S3ie €rt gjlnnomt. BELLEPONTE, PA. The Largest, Cheapest and Best Paper rUHLISHKD IN CENTRE COUNTY. GARFIELD AND THE LAW. From the Washington I'ost. A correspondent of the Post, in his communication which, but for ex treme length, should grace our col umns, assures us that he has been a Republican since 1855, the date of that party's introduction into this life, but that he will vote for Hancock and English this year on one condi tion. The contingency in which our cor respondent agrees to cut loose from the Radical organization and give the Democratic party the advantage of his valuable influence and more valuable vote, is that the Post shall prove an assertion, made in its columns some weeks ago, to the effect that Gen. Gar field, on his own showing, had been guilty of an act for which he was liable to imprisonment for two years ami a fine of SIO,OOO. It is not the habit of this journal to make assertions of so serious a charac ter without due consideration of their gravity. Wo have been especially careful to do no injustice to Gen. Gar field, realizing from the hour of his nomination that the naked facts in his record, without so much as a shade of added coloring, were the effectual and sufficient weapons to use against him. We have said, we still say, and we will prove that, on his own evidence, Gen. Garfield committed an act which the Revised Statutes of the United States define as a misdemeanor, and for which they provide a punishment of two years in prison and a fine of 810,000. The same statute, had it been en forced against Gen. Garfield, as any citizen might have enforced it, would have rendered him incapable, forever thereafter, of holding any office of trust or profit under the General Gov ernment. If our correspondent, or any other interested party, will turn to page 316 of the Revised Statutes and read section 1782, enacted in 1863, when General Garfield was a young member of the Ilouse, he will learn that: " SECTION 1782.—N0 Senntor, Repre sentative or delegate, after his election and during his continuation in office, and no head of a department or other office or clerk in the employment of the Government, shall receive or agree to receive any compensation whatever, directly or indirectly, for any service rendered or to be rendered to any'per son, either by himself* or another, in relation to any proceeding, contract, claim, controversy, charge, accusation, arrest, or other matter or thing In which the United States is a party, or directly or indirectly interested, before any department, court-martial, bureau, officer, or any civil, military or naval commissioner, whatever. Every person offending against this section shall be deemed guilty of a misdemeanor, and shall be imprisoned not more than two years, and fined not more than $lO,- 000, and shall, moreover, by conviction thereof, be rendered forever thereafter incapable of holding any office of hon or, trust, or profit under the Govern ment of the United States. It is not a heavy task to show, be yond a possibility of doubt, that Gen. Garfield violated both the spirit and letter of that law in the matter of the I>e Golyer pavement. It is conceded that Gen. Garfield . was a member of Congress, and that, while holding that office he agreed to receive and did re ceive the sum of $5,000 for services rendered in procuring a contract from the officers of the District of Colum bia for a wood pavement firm or ring. It is not importaut, in this connection, to show how he executed the work for which he received the 95,000 fee. Rut it will add to the interest of this sim ple narrative to reproduce the testi mony of Chittenden, the agent of the paving ring and the man who hired and paid Gen Garfield. Here is what Chittenden wrote to his principal at the time of the occurrence: " The influence of General Ga.Held has been secured by yesterday, last night and to-day's labors. He carries the purse of the United States—the Chairman of the Committee on Appro priations—and is the strongest nan in Congress and with our friends. My de mand is to day not less than one hun dred thousand more—two hundred in all. Everything is in the best shape, the connections complete, and I have reason to believe satisfactory. * * * I can hardly realize that we have Gen. Garfield with us. It is rare and very gratifying. All the appropriations of the District come from him." The Constitution of the United States places the District of Columbia directly in the hands of Congress. All District officers, at all times, have been, and are, merely the creatures of < Gen. Garfield as a member of Cougress—and the member who "carried the purse of the United Btates," —took a fee of $3,000 for in fluencing a board of public works, created by Congress, to give a contract to his client, the De Golyer firm. Whether it be true or fulse that Gar field wrote a brief, is not material. He admits that he had a talk