S3ie €rt gjlnnomt.
BELLEPONTE, PA.
The Largest, Cheapest and Best Paper
rUHLISHKD IN CENTRE COUNTY.
GARFIELD AND THE LAW.
From the Washington I'ost.
A correspondent of the Post, in his
communication which, but for ex
treme length, should grace our col
umns, assures us that he has been a
Republican since 1855, the date of
that party's introduction into this life,
but that he will vote for Hancock
and English this year on one condi
tion.
The contingency in which our cor
respondent agrees to cut loose from
the Radical organization and give the
Democratic party the advantage of his
valuable influence and more valuable
vote, is that the Post shall prove an
assertion, made in its columns some
weeks ago, to the effect that Gen. Gar
field, on his own showing, had been
guilty of an act for which he was
liable to imprisonment for two years
ami a fine of SIO,OOO.
It is not the habit of this journal to
make assertions of so serious a charac
ter without due consideration of their
gravity. Wo have been especially
careful to do no injustice to Gen. Gar
field, realizing from the hour of his
nomination that the naked facts in his
record, without so much as a shade of
added coloring, were the effectual and
sufficient weapons to use against him.
We have said, we still say, and we will
prove that, on his own evidence, Gen.
Garfield committed an act which the
Revised Statutes of the United States
define as a misdemeanor, and for which
they provide a punishment of two
years in prison and a fine of 810,000.
The same statute, had it been en
forced against Gen. Garfield, as any
citizen might have enforced it, would
have rendered him incapable, forever
thereafter, of holding any office of
trust or profit under the General Gov
ernment. If our correspondent, or
any other interested party, will turn to
page 316 of the Revised Statutes and
read section 1782, enacted in 1863,
when General Garfield was a young
member of the Ilouse, he will learn
that:
" SECTION 1782.—N0 Senntor, Repre
sentative or delegate, after his election
and during his continuation in office,
and no head of a department or other
office or clerk in the employment of
the Government, shall receive or agree
to receive any compensation whatever,
directly or indirectly, for any service
rendered or to be rendered to any'per
son, either by himself* or another, in
relation to any proceeding, contract,
claim, controversy, charge, accusation,
arrest, or other matter or thing In
which the United States is a party, or
directly or indirectly interested, before
any department, court-martial, bureau,
officer, or any civil, military or naval
commissioner, whatever. Every person
offending against this section shall be
deemed guilty of a misdemeanor, and
shall be imprisoned not more than two
years, and fined not more than $lO,-
000, and shall, moreover, by conviction
thereof, be rendered forever thereafter
incapable of holding any office of hon
or, trust, or profit under the Govern
ment of the United States.
It is not a heavy task to show, be
yond a possibility of doubt, that Gen.
Garfield violated both the spirit and
letter of that law in the matter of the
I>e Golyer pavement. It is conceded
that Gen. Garfield . was a member of
Congress, and that, while holding that
office he agreed to receive and did re
ceive the sum of $5,000 for services
rendered in procuring a contract from
the officers of the District of Colum
bia for a wood pavement firm or ring.
It is not importaut, in this connection,
to show how he executed the work for
which he received the 95,000 fee. Rut
it will add to the interest of this sim
ple narrative to reproduce the testi
mony of Chittenden, the agent of the
paving ring and the man who hired
and paid Gen Garfield. Here is what
Chittenden wrote to his principal at
the time of the occurrence:
" The influence of General Ga.Held
has been secured by yesterday, last
night and to-day's labors. He carries
the purse of the United States—the
Chairman of the Committee on Appro
priations—and is the strongest nan in
Congress and with our friends. My de
mand is to day not less than one hun
dred thousand more—two hundred in
all. Everything is in the best shape,
the connections complete, and I have
reason to believe satisfactory. * * *
I can hardly realize that we have Gen.
Garfield with us. It is rare and very
gratifying. All the appropriations of
the District come from him."
The Constitution of the United
States places the District of Columbia
directly in the hands of Congress.
All District officers, at all times, have
been, and are, merely the creatures of
< Gen. Garfield as a member
of Cougress—and the member who
"carried the purse of the United
Btates," —took a fee of $3,000 for in
fluencing a board of public works,
created by Congress, to give a contract
to his client, the De Golyer firm.
