against this, but even the
worst of gerrymanders i* preferable
to the dangers and evils of tlie present
system.
It ha* Ist u well said that,
CmJer the present system, the Slate
voting soleilv, there i* great temptation
to Irau<l. Where tin- condition of par
lie* is nearly balanced in a Stale, a sue
ee.fiil fraud may determine the vote
of the whole Slate. Thi* put* the whole
vote of States hi the hands of the large
cite . The material with whieh to per
peir.de frauds (Tedominates especially
in large cities, such as New York. Phil
a lelphi.i. Boston, Baltimore, I'ineinrinli,
St. and New Orleans. Under the
district system the frauds in the large
cities would only sheet the vote in the
district 111 wtlirii they Oet-ulred, li l
could not, in their consequences, extend
to the vote of the whine Slate. Bui
under the present system the successful
city Ir-iud may determine tie* rote of
the w hole Slate.
Where the fraud will only affect tlie
vote ot a single district, the temptation
to commit aregt< a<ly diminis <-,|. Mn
will not take the risks and incur the
expense of committing a great fraud to
carry the vote of a single district, which
they would do it the result of the fraud
w*s to determine the vo'e of thi- whole
Slate, and perhaps secure the election
of a president.
The electoral system is an election
by State* and not by the jicople, and
in effect prevent* the voter from ex
pressing In* choice for president nu
ll-*- he follow* party caucus or conven
tion, and even then he cannot vote
directly fur the man of hi* choice.
Thi* rule work* result* whieh are
more aristocratic than republican.
Sectional line* wilt lie broken up bv
the district sy.tern, and "a promiscuous
divisi on of M-iitinu nt extending over
the whole nation and net capable ol
being delineated by Stale line* or the
Course of rivers will take the place
of a solid south. Geographical local
ity will not mi completely identify the
political character of the voter a* now,
tor each candidate will find vote* in
every section.
Mr. Pickens said in the house iu
1*14:
By any mode of giving an mine wte
to s-.i-li State the wilt of i hwmajority of
the people of the Union is not eerta-n
to prevail. A State however divided
will give the same united vote with a
State however unanimous.
A reason against any mode of giving
the undivided vote of the States, of all
other* the most important, and most
affecting the vital interest* of the i
Union. I* it* tendency toward i? •jrr.jrapk
uW tevrranc* qi" partite. By the principle
of self defense all the State* tnul adopt
such a ujoife, iinle** a uniform plan is
established ; indeed, they have nearly
all so acted at the late election as to
gjve unanimous votes; and hv thi*
mean* a whole section of the Uni B,
with a small exception, voted for one
individual while the op|>osite section
supjiorled his opponent, and these sec
tion* are divide,! by regular State line*.
Now does a chief magistrate so elected
appear to represent the whole Union ;
and will not a smsil number of repeti
tion* of such event* naturally draw the
opposite parties in Im-king toward their
opponents to look directly ncros* this
divisional line?
A direct vote of the jieople for the
candidate of their choice ia their right,
and the electoral system was a device
of those who did not trust the people,
to deprive them of thi* right. The
electoral plan was regarded with sus
picion and adveraion by the adherent*
of Jefferson. Alexander Hamilton,
the father of the federal parly, who
desired the establishment of n strong
national government, ami who favored
a life lentire for the president, subject
only to impeachment, was the author
of the electoral system.. The histori
cal fact is that the electoral college is
simply a relic of the aristocratic theory
of government insisted upon by the
old time federalist*. It was accepted
by the earlier Democrat* because they
were obliged to fake the constitution
a* a whole and could not accept or re
ject it in part.
Mr. Hamilton writing in the Feder
uiutt (paper No. 68) refers to the man
uer of choosing the president provided
for in the constitution in the following
language:
It wu desirable tlist (he sense of the
people should operate in the choice of
the person to whom so iriifiortsntn trust
wit# to lie confided. This end will lie
answered by committing the right of
making it not to any pre established
body, but to men chosen by the people
for the special purpose and at the par
liculitr conjuncture. It w.ts equally de
sirable llou the immediate election
should lie made by mm mutt eapaltte uf
analyzing the '/aalitif* wiupted to the station,
and acting under circumstances favors
ble to deliberation and to a judicial com
lunation of all the reason* arid induce
merits that were proper to govern their
choice, A small number of persons selected
by their Ivllow citizens Iroin lhegetier-1
mass will be most likely to possess the
information and discernment requisite
to so complicated an investigation,
I'islrust of the popular will cannot
he more clearly expressed than in the
language juat quoted. The advocates
of a strong government had no faith
in the ability of the people to govern
themselves. Their constant aim was
1 to concentrate the powers of govern
ment in the hand.* of a select few.
