®l;e Crntw Terms 51.50 per Annnm.la Advance, t. T. BHUGERT ami R H. FORSTER, Editor*. Thursday Morning, February 24, 1881. THE PRESIDENCY. Kensons Tor a Hired Popular Vote. SPEECH or HON. WILLIAM A. WALLACE DE LIVERED IN THE UNITED STATES SEN ATE RECENTLY IN ADVOCACY Of Ills PROPOSED AMENDMENT TO THE CONSTITUTION OR TIL E UNITED STATES. Mr. President, on the 28th of Jan uary last I had the honor to submit for the consideration of the senate joint resolution No. 148, proposing an amendment to the constitution of the United States, which is in these words: That hereafter the president and viee president ot tlio United Slates shall be chosen by the people of the respective States in the manner following : Each State shall ho divided by the legislature thereof into districts, equal in number to the whole number of sen ators and representatives to which such State uiny be entitled in the Congressol the United States, the raid districts to be composed of continuous territory, and to contain, as nearly as may be, an equal number of persons entitled to be represented under the Constitution, and to be laid off lor the lirsi term immedi a'.ely after the ratification ol this amend ment, and afterward at the session of the legislature next ensuing the appor tionment of representatives by the Con gress of the United Slutes j but no al teration after the first or after each decennial formation of districts shall take effect at the next ensuing election after such alteration i* made. That on the first Tuesday in the month of No vember in the year 18.84 and on the same days in every fourth year there after, the citizens of each State who possess the qualifications requisite for electors of the most numerous branch of the State legislature shall meet at the places provided by .State law within their respective districts and vote by secret ballot for a president and vice president of the United States, one of whom at least shall not be an inhabi tant of the same State with the voter; and the person receiving the greatest number of votes for president and the one receiving the greatest number of votes for vice president in each district shall each be holden to have received one vote, which fact shall be immedi ately certified to the board of canvassers of the State, to each of the senators in Congress from such State, and to the president of the Senate. The votes shall bo canvassed and the result in each district ascertained from the re turns by the governor, the chsef justice of the highest court of law. and the secretary of State of the proper State, who shall constitute the board of State canvassers, and they shall certify the result in said Stale to the speaker ol the house of representatives ol the United States within sixty days after the election, and their certificate shall be conclusive proof of such result. The Congress of the United States shall be in session on the second Monday in February, in the year 1885, and on the same day in every fourth year thereafter; and the speaker of the h-ruce of repre sentatives, in the presence of the senate and house of representatives, shall open all the certificates, and the votes shall then be counted by the two bouses in joint convention met. The person hav ing the greatest number ot votes tor president shall be president, and the person having the greatest number of votes for vice president shall be vice president of the United States. This amendment contemplates a•; change in that provision of the eon.-ti- I tut ion of the I nited States which reg ulates the election of president and vice president by substituting for the electoral colleges a direct vote of the people for the candidates themselves. The electoral college lias failed to an swer the purjrosea lor which those who originated it intended it. It was thought at the time of the formation of the constitution that the substitu tion of a body of intelligent and lead ing citizens between the people and the candidates would enable the coun try, in the event of difficulty, to de pend upon their judgment, integrity and high position for the solution of those difficulties. The reverse of this has proved to be the fact in practice. Party discipline, party caucus and the recognized will of party control com pel the electors to vote for the candi dates named in their party caucus. It is the purpose of this resolution to substitute the will of the people direct ly expressed for this system. I sub mit it now with no ho|>e of it* imme diate adoption, but a* a contribution to the agitation from which alone a change can come. The features of the system arc : First—The division of the legisla ture of each State into districts, equal in number to the whole number of senators and representatives to which such State is entitled in Congress. Delaware, for instance, would be en titled to three votes, and would he divided by its own legislature into three districts. Second —The people