Whether it be true or fulse that Gar
field wrote a brief, is not material.
He admits that he had a talk with
Gov. Shepherd, the head of the board,
and that he labored to induce the
hoard to give a contract to his client.
Oov. Shepherd's testimony is to the
same effect. Rut the direct and in
direct interest of the United States is
conclusively Bhown by the contract
itself, which provides in specific terms
that; i
" An additional amount of fifty thou
sand square yards will bo awarded you
(tho contractors) so soon as the Board
is reimbursed by the General Govern
ment on aocount of expenditures around
the public buildings and grounds, or
you (tbe contractors) will be allowed to
lay it this season, if you can wait until
an appropriation (by Congress) is made
for this purpose, at three dollars and
fifty cents per square yard."
It is apparent to the average intel
lect that the cutirc value of the con
tract for $175,000 worth of work —
half of which was clear profit—was
contingent on un appropriation by
Congress, and it is equally apparent
that it all depended on the official
action of tho man who had taken tho
$5,000 fee, for ho was the head of the
Appropriations committee, he " carried
the purse," and he was paid to unlock
it for the enrichment of a swindling
ring.
If the De Golyer company had
been honest, if their pavement had
beeu the best, instead of the worst,
even then Gen. Garfield would have
been liable to the penalties "of tho stat
ute above cited, could have been lock
ed up for two years with convicts,
fined SIO,OOO and disqualified for
holding any office thereafter.
We have made out our case. The
proof is overwhelming. There is no
missing link. There is no weak place.
Our correspondent is hound to vote for
the Democratic candidates, and in so
doing he will have not only the ap
proval of his own conscience, but the
company of many thousands of those
who, like himself, have heretofore
voted tho Republican ticket un
scratched.
POSTING THE ACCOI NTS.
From the Ifarrishurg Patriot.
In reviewing the expenditures of
the government in recent years the
Philadelphia Inquirer strains hard to
prove that the Democrats are entitled
to little or no credit for the reductions
since 1877 when they had the first
majority in the House. After com
paring the expenditures the Inquirer
says:
These figures, when carefully scanned,
indicate that while the Democrats have
had the control of the national appro
priations they have taken oil" one year
and added on the next, aod so tbe real
reduction of expenses has been very
small. They have by their acts shown
that, if in full power, they would be apt
to take in at the spigot and let out at
tho bung. Their idea of economy is
not a wbit better than that of the poor
Indian who cut a piece off the top of hia
blanket and sewed it on tbelsittom to
make it long enough to cover his feet.
This is proliably very smart, hut let
us see how much truth there is in it.
The total ordinary expenditures of the
government in the five ycark preced
ing tho control of the finances on the
part of a Democratic House are as
follows :
187 $100,887,211 67
187 181,082,274 94
1874 189,026,793 04
1870 184,304,787 08
187 177,370,687 81
Total $899,270,754 44
The ordinary expenditures in the
last five years under Democratic con
trol of the appropriations arc as fol
lows :
187 $154,390,943 63
187 163,008,681 28
187 163,496,403 27
188 161,360,037 17
188 177,081,969 08
Total $809,848,114 33
This shows a reduction of $M1>,422,-
640.11 in the ordinary expenditures of
the government in five years since the
Democrats obtained control of the ap
propriations. The saving by Demo
crats amounts to four times the entire
debt of Pennsylvania, or one and a
half times the municipal debt of Phil
adelphia. Yet the Philadelphia In
ipiirer wittily tells its readers in the
face of these great results of economy
that the Democratic idea of economy
is not a whit better than that of the
poor Indian. A saving of ninety
millions in five years is probably a
very small matter iu the estimation of
the Inquirer, but it is a great thing
for the great body of the taxpayers to
whom it gives assurance of still further
reductions of their burdens.
Until the Democrats secured a ma
jority in the House the expenditures
of the government were steadily rising
in arithmetical progression, except in
1876, when in facing a presidential
election it was found necessary to
make a slight reduction in order to
save apiicarances. During the five
years of Republican' appropriations
with which we have compared the five
years of Democratic control James A.