with Gov. Shepherd, the head of the board, and that he labored to induce the hoard to give a contract to his client. Oov. Shepherd's testimony is to the same effect. Rut the direct and in direct interest of the United States is conclusively Bhown by the contract itself, which provides in specific terms that; i " An additional amount of fifty thou sand square yards will bo awarded you (tho contractors) so soon as the Board is reimbursed by the General Govern ment on aocount of expenditures around the public buildings and grounds, or you (tbe contractors) will be allowed to lay it this season, if you can wait until an appropriation (by Congress) is made for this purpose, at three dollars and fifty cents per square yard." It is apparent to the average intel lect that the cutirc value of the con tract for $175,000 worth of work — half of which was clear profit—was contingent on un appropriation by Congress, and it is equally apparent that it all depended on the official action of tho man who had taken tho $5,000 fee, for ho was the head of the Appropriations committee, he " carried the purse," and he was paid to unlock it for the enrichment of a swindling ring. If the De Golyer company had been honest, if their pavement had beeu the best, instead of the worst, even then Gen. Garfield would have been liable to the penalties "of tho stat ute above cited, could have been lock ed up for two years with convicts, fined SIO,OOO and disqualified for holding any office thereafter. We have made out our case. The proof is overwhelming. There is no missing link. There is no weak place. Our correspondent is hound to vote for the Democratic candidates, and in so doing he will have not only the ap proval of his own conscience, but the company of many thousands of those who, like himself, have heretofore voted tho Republican ticket un scratched. POSTING THE ACCOI NTS. From the Ifarrishurg Patriot. In reviewing the expenditures of the government in recent years the Philadelphia Inquirer strains hard to prove that the Democrats are entitled to little or no credit for the reductions since 1877 when they had the first majority in the House. After com paring the expenditures the Inquirer says: These figures, when carefully scanned, indicate that while the Democrats have had the control of the national appro priations they have taken oil" one year and added on the next, aod so tbe real reduction of expenses has been very small. They have by their acts shown that, if in full power, they would be apt to take in at the spigot and let out at tho bung. Their idea of economy is not a wbit better than that of the poor Indian who cut a piece off the top of hia blanket and sewed it on tbelsittom to make it long enough to cover his feet. This is proliably very smart, hut let us see how much truth there is in it. The total ordinary expenditures of the government in the five ycark preced ing tho control of the finances on the part of a Democratic House are as follows : 187 $100,887,211 67 187 181,082,274 94 1874 189,026,793 04 1870 184,304,787 08 187 177,370,687 81 Total $899,270,754 44 The ordinary expenditures in the last five years under Democratic con trol of the appropriations arc as fol lows : 187 $154,390,943 63 187 163,008,681 28 187 163,496,403 27 188 161,360,037 17 188 177,081,969 08 Total $809,848,114 33 This shows a reduction of $M1>,422,- 640.11 in the ordinary expenditures of the government in five years since the Democrats obtained control of the ap propriations. The saving by Demo crats amounts to four times the entire debt of Pennsylvania, or one and a half times the municipal debt of Phil adelphia. Yet the Philadelphia In ipiirer wittily tells its readers in the face of these great results of economy that the Democratic idea of economy is not a whit better than that of the poor Indian. A saving of ninety millions in five years is probably a very small matter iu the estimation of the Inquirer, but it is a great thing for the great body of the taxpayers to whom it gives assurance of still further reductions of their burdens. Until the Democrats secured a ma jority in the House the expenditures of the government were steadily rising in arithmetical progression, except in 1876, when in facing a presidential election it was found necessary to make a slight reduction in order to save apiicarances. During the five years of Republican' appropriations with which we have compared the five years of Democratic control James A. Garfield was chairman of the house committee on appropriations. Thus tho responsibility for wnste and ex travagance rests not only on the Rc- Kublican majority in Congress but is rougbt directly home to their candi date for President. While making a reduction of near ly NINETY MILLION DOLLARS in the space of five years the Democratic representatives in Congress were just and liberal in their appropriations for the wounded and deceased soldiers of the Union as the official records dem onstrate. The total amount of appro priations for pensions in the five Re publican years mentioned above are as follows: 18*2 $29,060,060 1878 80,480,000 1874. 