are to vole in these districts, at an uniform time, directly for their candidate for presi dent and vice president, one of whom, as at present, shall not be a citizen of the State in which the voter reside*. Third —The person having the high est number of votes in each district (a plurality being sufficient) to lie en titled to one vole out of the whole number to which the State is entitled. Pennsylvania having twenty-nine votes would have probably cast ten Demo cratic and nineteen Republican votes * at the recent election. Fourth—The returns of these votes to bo made to tlio governor, chief justice, and secretary of State, who shall cnuvass and return the same, which shall he conclusive proof of how the State voted. Filth —The votes thus returned to ho counted by the two houses in joint convention met. Sixth —The person having the high est number of votes from all of the districts voting (a plurality being suf ficient) to he elected. The qualifications of voters, the di vision of the Suite into districts, and the canvass of individual votes to bl under control of the State and the mode of voting to be the secret ballot. The districts are to he formed alter each census of the United States has been taken, and are first to he formed immediately after the adoption of the amendment. No change in the dis tricts oun take effect at the fii—t elec tion alter such change. The qualifi cations of electors, as now prescribed by the constitution of the I 'nited States lor members of Congress, are preserv ed, and the universality of a secret ballot is enforced. The votes cast in each district by the electors, when computed by the election officers, un to he returned to the State canvassing hoard, and whoever shall have receiv ed the highest number of votes in such district shall he held to have received one vote. The whole nuniht iof votes cast for each candidate in all tin; dis tricts in any State ure to he ascertain ed by a canvassing hoard, composed of the governor, chief justice and secre tary of state, aud they ure within sixty days alter the election to certify the i number of votes by districts received 1 by each candidate in each State to the s {maker of the house of representatives. j 1 his return is to ho the only and con clusive proofed'the result in that State. The returns thus made to the speak* r of the house are to he laid before tin two houses iu joint convention met, at the usual time, ami they are authoriz ed and empowered there to couut Un vote aud determine the result. The candidate for president ami vice presi dent, respectively, receiving the high est number of votes out of the whole number of districts voting, shall IK declared elected president and vice president of the I nited States, thus ! substituting the plurality vote both in the district* ami of the districts for the majority rule of the Stat* s or of the electoral colleges which i- now in Operation. It will he noted that lib system changes, lir-t, the electoral col lege to a direct Vote bv the people in districts; second, the plurality or ma jority in each district contribute one vote to the election of president and vice president directly; third, the j State has entire control of tin- elec tions and the certificate thereof to < 'ongrexs ; fourth, the two hon-. -, at t ing together, are given sole power to | count the votes; fifth, the necc-sity for a majority of the electoral college and for action iu any event bv the, lion-.- of representatives voting by State* is dispensed with, and the plurality* rule by district* adopted. The district - torn is no new thought in tin- politic.- ot this country. It found it* origin ill the constitutional convention ol 1780,; on the motion of Judge Wilson, of Pennsylvania, and it wu. initiated iu Congress iu the very early day- of our history. It has been elaborated and enforced from time to time by loading senators and members of the house. • This is not a process of entire and ah solute consolidation bv a direct vote of the whole people of all the States, hut it is a vote by the people, in the ; district* made hv the State, direetlv for the candidates, which votes are to j IK- returned to State authority and conclusively certified thereby as the j result of State action. In this respect j it is a* different from an universal j vote throughout the whole country ILS- j certaiuing result* by its aggregate as is the present system from a direct ; vote by the people. One of the lead ing purposes to IK- attained by this j amendment is representation of the minority in each State, ami as a con sequence the destruction ami absolute eradication of sectionalism. Under j this system in the last election Peon- I sylvania would have probably chosen nineteen electors for Garfield and ten for Hancock, while Virginia would ; have given eight for Hancock and 1 three for Garfield. It is simple and direct, but it professes to contain no new* thought. It is the