Garfield was chairman of the house
committee on appropriations. Thus
tho responsibility for wnste and ex
travagance rests not only on the Rc-
Kublican majority in Congress but is
rougbt directly home to their candi
date for President.
While making a reduction of near
ly NINETY MILLION DOLLARS in the
space of five years the Democratic
representatives in Congress were just
and liberal in their appropriations for
the wounded and deceased soldiers of
the Union as the official records dem
onstrate. The total amount of appro
priations for pensions in the five Re
publican years mentioned above are as
follows:
18*2 $29,060,060
1878 80,480,000
1874. 30,480,000
1875 29,980,000
187$- 30,000,000
Total $144,990,000
•* -4$ *
Tho appropriations for {tensions in
the five Dcmocratio years arc as fol
lows :
187 #20,683,600
187 L.TfLll 28,683,000
187 20,871,674
188 66,233,200
188 44,260,000
Total $187,921,274
It is thus scon that the Democrats
in Congress while lessening the govern
ment expenditures nearly ninety mil
lions in live years have in the same
time increased the {tension ftiud tuoro
than THIRTY-NINE MILLION DOLLAR*.
The reduction of the lavish and waste
ful expenditures created by the Re
publicans in Congress has enabled the
Democrats to make this liberal en
dowment to the pensioners without in
creasing the burdens to the tax payers
hut while greatly diminishing tlieiu.
HANCOCK AT ROME.
HIS OFFICIAL ANO DOMESTIC IIAIIITS—TEN
ACITV His STRONGEST I'OINT.
from N"W York ll"rM, Ind.
General Hancock is seen at his
best at his home, for there lie throws
aside the worriment of his official
cares and responsibilities.
' Tlii*ri' i l*ut th® twinkling of fltxr
Ik'twMii a nmn of potc® mid wmr.V
No one is more thoroughly domestic
in his habits. He has always prefer
red the quiet of his own home to the
frittering splendors of fashionable
ife. <lf children he is passionately
fond.' Rising at six o'clock, which is
his uniform habit, he takes a hath
first and then has a wild romp with
his three grandchildren, at present
with Russell Hancock, their father,
and their mother, stopping with him.
When he lost his only daughter, a
few years ago, a most beautiful and
accomplished young lady of 18, it
took him a long while to recover from
the blow, and his wife has not yet
laid aside her sombre habiliments
commemorative of the sad event.
Directly after breakfast and glaUcing
over the papers, and his personal mail,
the General goes to his office, where,
as already stated, he sjiends the most
of the day. Till dinner he occupies
himself talking with his family and
entertaining visitors. He eats-spar
ingly, to which may doubtless be
mainly ascribed his perfect health.
After dinner lie smokes sometimes a
pipe and sometimes a cigar, and this
is the sum total of his day's stnokiug;
so, as will he seen, he is uo great slave
to tho seductive weed. liis spare
time in the evening he y.-ually devotes
to reading. He nasa well furnish
ed library and shows a preference
for historical and statistical works.
He goes to lied early, at ten o'clock
generally, uud is a sound sleeper—
that precious boon of a clear con
science and good digestion. His resi
dence is the largest and the finest on
the island, ami thus notedly distin
guished from the others, is a model of
cosy comfort* both outside and inside.
Wide porches in the front and rear,
with creeping vines and beautiful
flowers scattered about, show discrimi
nating taste, while pictures ami works
of art and well-liuod book cases to he
seen iu the interior evince the broad
| culture of the master occupant.