30,480,000 1875 29,980,000 187$- 30,000,000 Total $144,990,000 •* -4$ * Tho appropriations for {tensions in the five Dcmocratio years arc as fol lows : 187 #20,683,600 187 L.TfLll 28,683,000 187 20,871,674 188 66,233,200 188 44,260,000 Total $187,921,274 It is thus scon that the Democrats in Congress while lessening the govern ment expenditures nearly ninety mil lions in live years have in the same time increased the {tension ftiud tuoro than THIRTY-NINE MILLION DOLLAR*. The reduction of the lavish and waste ful expenditures created by the Re publicans in Congress has enabled the Democrats to make this liberal en dowment to the pensioners without in creasing the burdens to the tax payers hut while greatly diminishing tlieiu. HANCOCK AT ROME. HIS OFFICIAL ANO DOMESTIC IIAIIITS—TEN ACITV His STRONGEST I'OINT. from N"W York ll"rM, Ind. General Hancock is seen at his best at his home, for there lie throws aside the worriment of his official cares and responsibilities. ' Tlii*ri' i l*ut th® twinkling of fltxr Ik'twMii a nmn of potc® mid wmr.V No one is more thoroughly domestic in his habits. He has always prefer red the quiet of his own home to the frittering splendors of fashionable ife. cw. In the summer he rarely frequents sum mer watering places, having some how, notwithstanding his eminent so ciability, a dislike for this kind of life. He is par excellence a domestic man, and his accomplished wife, al though before their marriage one of the reigning belles of St. Ixtuis, has the aanii- domestic tastes. He seldom travel* except on official business, and sinco his nomination has politely, though firmly, declined invitations to visit our leading places of fashionable resort or to go on tripe through the couutry, he Uiing strongly averse to anything which would look like mak ing a show of himself. Once iu awhile he ami his family take a little sail dpwn the bay on a steam launch— the Pinafore—kept at the island ex clusively for his use, and this, with the quiet repose of his coo), double porchcd and vine-cmhosomed resi dence, the society of his family and hooks, his official duties and at the present time entertaining an unwonted rush of visitors —one of the pains and {Kriialties of being a presidential can didate—make up the som total of his daily life. The (net has been frequent ly noted that uo newepaper represen tative has been able to "interview" him. It is not that he does not have well settled opinions on all the leading political question* of the day. Few men are nrmer iu their convictions, few better read or better posted, few able to give to their ideas more tame expression. Ho docs not paraphrase. He calls a spade a spade. One of bit strongest mental characteristics is firm ness—a hull-dog tenacity of purpose. The day he was nominated he would not and he has not been ami will not be. IT is said that a woman's voice can i be heard at a distance of two milee by a man in a balloon; but if a spider wasjo get on her neck her vhice could easily & heard a distance of ten miles on a level. I - •m. fc ■ • The Puzzled Census-Taker. u ont atj bojrx t •• marshal aal ®liook tor Imiml And civilly ftiwwwwl," Nine V* M lliimliuidl, of ('QItHM* ? " III® in tr-lml Mftll To th lady from ov®r tin* KIIIIH*; Ami Htfttlli lilt* nliook lit* I flak mi liciul Ami civilly 44 Kin®!" 44 Th® J—l you have I" tin* fnamhnl >aioko, at Fancuil Hull, Boston, on Saturday night last. The first part of his speech is good reading for Republicans open to reason, and we quote it. Mr. Pal mer said: " When parties change their princi ples. patriotic men change their pnrtins. I cast my first Presidential ballot for Lincoln, the martyr. I shall cast my next for Hancock, the great soldier and the great statesman. Democratic prin ciples have never ceased to rule this country, but the Democratic party has sometimes failed to respond to the Democratic instinct. It was so, in my judgment, in 1800. The Republican party was born of Democratic aspira tions, cradled in Democratic ideas, nurs ed by Democratic statesmen, and car ried to triumph by the votes of the Democratic masses. Rut in the fullness of time that Democratic mission has been accomplished. It has ceased to bear Democratic fruit, and the fungus growth of sectionalism which springs from its decay has at length provoked the cry from the people, 'Cut it down, why cumbereth it the ground?' When the Republican party first sprang into the arena, armed for the fight with a • party nominally Democratic but actu ally sectional, with weapons appropriat -1 ed from the armory of -leffersonian doc trine, it declared for every thing which it now repudiates. The preamble to its first platform, adopted in 1K56 