mere applica tion of what we have come to recog nize as the American system of elec tions to the practical working of the federal constitution in the election of president and vice president. In the election* of our county and State of ficials as well a* iu the election of members of Congress, the person hav ing the highest number of votes, whether he have a majority or a mi nority, i* the choscu candidate, hut al present under the federal system a majority of the whole electoral vote, or of the. Stales in the house of repre sentatives, is required. I can sec no sufficient reason now for this differ ence, if the just voice of each State can he preserved. Our experience teaches us that there is no longer any necessity for the continuance of the rigid majority rule. State equality iu the senate aud State independence in vote are, by the district system as herein embodied, fully preserved. I can see no practical reason for com pelling a majority of all the. Stales, as such, to be obtained either by the use less processes of the electoral colleges, or, failing that, of the vote by the house of representatives by States, with nil its (lantern tif civil war, corruption and anarchy. Tlie preservation and recognition of the equal and independ ent voice of each State and of the minority an well as of the majority of its people is to my mind the vital thought, and although a plurality elects, my judgment is that we will as frequently elect a majority president under the district system as under the system now in o|terution. There cau be no good reason, bh I see it, why a plurality of the American people should not control when they hove fair opportunities aud free suffrage in the selection of their rulers; nor can I conceive any reason why it is essen tial now to preserve the old thought (hat a majority of the States should oust their electoral votes for any can didate before there is un election, in face of the fact that bo is often in a minority of the whole people. I'ndei the present system there arc many in stances in which while the candidate elected luis a majority of the electoral colleges lie has a minority of the peo ple. This was notably the case in as it was in lMtjo and is in the recent election to a smaller extent. It seems to me better to err in the other direction if we must err at ail. For all purposes needed to effect federal results, the thought that is embodied in our every day practice in electing township, city, county and State offi cials aud congressmen can now Well utid profitably he embodied in the federal constitution. The lesson of the election just completed in the count in tin! house this week is full of instruc tion. There are UOlf electoral voles. Garfield received 21 I; llaneock, with out (ieorgia, 1 14. If New York had enst her votes for llaneock,"the vote of Georgia would have beeu required to decide the contest, or the house would have been compelled to elect, for with New York voting for Han cock there would have been a tie at 17b vote*, and a tie in the house vot ing by States would probably have resulted; and thus the peace of the country might have been broken by the tremendous eonvolsious consequent on such a condition of affairs. The plurality rule would obviate all this. By this amendment the States are nut divided into districts upon the ratio on wliieb their representation in the lower hoii-e of < ongre-s would be fixed, but there i- given to each State u- such, iu addition to it* representation iu the lower house, her equal representation iu the senate. So that while New , l ork lias thirty-three members of the lower li*)iise t *he ha* bo vote- for presi dent ; and while Bhode Island ha* but two member* of the lower bou*e, she ha* four vote* for president. By thi* i* pre-, rved State individuality and State control, and to my mind suffi eient of the federal system, if we *!atid by the plain r ading of the constitu tion in other re-jM ets. The correction of the vicious system of markid Iml lot* i* provided for also by prescribing n -ecret ballot, and although thi* cu lt r- the domain of Slate control, if* wi*doiu a* well as it* necessity seem to me to he apparent. The danger so apparent to us all in recent year* of anarchy and confu-ion from the doubt* as to th< true method* of counting the votes tor president aud vice pn-ident, and from dispute* a* to who shall con trol and declare them, i* provided for by the return of the State living made conclusive proof aud hy Congress be ing tunde the controlling power when iu joint convention nut. These are some of the thought* to which thi* amendment gin** force, I shall en deavor now to elaborate them further and to meet some of the objection* to this system toward which I have no! doubt the minds of senators are tend ing. I he pr ent system of choosing elec tor* i* based u(Mm the constitutional provision that "each State shall ap point. in such manner ast the legislature