As already stated General Hancock
docs not go into society much. Of
course he visits a good deal among
the officers of the post, ami % very
pleasant society it is, composed mainly
of the members of his staff and their
fumilies. On .Sundays he generally
comes to the city in the morning to
attend Dr. Rellows's church, where he
and Mrs. Hancock have a )>cw. In
the summer he rarely frequents sum
mer watering places, having some
how, notwithstanding his eminent so
ciability, a dislike for this kind of
life. He is par excellence a domestic
man, and his accomplished wife, al
though before their marriage one of
the reigning belles of St. Ixtuis, has
the aanii- domestic tastes. He seldom
travel* except on official business, and
sinco his nomination has politely,
though firmly, declined invitations to
visit our leading places of fashionable
resort or to go on tripe through the
couutry, he Uiing strongly averse to
anything which would look like mak
ing a show of himself. Once iu
awhile he ami his family take a little
sail dpwn the bay on a steam launch—
the Pinafore—kept at the island ex
clusively for his use, and this, with
the quiet repose of his coo), double
porchcd and vine-cmhosomed resi
dence, the society of his family and
hooks, his official duties and at the
present time entertaining an unwonted
rush of visitors —one of the pains and
{Kriialties of being a presidential can
didate—make up the som total of his
daily life. The (net has been frequent
ly noted that uo newepaper represen
tative has been able to "interview"
him. It is not that he does not have
well settled opinions on all the leading
political question* of the day. Few
men are nrmer iu their convictions,
few better read or better posted, few
able to give to their ideas more tame
expression. Ho docs not paraphrase.
He calls a spade a spade. One of bit
strongest mental characteristics is firm
ness—a hull-dog tenacity of purpose.
The day he was nominated he would
not and he has not
been ami will not be.
IT is said that a woman's voice can
i be heard at a distance of two milee by
a man in a balloon; but if a spider
wasjo get on her neck her vhice could
easily & heard a distance of ten miles
on a level. I -
•m. fc ■ •
The Puzzled Census-Taker.
u ont atj bojrx t •• marshal aal<l
To |H fmSy ft on owr lb® Khiii®:
Aud tit" Imljr •hook her f1x n Itcml
And civilly aitwercd, ** Nln® ?•' #
" Clot any gir|n?" th® m*ra)ial haJ<l
To tlslioly from o?#r tin* Ittiln*,
Antlittfidfi lll** ll> ®liook tor Imiml
And civilly ftiwwwwl," Nine V*
M lliimliuidl, of ('QItHM* ? " III® in tr-lml Mftll
To th lady from ov®r tin* KIIIIH*;
Ami Htfttlli lilt* nliook lit* I flak mi liciul
Ami civilly 44 Kin®!"
44 Th® J—l you have I" tin* fnamhnl >ai<l
To tli® lady from orer tli® Rhino ;
Ami again *li® aliook lir flaxen head
Ami civilly wiinwered, 44 Klti® !*'
44 Now what do yon mean lv nliaking your liwvl
And ftlwar* a mm gyring 4 Kin®' r*
" l< I, knim kulii KfUjllw h !" < I * Illy wii.l
Tli<- lixly IroDi uvor III" Rhine. {John 0. riuxa.
GOOD READING FOR KEI'ITII.ICANN.
Hon. Albert Palmer, a noted Re
publican of Massachusetts, and one of
the most popular sjieakers in New
England, presided at the great meet
ing at which General Hutlcr s|>oko, at
Fancuil Hull, Boston, on Saturday
night last. The first part of his speech
is good reading for Republicans open
to reason, and we quote it. Mr. Pal
mer said:
" When parties change their princi
ples. patriotic men change their pnrtins.