j Among other iii*truriieiiialilii** cm
; ployed by them to carry out their
purposes was the electoral college,
i They desired that the power to select
the president should lj vested in "a
small number of citizens." They (re
lieved the popular mas* incapable of
J making an intelligent choice, aud
therefore they devised a plan by which,
to quote the language of Hamilton,
the immediate election would be "made
by men capable of analyzing the qual
ities adapted to the station." But the
design of the federalist* was frustrated
by the democratic influence* which
l have finally made the elector* mere
j agent* for the registry of" the jmpular
will. Instead of exercising their own
choice, a* they are empowered to do
hv the constitution, they simply ca-t
their votes a* they are directed by
that portion of the people who choose
them nt the ballot-box. Neverthe
less the electoral machinery itself i
the same old ari*t'criitic contrivance
which now by common consent lias
become useless fur any purpose save to
thwart the |>eop!e in expressing their
choice, and, a* we ail know, i danger
ous in it* execution.
In the convention of 17*! l, Pennsyl
vania was the only State voting for
the election of president by (mpular
vote, and In r sons, Wilson and M-rri-,
advocated with power and eloquence
tin- system of election in district* bv
the |Mipular vote. Thi# proposition
received hut the votes ol Pennsylvania
and Maryland, llcr son* believe now,
a- Franklin, Morn#, Wilson, Jack*-m
and Benton taught, "the State is the
people," and tlie expression of their
voice by their direct vote under the
federative and not the national system
i*. 1 believe, their wish now. Iu the
debate • in the \ irginia convention on
tin- adoptit n of the constitution, J a*.
Monroe, afterward president of the
I uited State*, said, referring to the
mode of electing the president con
tained in the constitution :
Tlie president might be elected by
the people, dependent ti|>on them, and
r<* onsible tor maladministration. A*
thi* i not the c*e I niut disapprove
of (hi* cUu*e in its present form
In President Jackson's first annual
message he earnestly pre**ed ujxin
('ongre** the importance of so amend
ing the constitution a* to dispense with
all intermediate agencies in the elec
tion of president aud vice president.
-Said he:
To the people belongs the right of
i-leciing tlieir chief magistrate; it so
never designed that their choice should
in any e*e be defeated, either by the
intervention of electors! colleges, or by
the agency confided, in certain eonlin
gencim, to the house of representatives.
• • • *
1 would therefore recommend such
sn amendment of the constitution as
msy remove all intermediate sgpney m
the election of president and vice pre*
ident. The mode may be so regulated
to preserve to each state its present
reUtive weight in the election; and a
failure in the first attempt msy be pro
vided for by confiding the second to a
choice between the two highest candt
dates. i
He recommended also a limitation
of the presidential service to a single !
term of four or six vears. Gen. Jack
son renewed the above recommenda
tion in each of his seven nnnual'mcs
sages following; and he wascspeciallv
earncst in his doire to prevent any
election for president ever Iveing deter- 1
mined by the house of representatives.
The argument* in behalf of the popu
lar vole by district* whieh have been
made by statesmen of the past are so
full and convincing that it i only
necessary to read them to IK* convinc
ed. Jackson, Van Buren,Benton,Gal
houn, Dicktraon of New Jersey, Me-
Duffie, Pickens, Johuson, Morton, and
score* of other* are on record in its
advocacy, and my argument is com
plete when I bring to the notice of the
senate and the country their reasons
for their belief through an abstract of
the history of their measures for it*
accomplish men L
Want old Mr*. Bunsby had got
through reading in the paper an ac
count of the last great fire, she raised
her spectacles from her eye* to the
top of her bead and remarked, " If
city firemen would wear genuine home
knit-stock in'*, such as we make and
wear iu the country, they wouldn't lie
a-bustin' of their bone at every fire."
THE (MBIXKT I V COKGREHK.