at Philadelphia, declares that its purj>ose was 'to restore the action of the Fed eral Government to the principles of Washington and .Jefferson,' and the first resolution declares 'that the main tenance ot the principles promulgated in the Declaration of Independence, and embodied in the Federal Constitu tion, is essential to the preservation of our republican institutions, and that the Federal Constitution—'the rights of the Slates'—mark that sentence, 'the rights of the -Slates,' —'and the union of the States shall be preserved.' Four years later, in 1860, at Chicago, it de clared ita firm reaolve, in the fourth resolutioh of its platform, that the maintenaiiee inviolate of the rights of the States, and especially the right of each Ntate to order add control its own domestic institutions according to Its own judgment exclusively, is eisential to that balance of power on which the perfection and endurance of our politi cal fabric depend.* In the same plat form it denounced the use of the veto power to override a vote of the people's representatives. Fellow citizens where does it stand today? Not on that ground certainly. It has ceased to talk of Jefferson and has come to regard 'the rights of the States' with a spirit of hostility that is as fanatical as the spirit of a pernicious and malignant sectionalism can be. Then its orators were wont to wake the echoes with de nunciations of the Federal power used to enforce a sectional policy. Go to your libraries, iny fellow-citizens, and see what early Republicanism had to ssy when Federal bayonets formed a square in which Anthony Jkiros was marched down State street to be re manded to Slavery. Tliey spoke less contemptuously, 1 assure you, of the rights of the State in that connection. Rut the successors of the men who re sented the presence of the Federal troops to enforce Federal laws on Mas sachusetts soil would have us believe to-day that the Union ia not aafe and that liberty is not secure unless the Federal Government may encircle every ballot box with its strong arm, and shadow every eitixen with a Federal spy. Is this Republican liberty ? Are the principles of Jefferson for which they declared in 1856 and 1*60? Are these these the rights of the States which they declared then to be of essential im portance? Or is this the mailed hand of centralisation, copying from the pat tern set by the tnira Napoleon, with his E refect* and sub-prefects at every bal >t urn, and his gendarmerie to superin tend the voting ? "What else did they declare for in those earlier platforms ? For economy in the publio service, against ' frauds and corruptions in the Federal metrop olis,' and the ' systematic plunder of the publio treasury by favored parti sans.' Rrave words were these—Demo cratic words—words upon whose fair promising wings they mounted to pow er. Did you hear anything like them from Chicago in May last? No; but you heard instead, above the falsetto scream of sectional hatred, the voice of Flanagan inquiring, ' What are we here for if not for the offices?' And that it what they were there for, and. so far as they are concerned, it is what they are fighting this campaign for." Can't be Evaded. I from tho Washington font. It is vastly more agreeable to the Republican brethren to howl about "the principle* of Leo and Jackson" than to discuss the practices of Gar field and Arthtio But the people are much more interested in the latter than in the former. One is a dead issue and tho other is a very live one, Lee and Jackson and those who fought with them, honestly believed that a State had a constitutional right to secede. This was the question, and the only one, that was submitted to the arbitrament of That court of lust resort decided against IJCC ami Jackson and their i'rieiidH. Secession died amid the throes of civil war. The cause of secession—the only source of trouble between the sections —wait also destroyed. There in no party, no faction, no solitary man in the Houtli to day, who docs not admit that the war finally and irrevocably settled the question of secession adversely to the South. It is, therefore, a dead issue—as dead as the dust of Adam. But the practices of Garfield and Arthur, practices illustrated in the back salary grab, Credit Mobilier, De Golyer, the Presidential steal and fraud, bribery and corruption in the revenue service—these present the is sue of the hour, and the people can't be turned from their contemplation by any clattering of bones in the grave- j yard of buried issues. However disagreeable it may be to the Radicals, they must face the liv ing present, must squarely face the records of Garfield and Arthur. Those who vote for these candidates will give their approval of the undeniable facts which have !