I cast my first Presidential ballot for
Lincoln, the martyr. I shall cast my
next for Hancock, the great soldier and
the great statesman. Democratic prin
ciples have never ceased to rule this
country, but the Democratic party has
sometimes failed to respond to the
Democratic instinct. It was so, in my
judgment, in 1800. The Republican
party was born of Democratic aspira
tions, cradled in Democratic ideas, nurs
ed by Democratic statesmen, and car
ried to triumph by the votes of the
Democratic masses. Rut in the fullness
of time that Democratic mission has
been accomplished. It has ceased to
bear Democratic fruit, and the fungus
growth of sectionalism which springs
from its decay has at length provoked
the cry from the people, 'Cut it down,
why cumbereth it the ground?' When
the Republican party first sprang into
the arena, armed for the fight with a
• party nominally Democratic but actu
ally sectional, with weapons appropriat
-1 ed from the armory of -leffersonian doc
trine, it declared for every thing which
it now repudiates. The preamble to
its first platform, adopted in 1K56 at
Philadelphia, declares that its purj>ose
was 'to restore the action of the Fed
eral Government to the principles of
Washington and .Jefferson,' and the
first resolution declares 'that the main
tenance ot the principles promulgated
in the Declaration of Independence,
and embodied in the Federal Constitu
tion, is essential to the preservation of
our republican institutions, and that
the Federal Constitution—'the rights of
the Slates'—mark that sentence, 'the
rights of the -Slates,' —'and the union
of the States shall be preserved.' Four
years later, in 1860, at Chicago, it de
clared ita firm reaolve, in the fourth
resolutioh of its platform, that the
maintenaiiee inviolate of the rights of
the States, and especially the right of
each Ntate to order add control its own
domestic institutions according to Its
own judgment exclusively, is eisential
to that balance of power on which the
perfection and endurance of our politi
cal fabric depend.* In the same plat
form it denounced the use of the veto
power to override a vote of the people's
representatives. Fellow citizens where
does it stand today? Not on that
ground certainly. It has ceased to talk
of Jefferson and has come to regard
'the rights of the States' with a spirit of
hostility that is as fanatical as the
spirit of a pernicious and malignant
sectionalism can be. Then its orators
were wont to wake the echoes with de
nunciations of the Federal power used
to enforce a sectional policy. Go to
your libraries, iny fellow-citizens, and
see what early Republicanism had to
ssy when Federal bayonets formed a
square in which Anthony Jkiros was
marched down State street to be re
manded to Slavery. Tliey spoke less
contemptuously, 1 assure you, of the
rights of the State in that connection.
Rut the successors of the men who re
sented the presence of the Federal
troops to enforce Federal laws on Mas
sachusetts soil would have us believe
to-day that the Union ia not aafe and
that liberty is not secure unless the
Federal Government may encircle every
ballot box with its strong arm, and
shadow every eitixen with a Federal
spy. Is this Republican liberty ? Are
the principles of Jefferson for which they
declared in 1856 and 1*60? Are these
these the rights of the States which
they declared then to be of essential im
portance? Or is this the mailed hand
of centralisation, copying from the pat
tern set by the tnira Napoleon, with his
E refect* and sub-prefects at every bal
>t urn, and his gendarmerie to superin
tend the voting ?
"What else did they declare for in
those earlier platforms ? For economy
in the publio service, against ' frauds
and corruptions in the Federal metrop
olis,' and the ' systematic plunder of
the publio treasury by favored parti
sans.' Rrave words were these—Demo
cratic words—words upon whose fair
promising wings they mounted to pow
er. Did you hear anything like them
from Chicago in May last? No; but
you heard instead, above the falsetto
scream of sectional hatred, the voice of
Flanagan inquiring, ' What are we here
for if not for the offices?' And that it
what they were there for, and. so far as
they are concerned, it is what they are
fighting this campaign for."
Can't be Evaded.
I from tho Washington font.
It is vastly more agreeable to the
Republican brethren to howl about
"the principle* of Leo and Jackson"
than to discuss the practices of Gar
field and Arthtio But the people are
much more interested in the latter
than in the former. One is a dead
issue and tho other is a very live one,
Lee and Jackson and those who
fought with them, honestly believed
that a State had a constitutional right
to secede. This was the question, and
the only one, that was submitted to
the arbitrament of That court
of lust resort decided against IJCC ami
Jackson and their i'rieiidH. Secession
died amid the throes of civil war.
The cause of secession—the only
source of trouble between the sections
—wait also destroyed. There in no
party, no faction, no solitary man in the
Houtli to day, who docs not admit that
the war finally and irrevocably settled
the question of secession adversely to
the South. It is, therefore, a dead
issue—as dead as the dust of Adam.
But the practices of Garfield and
Arthur, practices illustrated in the
back salary grab, Credit Mobilier, De
Golyer, the Presidential steal and
fraud, bribery and corruption in the
revenue service—these present the is
sue of the hour, and the people can't
be turned from their contemplation by
any clattering of bones in the grave- j
yard of buried issues.