thereof may direct," it* elector* lor president and vice president. The power of the State legislatures to ap point electors themselves, to authorize the people to choose thetn by ballot upon generffl ticket, and also to chooe them in districts, is given by this pro vision. In practice ami a* a result of popular opinion, they arc now chosen by the people in every State ii|kui gen eral ticket; but our history has seen ali three of these modes of choice in operation at one time. Instability and opportunity for chicane and man agement, therefore, exists, which, in so grave a matter, are dangerous in the extreme, and an uniform system of universal application, and under what ever control, is manifestly better un- i der existing conditions than this com plex arrangement. An uniform sys tem is better than a triple system, as popular will is better than either elec toral or legislative will. The power of party and the sectional line have made the electoral system an utter failure, and our people will not tolerate the choice of their rulers by the legis latures. We are left then, to but the two systems, the universal direct vote of the whole people or a direct vote of the jieoplo under State control by dis tricts. The first greatest difficulty in the way of an universal direct vote of the whole people of all thi! States is that it is utter destruction of the fed erative system and produces practical consolidation. By it Htate lines are obliterated and State independence and equality are lost sight of. Under it a few populous States voting for a candidate popular thore, would over whelm the remainder, or by the divi sion of their people a small State giv ing a large majority for one candidate would outweigh the voice of many larger ones. In the late election the majority in Texas for one candidate was greater than the aggregate major ities in New York, Peuiisy 1 vuuiu and ()liio for the other. The preservation of the federative system utterly turbid* the universal direct vote. It would not aid in the destruction of sectional feeling, but the very reverse, for the tendency of majorities is always to grow, and when based upon passion or interest, section al majorities invariably increase. Such a rule would perpetuate bitterness, lbr the result would demonstrate that there was a nearly equal the people of one section and a decided preponderance of those of the other which would overcome the former. An universal direct vole can never be had, except under a new compact in which tlie smaller State* will agree to surrender their equality and inde pendence, ami this is neither desired nor desirable. Under the system of a direct vote by district* each Stale ha* precisely the Mime relative weight a* now. IVnti sylviuiia would en*t twenty-nine votes ; she has now twenty-nine electors and twenty-nine Members of Congress. Bhode Island would east four Votes; she has now four electors and four members of Congress. It i* true that iu the election by tlie people in district* a part of the osite section supjiorled his opponent, and these sec tion* are divide,! by regular State line*. Now does a chief magistrate so elected appear to represent the whole Union ; and will not a smsil number of repeti tion* of such event* naturally draw the opposite parties in Im-king toward their opponents to look directly ncros* this divisional line? A direct vote of the jieople for the candidate of their choice ia their right, and the electoral system was a device of those who did not trust the people, to deprive them of thi* right. The electoral plan was regarded with sus picion and adveraion by the adherent* of Jefferson. Alexander Hamilton, the father of the federal parly, who desired the establishment of n strong national government, ami who favored a life lentire for the president, subject only to impeachment, was the author of the electoral system.. The histori cal fact is that the electoral college is simply a relic of the aristocratic theory of government insisted upon by the old time federalist*. It was accepted by the earlier Democrat* because they were obliged to fake the constitution a* a whole and could not accept or re ject it in part. Mr. Hamilton writing in the Feder uiutt (paper No. 68) refers to the man uer of choosing the president provided for in the constitution in the following language: It wu desirable tlist (he sense of the people should operate in the choice of the person to whom so iriifiortsntn trust wit# to lie confided. This end will lie answered by committing the right of making it not to any pre established body, but to men chosen by the people for the special purpose and at the par liculitr conjuncture. It w.ts equally de sirable llou the immediate election should lie made by mm mutt eapaltte uf analyzing the '/aalitif* wiupted to the station, and acting under circumstances favors ble to deliberation and to a judicial com lunation of all the reason* arid induce merits that were proper to govern their choice, A small number of persons selected by their Ivllow citizens Iroin lhegetier-1 mass will be most likely to possess the information and discernment requisite to so complicated an investigation, I'islrust of the popular will cannot he more clearly expressed than in the language juat quoted. The advocates of a strong government had no faith in the ability of the people to govern themselves. Their constant aim was 1 to concentrate the powers of govern ment in the hand.