>coii alleged against them be the highest Republican authorities. I/oe and Jackson, and the idea for which they fought, have long since passed away. Garfield and Arthur live, and the corrupt practices of which, on the most authentic Repub lican and official testimony, they have been guilty, are presented by their party for the most solemn indorse ment. The people understand this, and are not so weak and foolish as to l>e driven to approve the Nationalization of official infamies, by a silly ciumasa about a question that was relegated to the silent shades of dark oblivion more than fifteen years ago. ■ - 1 __ South Carolina's Census. EX OOV. AIKEN,* REASONS POR RELIEVING IN ITS CORRECTNESS. Fn*m the Nw York World, Aug ill* Among the arrivals at the New York hotel yesterday was ex-Oov. William i Aiken, ot South Carolina, who is on his j way to Saratoga with his wife for change of air and rest. The venerable politi cian had his pretty little granddaughter, who is also a granddaughter of Mr, K. Rardwell ithctt, climbing about on his knee as he spoke of the change* which twenty years have wrought in his own State of South Carolina. When asked about the alleged frauds and overcount ing in the census enumeration of the State, he said; " 1 believe the census of the present year to have been as correct an enutner ation as any that has yet been made of the people of South Carolina, and I will tell you why I think so. In former years there was a great deal of careless ness about such matters. The old plan tation-holders did not like too much in terference any time, and there was not a very good record kept of the slaves, and if there waa such a record the own ers Vlere not paiticularly desirous of having it Appear, for there was a capita tion tax levied upon the number held. This fell specially hard on plantation owners, who for years really paid the taxes of the State, and when railroads began to be built, and bonds were is sued to aid tlieni, 1 know the capitation tax went up to nearly double what it | wag. The negroes then had very little i to say in the matter ot the enumeration, even if they knew it was in progress, i In 1870 the census was wretchedly tak i en. The enumerators were a set of blackguards. Many of them were negroes, and not even respectable col ored men, but the most ignorant fellows, it would seem, that could be scraped together. They performed their work in a very slovenly manner, and many glaring inaccuracies were the result. The people were there, as they had been before, but they were not placed on thooenßUs lists. With the present cen sus there is an entirely different state of affairs. The colored people have a general opinion that it is to their ad vantage to be entered on the books of Uncle Sam, and they have one and all been careful to see ftiat they were duly ontered. They seemed to take it as an honor, in some wsy reflecting glory on them, and each old grandpap had all his family called up and all the genera tions down to the last little black cloud on the horizon of life. The enumera tors, too, have been of a different class. They have been white men belonging to the old families there, who were glad to take the poet of enumerator for the pay attached. They were really a superior class of census takers, reduced by pov erty to take the ta*k set before them. They went from cabin to cabin and did what the census laws require—paid per sonal visits to every place where it waa likely that a person could find shelter. All this makes me think that it is the most perfect census that the State his evechad. It must be borne in mind, too, that there hjui lieen an influx of aettlers, and we in the South are not standing still. The same increase should be not ed in all the States of the South." Wade Hampton Hises to Explain. Fntm U-tlrr to the Staunton v lrgfin. The principle involved in the war was the claim made by the Sonth of the right of piscitiw secession. This right was denied by the North, Demo crats as well as Republicans joining in the denial. On this issue battle was joined. The North triumphed and the rosults of her success were embodied in the amendments to the Constitution, settling beyond all question-and forever the right of neacst.:e secession by the ad verse decision of the highest earthly tribunal recognised among mankind. The war had nothing to do with the prinoiplea of the National Democratic party, and I was peculiarly unfortunate if any expression of mine in Huunton could be so misconstrued as to give the impression that I supposed the prlnei pies involved in the Presidential oon tost were thoee for which we fought for four years. I have made no charge against your paper or any other of wilful misrepresentation, bat I must disclaim eraphatioally the construction £ laced upon my speech, aa welt aa the mguage attributed to mo in the few lout sentence* of your report. A your letter was a courteous one I have re plied to it frankly, and I hope you will do me the justice to give my letter in full should you desire to make any portion of it