However disagreeable it may be to
the Radicals, they must face the liv
ing present, must squarely face the
records of Garfield and Arthur. Those
who vote for these candidates will give
their approval of the undeniable facts
which have !>coii alleged against them
be the highest Republican authorities.
I/oe and Jackson, and the idea for
which they fought, have long since
passed away. Garfield and Arthur
live, and the corrupt practices of
which, on the most authentic Repub
lican and official testimony, they have
been guilty, are presented by their
party for the most solemn indorse
ment. The people understand this, and
are not so weak and foolish as to l>e
driven to approve the Nationalization
of official infamies, by a silly ciumasa
about a question that was relegated to
the silent shades of dark oblivion
more than fifteen years ago.
■ - 1 __
South Carolina's Census.
EX OOV. AIKEN,* REASONS POR RELIEVING
IN ITS CORRECTNESS.
Fn*m the Nw York World, Aug ill*
Among the arrivals at the New York
hotel yesterday was ex-Oov. William
i Aiken, ot South Carolina, who is on his
j way to Saratoga with his wife for change
of air and rest. The venerable politi
cian had his pretty little granddaughter,
who is also a granddaughter of Mr, K.
Rardwell ithctt, climbing about on his
knee as he spoke of the change* which
twenty years have wrought in his own
State of South Carolina. When asked
about the alleged frauds and overcount
ing in the census enumeration of the
State, he said;
" 1 believe the census of the present
year to have been as correct an enutner
ation as any that has yet been made of
the people of South Carolina, and I will
tell you why I think so. In former
years there was a great deal of careless
ness about such matters. The old plan
tation-holders did not like too much in
terference any time, and there was not
a very good record kept of the slaves,
and if there waa such a record the own
ers Vlere not paiticularly desirous of
having it Appear, for there was a capita
tion tax levied upon the number held.
This fell specially hard on plantation
owners, who for years really paid the
taxes of the State, and when railroads
began to be built, and bonds were is
sued to aid tlieni, 1 know the capitation
tax went up to nearly double what it
| wag. The negroes then had very little
i to say in the matter ot the enumeration,
even if they knew it was in progress,
i In 1870 the census was wretchedly tak
i en. The enumerators were a set of
blackguards. Many of them were
negroes, and not even respectable col
ored men, but the most ignorant fellows,
it would seem, that could be scraped
together. They performed their work
in a very slovenly manner, and many
glaring inaccuracies were the result.
The people were there, as they had
been before, but they were not placed on
thooenßUs lists. With the present cen
sus there is an entirely different state
of affairs. The colored people have a
general opinion that it is to their ad
vantage to be entered on the books of
Uncle Sam, and they have one and all
been careful to see ftiat they were duly
ontered. They seemed to take it as an
honor, in some wsy reflecting glory on
them, and each old grandpap had all
his family called up and all the genera
tions down to the last little black cloud
on the horizon of life. The enumera
tors, too, have been of a different class.
They have been white men belonging to
the old families there, who were glad to
take the poet of enumerator for the pay
attached. They were really a superior
class of census takers, reduced by pov
erty to take the ta*k set before them.
They went from cabin to cabin and did
what the census laws require—paid per
sonal visits to every place where it waa
likely that a person could find shelter.
All this makes me think that it is the
most perfect census that the State his
evechad. It must be borne in mind, too,
that there hjui lieen an influx of aettlers,
and we in the South are not standing
still. The same increase should be not
ed in all the States of the South."
Wade Hampton Hises to Explain.
Fntm U-tlrr to the Staunton v lrgfin.
The principle involved in the war
was the claim made by the Sonth of
the right of piscitiw secession. This
right was denied by the North, Demo
crats as well as Republicans joining in
the denial. On this issue battle was
joined. The North triumphed and the
rosults of her success were embodied in
the amendments to the Constitution,
settling beyond all question-and forever
the right of neacst.:e secession by the
ad verse decision of the highest earthly
tribunal recognised among mankind.