*ll*l.l, ITS MKMHKK* UK FSBNITTCIJ TO L'A
TL< IIMTS IM DBHSTE J
■ Mr. Pendleton, from the committee
appointed in consider the bill for seat
ing the member* of lite (-abinet on the
floor* of the Senate nnd House, for
the purrxrsc of imparting oral informa
lion and allowing thm to take part in
debute ou subject* pertaining to their
| respective departments, bus submitted
j a report to the Senate. Jt is an elabo
rate and carefully prepared paper and
clearly sets forth that the measure
proposed is not altogether the new and
novel feature in our parliamentary
I forms, which, at first blush, it would
' j appear. During the Administration
of Washington, as the annals of t on
gres* show, there were several occa
sions wheu the Secretaries of the !)<•.
part menu of that day, iu the jM*r*oti*
' of Jeflerson, Hamilton and KIIOX,
' ; were summoned before both the Senate
and House: to make statements of facts
j und answer questions on public meas
; lures of which, they were, under the
President, entrusted with the execu
tion. The constitutionality of the bill
cannot be questioned, and it i* not an
' j unfrequent occurrence now to sec the
' Secretaries, busy as bees, on the fl (Jor
|of cither House/ in the interest of
matters touching their particular
j branches of duty. Now, however,
I their influence is a purely peruana!
lone, and exerted not ujsui either
House as a political body, but UJIOII
the member* as individuals. Mr. Peti
dletou contends that if the influence
J of the Secretaries i to IM exerted at
( ail, it should lie in the op'D, hroad
1 daylight of debate, face to lace, where
; the pros and cons can be given and
received, where tin* reasons and neces
sities for the adoption of measure* may
be stated, wfiilst those measures are
under actual consideration, and be
patent to all the world .Justus (j.,.
Secretaries now visit the two Houses
on mutters in which they arc interested,
| a public officers, ho are mem Iters of
either Hone both as individuals, and
a* parts of committees and sub-corn
mittec* in the daily habit of consult
ing the beads of departments, at their
official place* of hu-me-*. There ex
ists, therefore, an influence, in the
passage of laws, which i> not an open
and tangible one, and which nothing
in our parliamentary form*, uulik
those of the Kngli-h < ommou* and
the 1' rroch Assembly, (liable* us to
meet, and, it necessary, to expose and
check. I iicse are certainly considera
tion. of great Weight, while the in
creased fa ility and rapidity in the
transaction of business provided bv
the passage of the measure will of
iixlf' prove of great benefit both to
legislator* und the public. In thi*
case, however, as in all chauges of
legislative forms and proceeding*, ex
perience must lie the test, and time
alone can prove whether a system,
similar in many rq.ect to that which
ba taken an deep root in Great Brit
ain, but coupled there with vast re
sponsibility, can IK- successfully incor-
I*>rated into our republican political
forms without the saving check* ini
posed by that responsibility. A brief
extract from the report will show that f
the legal relation* of the Secretaries
to the President and to Congress re
main unaltered. " * ' " It will
tint make their tenure of office in anv
wise depetidcnl on the favor of Con*
gressional majorities or on adverse
vote* of cither or both of the House.,
They cannot assume undue leadership
ill Congress, la-cause success will not
prolong, a* defeat will not terminate,
their tenure of office. They may lie
removed by the President at any mo
ment, notwithstanding their success.
"I hey may be maintained in office by
him during hi* whole term notwith
standing their defeat. At the end of
; hi* term they will almost certainly
leave office and probably soon have
: place in Congress. Their independ
ence of (singres* will prevent their
succumbing to it.* will, and will rouse
the natural jealousy oj Congress to re
sist their power becoming too great.
Ihe concurrence of opinion between
the President and Congress i* not e*-
seniial, perhaps is not jHis.-itde. Neither
will la- lir-tkvn down by the assertion
of the wili of the other iu it* own de
partment, because both will soon be
called to judgment by the people, and
the people will correct any antagonism
which threaten* the effective working
of the Government."
Seme (Jnestinn*.
A young university Englishman
propound* the following question* to
! the New York (Iraphir:
I* Philadelphia a large State?
Are 110-ton aud New York on the
same river ?
I>o you have any really good thea
tre* iu New York?
What cau you buy an American
\ judge for ?
Did you ever kill a man ?
How wide i* the ferry between New
York and < 'hicago ?
Why don't you let the Patagoniona
vote ? "
What is the cost of a cab per hour
between New York ami Sag Francisco?
I thought the war between the Stated
was stopped, and there i* Peru and
Chili fighting yet.
Will the timoklyn bridge be a* long
a* Blaekfriar*'.
I* Texas a* large as Devonshire?
Can an Englishman really under
stand the natives of Chicago or St.
Louis?
la it true that your single young
ladies arc gone for a week together on
excursion* with gentlemen?
A