public. f'artln on Hancock. it r will ne a mooei. cecal near. I'rim Interview with eiObv Curtln "You know Hancock, well, of co time 7 " " i know him intimately and hia fam ily. I have had social relations with him, giving rne an op|ortunily to *>ti mate the man. 11 is greatness as a sol dier no man fjuestionn and no man who knows him doubts his ahilites for civil management. If elected, he will make one of the best presidents the country has ever had. His administration will be characterized by the same strength of Jackson's, without the objectionabh violence; besides, he will give us a clean administration of the government." "Put, Governor, can he control the worst elements of the party ?" "Certainly he can," replied Governor Curtin, "and will." General Hancock was, you must remember, nominated in deference to the loyal sentiment in the Democratic parly. He represents that sentiment better than any man in this country, and without which the Democracy is powerless, and it now recognizes that fact very clearly. A very large portion of those who went into the army were Democrat*, having as much love for the Union as any men that lore arms. This element holds the balance of power in the Democratic party, and to that element it will owj its success." "Yes, sir," replied the old Governor, with great emphasis. "If Hancock is 0 elected he will resist, and be in a posi tion to successfully resist, any sectional demands which may be made upon hirn or any sectional policy which may fx . demanded. He will be strong and seek to be strong in the confidence of the war Democrats, to whom he will owe his election, if elected." "Then you believe he will be elected ?" "I most certainly do," replied the Governor. "Of course, as 1 remarked before, it will be a hard fight and it is too early yet to brag mucn as to what the result will be. 1 make the** predic* tions, however, in regard to Hancock's position if he should be elected that you may see when bis administration passes into history whether I have not judged him rightfully." CEITTOAL, STATE NORMAL SCHOOL (Eighth Sornuil Srtuiol District,) LOCK HAVEN, CLINTON CO., PA. A. N. RAI li, A. M., I*rintipaJ. r PHIS SCHOOL,as at present con -1 diluted. Offer. Ik. mj \ml todlitie- for Pro feeeiimal and Claato-ai fearn.ng. Buil.lrare |nrt„na. lav,(lag t>d nemtaadiotie; no. l-I-fe-ly bnlftl kg eteaa. mi- II ventilated. and fort,, ah I erator" 1 * "t'P'l #f P"" •s-.*.n.gr,„ g Lonattutt MHifal Bi| lo.., x.nfetrini tke tolbmlni ooneeeamdiM:-l. . P** 1 Maeter of the Klerneute. and Maeler at th Merxea. tirndnalea In Ibe otkei oonraea rwei. Normal < < rotraira of I knar attainment., aura.-.! t.a the Vacuity. The PttSTeaW'.nal oonraea are liberal, and are >, tW.i K hneaa not Infertor to tkoee ofoar heat roll-,.. The Stale reunite* a higher —der <,f rtUrea.l, , Tr,wtln>< demand It. It ta „oe ~f the prime e1.,, •f thlaarhoot to help tone, ore it ky furalvkina Intel. I Uteri I and efferent tew here f..r her arbnola An II > and It noli' tu yonnp prraon. of pood .1-1,1,,. , R°*" porj.era—lhiee aho daalra to Improva the.r time and Ib-lr tale.u, an .rodent. To all snrk II prion lera aid in davei-pii* thrtr |w.ra and alaindai I tor well-paid Inker after Iravtnc a. h0..; For catalogue and lenn. addraaa the Prtnrtpal novas or vanrrcaa: St.kh .ldera' Trneleae—J. ft. Ran,.,.. M H. A H - Wrkfwvl. San.nni Chrtn. t i T - C "'PP' < -- P*i • klt.tr,ni'. K P M.Covwdck. 1t0,,W W. gaßklnTwrn. II Br, .t. r H , u,u : T ,T u r^- H '" 1 A Cnrtin. Hn II L Ifc-f feulnrh. Ora Jeaae Werrill. Hon W 11 Kara B.rl. f J C C W haley, . mile, MctVmnk-h. Ee>j * wnrßt Hen. WI 1.1.1 AM RKiLKR. Preaidant Heart,.! I P. ften. JRSSK MERRILL. V President, teak liar, r, pa : : WOODWARD SEMINARY. Bwrdiag ud D*y School for Ycnnf Ltdiet and Littls CMldrtn. SECOND AND LOCUST STREETS, HABRI.snURG, PA. Re*lar term will t-.pln SKPTI MHRK in, IST* undTrt ""^P - " 4 **" 4 * Srtenua,. with Maw Bnerd and tulttoa than tzso to SXm re-me-t ; alar, astopte -ay In. <4 tke Srt nrM>RarMn.tke Inventor. Jeeraal R w A P LACRY, Pmfmt JMorsfy, wx V St, Bear Patent Odtoe, Waafetairton. D C. MON EY To ljoan At fi per Cta araraa ZMo BT ™ B "WAI LIVE IRSTR ANCR on or NRW VoRK, • Eras nalor. on Improved tora nraperty. In aunw not Wee than fa.."'. Md net •madias mis thud of the prevent mine lit tke pmpeety. Any portion nf On priartywl nan be paid aft at any line, and II baa he-a Ike mat-rat of tke company to permit tke prtertpnl to remain a* lent na • borrower etabra. if the lalmnps 1* ISM'U P** 4 *SP to CHARLES P. SItRRMAIt. Attotney-aidna. AST Court (treat, Reedlns. Pa . •r to RATIO A KI.IXR.rv • Appentoet, *-tf Rededeale. Pa' OAK MAN'S HOTEL, OffmrttoOnart llonee, BCLLUONTI, PA TRRME II PM MAT. A nad Livery attached. 1-ty For Bnl©. 1 FARM containing Filly Acres, • rroaTitu* VIIAMR RCILDIMO and oat trafldtnw*. title u> iMtdre <4 A. J * A ORIEST *" lf - UnkwvilK Cnatra canali, Pn.