The war had nothing to do with the
prinoiplea of the National Democratic
party, and I was peculiarly unfortunate
if any expression of mine in Huunton
could be so misconstrued as to give the
impression that I supposed the prlnei
pies involved in the Presidential oon
tost were thoee for which we fought for
four years. I have made no charge
against your paper or any other of
wilful misrepresentation, bat I must
disclaim eraphatioally the construction
£ laced upon my speech, aa welt aa the
mguage attributed to mo in the few
lout sentence* of your report. A your
letter was a courteous one I have re
plied to it frankly, and I hope you will
do me the justice to give my letter in
full should you desire to make any
portion of it public.
f'artln on Hancock.
it r will ne a mooei. cecal near.
I'rim Interview with eiObv Curtln
"You know Hancock, well, of
co time 7 "
" i know him intimately and hia fam
ily. I have had social relations with
him, giving rne an op|ortunily to *>ti
mate the man. 11 is greatness as a sol
dier no man fjuestionn and no man who
knows him doubts his ahilites for civil
management. If elected, he will make
one of the best presidents the country
has ever had. His administration will
be characterized by the same strength
of Jackson's, without the objectionabh
violence; besides, he will give us a clean
administration of the government."
"Put, Governor, can he control the
worst elements of the party ?"
"Certainly he can," replied Governor
Curtin, "and will." General Hancock
was, you must remember, nominated in
deference to the loyal sentiment in
the Democratic parly. He represents
that sentiment better than any man in
this country, and without which the
Democracy is powerless, and it now
recognizes that fact very clearly. A
very large portion of those who went
into the army were Democrat*, having
as much love for the Union as any men
that lore arms. This element holds
the balance of power in the Democratic
party, and to that element it will owj
its success."
"Yes, sir," replied the old Governor,
with great emphasis. "If Hancock is
0 elected he will resist, and be in a posi
tion to successfully resist, any sectional
demands which may be made upon hirn
or any sectional policy which may fx
. demanded. He will be strong and seek
to be strong in the confidence of the
war Democrats, to whom he will owe
his election, if elected."
"Then you believe he will be elected ?"
"I most certainly do," replied the
Governor. "Of course, as 1 remarked
before, it will be a hard fight and it is
too early yet to brag mucn as to what
the result will be. 1 make the** predic*
tions, however, in regard to Hancock's
position if he should be elected that
you may see when bis administration
passes into history whether I have not
judged him rightfully."
CEITTOAL,
STATE NORMAL SCHOOL
(Eighth Sornuil Srtuiol District,)
LOCK HAVEN, CLINTON CO., PA.
A. N. RAI li, A. M., I*rintipaJ.
r PHIS SCHOOL,as at present con
-1 diluted. Offer. Ik. mj \ml todlitie- for Pro
feeeiimal and Claato-ai fearn.ng.
Buil.lrare |nrt„na. lav,(lag t>d nemtaadiotie; no.
l-I-fe-ly bnlftl kg eteaa. mi- II ventilated. and fort,, ah
I erator" 1 * "t'P'l #f P"" •s-.*.n.gr,„ g
Lonattutt MHifal B<l mj nt orrom.
btninill[i| irNMfy aMff-uwd.
T-e.b.t* upxlXKol, -CxiMil. .r,d kUv. to their
work.
i DrlHlo. trm sn<l kind, ni.if .rm and therm,,, h
Ripenae* mdrnl.
fifty rnti a l dodarUoo to thoee .- |o
Student, admitted at any lima.
Couraee of at Tut v prraertbed l.y tke dun I. V-del
Bth'wL 11. Pretmratury. 111. Kl-a.-titer, IV Sri
enuac.
tsjrsrr txh-bszs
I Aoadrmk. 11. Oemmerrtel 111 Maair. IV. Art.
Tk Klein-ntary ah.l Srieotiflc oonraea at. pre
leaatonal, and eludente graduating therein
l>i| lo.., x.nfetrini tke tolbmlni ooneeeamdiM:-l.
. P** 1 Maeter of the Klerneute. and Maeler at th
Merxea. tirndnalea In Ibe otkei oonraea rwei.
Normal < < rotraira of I knar attainment., aura.-.! t.a
the Vacuity.
The PttSTeaW'.nal oonraea are liberal, and are >,
tW.i K hneaa not Infertor to tkoee ofoar heat roll-,..