* of a select few. j Among other iii*truriieiiialilii** cm ; ployed by them to carry out their purposes was the electoral college, i They desired that the power to select the president should lj vested in "a small number of citizens." They (re lieved the popular mas* incapable of J making an intelligent choice, aud therefore they devised a plan by which, to quote the language of Hamilton, the immediate election would be "made by men capable of analyzing the qual ities adapted to the station." But the design of the federalist* was frustrated by the democratic influence* which l have finally made the elector* mere j agent* for the registry of" the jmpular will. Instead of exercising their own choice, a* they are empowered to do hv the constitution, they simply ca-t their votes a* they are directed by that portion of the people who choose them nt the ballot-box. Neverthe less the electoral machinery itself i the same old ari*t'criitic contrivance which now by common consent lias become useless fur any purpose save to thwart the |>eop!e in expressing their choice, and, a* we ail know, i danger ous in it* execution. In the convention of 17*! l, Pennsyl vania was the only State voting for the election of president by (mpular vote, and In r sons, Wilson and M-rri-, advocated with power and eloquence tin- system of election in district* bv the |Mipular vote. Thi# proposition received hut the votes ol Pennsylvania and Maryland, llcr son* believe now, a- Franklin, Morn#, Wilson, Jack*-m and Benton taught, "the State is the people," and tlie expression of their voice by their direct vote under the federative and not the national system i*. 1 believe, their wish now. Iu the debate • in the \ irginia convention on tin- adoptit n of the constitution, J a*. Monroe, afterward president of the I uited State*, said, referring to the mode of electing the president con tained in the constitution : Tlie president might be elected by the people, dependent ti|>on them, and r<* onsible tor maladministration. A* thi* i not the c*e I niut disapprove of (hi* cUu*e in its present form In President Jackson's first annual message he earnestly pre**ed ujxin ('ongre** the importance of so amend ing the constitution a* to dispense with all intermediate agencies in the elec tion of president aud vice president. -Said he: To the people belongs the right of i-leciing tlieir chief magistrate; it so never designed that their choice should in any e*e be defeated, either by the intervention of electors! colleges, or by the agency confided, in certain eonlin gencim, to the house of representatives. • • • * 1 would therefore recommend such sn amendment of the constitution as msy remove all intermediate sgpney m the election of president and vice pre* ident. The mode may be so regulated to preserve to each state its present reUtive weight in the election; and a failure in the first attempt msy be pro vided for by confiding the second to a choice between the two highest candt dates. i He recommended also a limitation of the presidential service to a single ! term of four or six vears. Gen. Jack son renewed the above recommenda tion in each of his seven nnnual'mcs sages following; and he wascspeciallv earncst in his doire to prevent any election for president ever Iveing deter- 1 mined by the house of representatives. The argument* in behalf of the popu lar vole by district* whieh have been made by statesmen of the past are so full and convincing that it i only necessary to read them to IK* convinc ed. Jackson, Van Buren,Benton,Gal houn, Dicktraon of New Jersey, Me- Duffie, Pickens, Johuson, Morton, and score* of other* are on record in its advocacy, and my argument is com plete when I bring to the notice of the senate and the country their reasons for their belief through an abstract of the history of their measures for it* accomplish men L Want old Mr*. Bunsby had got through reading in the paper an ac count of the last great fire, she raised her spectacles from her eye* to the top of her bead and remarked, " If city firemen would wear genuine home knit-stock in'*, such as we make and wear iu the country, they wouldn't lie a-bustin' of their bone at every fire." THE (MBIXKT I V COKGREHK. *ll*l.l, ITS MKMHKK* UK FSBNITTCIJ TO L'A TL< IIMTS IM DBHSTE J ■ Mr. Pendleton, from the committee appointed in consider the bill for seat ing the member* of lite (-abinet on the floor* of the Senate nnd House, for the purrxrsc of imparting oral informa lion and allowing thm to take part in debute ou subject* pertaining to their | respective departments, bus submitted j a report to the Senate. Jt is an elabo rate and carefully prepared paper and clearly sets forth that the measure proposed is not altogether the new and novel feature in our parliamentary I forms, which, at first blush, it would ' j appear. During the Administration of Washington, as the annals of t on gres* show, there were several occa sions wheu the Secretaries of the !)<•. part menu of that day, iu the jM*r*oti* ' of Jeflerson, Hamilton and KIIOX, ' ; were summoned before both the Senate and House: to make statements of facts j und answer questions on public meas ; lures of which, they were, under the President, entrusted with the execu tion. The constitutionality of the bill cannot be questioned, and it i* not an ' j unfrequent occurrence now to sec the ' Secretaries, busy as bees, on the fl (Jor |of cither House/ in the interest of matters touching their particular j branches of duty. Now, however, I their influence is a purely peruana! lone, and exerted not ujsui either House as a political body, but UJIOII the member* as individuals. Mr. Peti dletou contends that if the influence J of the Secretaries i to IM exerted at ( ail, it should lie in the op'D, hroad 1 daylight of debate, face to lace, where ; the pros and cons can be given and received, where tin* reasons and neces sities for the adoption of measure* may be stated, wfiilst those measures are under actual consideration, and be patent to all the world .Justus (j.,. Secretaries now visit the two Houses on mutters in which they arc interested, | a public officers, ho are mem Iters of either Hone both as individuals, and a* parts of committees and sub-corn mittec* in the daily habit of consult ing the beads of departments, at their official place* of hu-me-*. There ex ists, therefore, an influence, in the passage of laws, which i> not an open and tangible one, and which nothing in our parliamentary form*, uulik those of the Kngli-h < ommou* and the 1' rroch Assembly, (liable* us to meet, and, it necessary, to expose and check. I iicse are certainly considera tion. of great Weight, while the in creased fa ility and rapidity in the transaction of business provided bv the passage of the measure will of iixlf' prove of great benefit both to legislator* und the public. In thi* case, however, as in all chauges of legislative forms and proceeding*, ex perience must lie the test, and time alone can prove whether a system, similar in many rq.ect to that which ba taken an deep root in Great Brit ain, but coupled there with vast re sponsibility, can IK- successfully incor- I*>rated into our republican political forms without the saving check* ini posed by that responsibility. A brief extract from the report will show that f the legal relation* of the Secretaries to the President and to Congress re main unaltered. " * ' " It will tint make their tenure of office in anv wise depetidcnl on the favor of Con* gressional majorities or on adverse vote* of cither or both of the House., They cannot assume undue leadership ill Congress, la-cause success will not prolong, a* defeat will not terminate, their tenure of office. They may lie removed by the President at any mo ment, notwithstanding their success. "I hey may be maintained in office by him during hi* whole term notwith standing their defeat. At the end of ; hi* term they will almost certainly leave office and probably soon have : place in Congress. Their independ ence of (singres* will prevent their succumbing to it.* will, and will rouse the natural jealousy oj Congress to re sist their power becoming too great. Ihe concurrence of opinion between the President and Congress i* not e*- seniial, perhaps is not jHis.-itde. Neither will la- lir-tkvn down by the assertion of the wili of the other iu it* own de partment, because both will soon be called to judgment by the people, and the people will correct any antagonism which threaten* the effective working of the Government." Seme (Jnestinn*. A young university Englishman propound* the following question* to ! the New York (Iraphir: I* Philadelphia a large State? Are 110-ton aud New York on the same river ? I>o you have any really good thea tre* iu New York? What cau you buy an American \ judge for ? Did you ever kill a man ? How wide i* the ferry between New York and < 'hicago ? Why don't you let the Patagoniona vote ? " What is the cost of a cab per hour between New York ami Sag Francisco? I thought the war between the Stated was stopped, and there i* Peru and Chili fighting yet. Will the timoklyn bridge be a* long a* Blaekfriar*'. I* Texas a* large as Devonshire? Can an Englishman really under stand the natives of Chicago or St. Louis? la it true that your single young ladies arc gone for a week together on excursion* with gentlemen? A