The Stale reunite* a higher —der <,f rtUrea.l, ,
Tr,wtln>< demand It. It ta „oe ~f the prime e1.,,
•f thlaarhoot to help tone, ore it ky furalvkina Intel.
I Uteri I and efferent tew here f..r her arbnola An II >
and It noli' tu yonnp prraon. of pood .1-1,1,,. ,
R°*" porj.era—lhiee aho daalra to Improva the.r
time and Ib-lr tale.u, an .rodent. To all snrk II
prion lera aid in davei-pii* thrtr |w.ra and alaindai I
tor well-paid Inker after Iravtnc a. h0..;
For catalogue and lenn. addraaa the Prtnrtpal
novas or vanrrcaa:
St.kh .ldera' Trneleae—J. ft. Ran,.,.. M H. A H
- Wrkfwvl. San.nni Chrtn. t
i T - C "'PP' < -- P*i • klt.tr,ni'.
K P M.Covwdck. 1t0,,W W. gaßklnTwrn. II Br, .t.
r H , u,u : T ,T u r^- H '" 1 A Cnrtin. Hn II L Ifc-f
feulnrh. Ora Jeaae Werrill. Hon W 11 Kara B.rl. f J C
C W haley, . mile, MctVmnk-h. Ee>j *
wnrßt
Hen. WI 1.1.1 AM RKiLKR. Preaidant Heart,.! I P.
ften. JRSSK MERRILL. V President, teak liar, r, pa
: :
WOODWARD SEMINARY.
Bwrdiag ud D*y School for Ycnnf Ltdiet
and Littls CMldrtn.
SECOND AND LOCUST STREETS,
HABRI.snURG, PA.
Re*lar term will t-.pln SKPTI MHRK in, IST*
undTrt ""^P - " 4 **" 4 * Srtenua,. with Maw
Bnerd and tulttoa than tzso to SX<O a year and he
Mtm. *
PA .in nbar. and nil deefraUe InfhrmatPm nddreaa
PBlSflPtt
PATENTS.
IJATKNTS procured upon Invcn
„ Unnn. No Armnatv'a fire in Aortnrn (hi
j 1 "."**. .V* ertatjiahed In IMS. *, Sle CAVEATS.
and otdnln TRAM MARKS. ItRSIUR PATRNTf d
INVENTORS
■"*. * M<xW ? f"* Invention, with year .ran
deaoijdtoo of tl. Rx i nfainkra at to nntontalal,t<
I'M* vwuws finvt ■ Sarrmre fx,,
1!!^ oauwotkra, Ac., "lien fa Nortnt Parssva."
•WU w*e >m re-me-t ; alar, astopte -ay In. <4 tke Srt
nrM>RarMn.tke Inventor. Jeeraal
R w A P LACRY, Pmfmt JMorsfy,
wx V St, Bear Patent Odtoe, Waafetairton. D C.
MON EY To ljoan At fi per Cta
araraa ZMo BT ™ B "WAI LIVE IRSTR
ANCR on or NRW VoRK, • Eras nalor. on
Improved tora nraperty. In aunw not Wee than fa.."'.
Md net •madias mis thud of the prevent mine lit
tke pmpeety. Any portion nf On priartywl nan be
paid aft at any line, and II baa he-a Ike mat-rat of tke
company to permit tke prtertpnl to remain a* lent na
• borrower etabra. if the lalmnps 1* ISM'U P** 4
*SP to
CHARLES P. SItRRMAIt. Attotney-aidna.
AST Court (treat, Reedlns. Pa .
•r to RATIO A KI.IXR.rv • Appentoet,
*-tf Rededeale. Pa'
OAK MAN'S HOTEL,
OffmrttoOnart llonee, BCLLUONTI, PA
TRRME II PM MAT.
A nad Livery attached. 1-ty
For Bnl©.
1 FARM containing Filly Acres,
• rroaTitu*
VIIAMR RCILDIMO and oat trafldtnw*. title u>
iMtdre <4 A. J * A ORIEST
*" lf - UnkwvilK Cnatra canali, Pn.