Centre Democrat. (Bellefonte, Pa.) 1848-1989, August 26, 1880, Image 2

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    Ike Ctnttc glwactat.
The Largest, Cheapent and Best Paper
At the Front With lluiicuck.
Far at tho front with Hancock,
Down tho imprognal)lo lino,
Through tho dark mars of the war clouds
Victory used to shino.
Calmly tho fearloss soldier
Rode and survoyed tho front,
Cheering and nerving his comrades,
Bearing tho battle's brunt.
When tho fiercest fighting was ended,
Out at tho front so far,
Victory then upon Hancock
Smiled through tho waste of war.
Still at tho front was Hancock,
Holding tho line of peace,
Strong for tho cause of freedom,
Justice against caprice.
Firmly tho soldier statesman
Stood for the law and right,
Just as he stood for the Union
Through tho fierce days of fight.
Now at the front rides Hancock,
Lending a splendid band,
Patriots, friends of freedom.
Gathered from all the land.
Hail to the soldier statesman,
Honored in peace and war,
Surely he rides to triumph,
Such as no fraud can mar.
Prom tlie Sew York World.
Daniel Webster in one of his speech
es at Boston, in referring to the tergiv
ersations of a certain public officer,
said that when a man went back upon
his friends it was called ingratitude, or
upon his enemies it was called revenge,
but when a man went back on his own
principles which he had avowed it
ought to be called moral suicide.
Dauiel Webster referred to John Ty
ler, but he might have used even
strouger language bad he lived to wit
ness four of the conspicuous tergiver
sations of Geueral Garfield upon de
cided questions of principle. One was
in regard to "reconstruction one in
regard to the disputed election of
1876; one in regard to freedom of
elections, and one in regard to reviv
ing the issues of the war. On New
Year's Day, 1867, General Garlield
wrote to his friend Hinsdale:
"I am less satisfied with tho present
aspect of public affairs than 1 have been
for a long time. I find that many of
the points and doctrines which I believe
in and desire to see prevail meet with
more opposition than heretofore, and
are in imminent danger of being over
borne by popular clamor and political
passion. In reference to reconstruction
I feel that if the Southern States should
adopt the constitutional amendments
within a reasonable time we are literally
bound to admit them to representation.
# # * jfy own course is chosen, and it
is quite probable it will throw me out ot
public life."— Buruty* Biography, JHtyr 77.
Nevertheless, within two months
after the utterance of these brave
words General Garfield was in line
with the extremists of his party in
worrying the South with special stat
utes ou reconstruction ; and when the
Southern States had adopted the con
stitutional amendments he still kept
them, as long as his vote could keep
them, from representation. He even
introduced the bill which was intended
to abolish General Hancock's office as
Major-General in punishment for that
(Jeneral's practical enforcement of
General Garfield's avowed principles.
Gu November 11, 1876, Gen. Gar
field wrote to his friend Hinsdule :
"Last evening tlie President tele
graphed mo from Philadelphia request
ing me to go to New Orleans and re
main until the vote is counted, acting ns
a witness of the count. I was a good
deal embarrassed by the request. I did
not know who else was going and I
might find jpyself associated with violent
partisan Republicans who mean tocount
our side in, right or wrong."
Nevertheless, his embarrassment
yielded and did not even return when
he fouud himself among the visiting
statesmen at New Orleans, or when he
afterwards found himself on the Elec
toral Commission at Washington "as
"sociatcd with violent partisan Re
publicans who meant to count our
"side in, right or vrong." And only
a week after the date of this letter to
Hinsdale he was writing from New
Orleans to his friend Hill, of Boston,
in a frame of mind which showed the
writer to be entirely nmenable to the
specific and unanswerable criticisms
which ex-Governor Hendricks recently
made in his speech at Marion, I ml.:
"Garfield went to New Orleans to as
sist his party in making up a case, and
after his return to Washington, of all
his associates he was the only man who
took his seat upon the Electoral Com
mission. By every sentiment of fair
play he should have been excluded from
the jury-box. By his own sworn state
ment of what he did in New Orleans
Garfield had charge of the returns from
West Feliciana Parish. In one of the
inner rooms of Packard's Custom-House
he did his work, examined the affi
davits, and when they were not suffi
ciently full he prepared or had prepared
additional interrogatories to bring them
within the rules adopted by the Return
ing Board. The testimony so received
by Garfield went back to the Returning
Roard, and the result was that West
Feliciana with it# Democratic majority
was thrown out. In Washington Gar
tWd'svote was that Congress could not
go bahmd the returns thus made. As
agent for his party he helped to make
returns by manipulating the evidence :
and as juryman for the nation be held
such evidence as conclusive and bind
Ob April 21,1880, General Garfield
again wrote to his friend Hinsdale,
and in tho courso of tho letter said:
"I am just now in antagonism with
my own party on legislation in reference
to the election law."
Indeed of the Bayard bill as to
Federal participations in elections
Geueral Garfield was practically an
author, for ho had entirely favored its
principle, its theory and its formulas
at the time of its introduction, and it
was in regard to this measure that he
wrote himself down as "in antagonism
with his own party."
Nevertheless, when the vote came
upon the bill his vote went upon tho
roll along with his party colleagues
against all his previous speeches nnd
A few days before the meeting of
the Chicago Convention General Gar
field, in the course of a speech iu Con
gress, said :
"The man who attempts to get up a
political excitement in this country on
the old sectional issues will find himself
without a party and without support."
But when ho had himself become a
candidate upon a platform which hud
no other vital idea in it than an at
tempt to galvanize the issues of the
war, fifteen years after its conclusion,
General Garfield had 110 word to utter
in deprecation of that which he had to
all appearances earnestly deprecated
from his place in Congress; and since
his nomination no member of his par
ty has taken more pains to revive
"the old sectional issues" than Geu
eral Garfield whenever he has been
called upon for a speech at a serenade
or upon a car platform.
The inference from any one of these
actions would be ami ought to be in
jurious to General Garfield as a pub
lie man. But when these things are
considered together no inference can
possibly be drawn from them except
that General Garfield as a public man
is not entitled to public confidence.
His is a ense of moral suicide, to repeat .
Webster's phrase, and it proceeds from '
moral cowardice, as all suicides may I
be said to proceed from cowardice, j
He is not a partisan from the temper j
of his mind. He is both too scholarly
and too apathetic a man to lose his
head in times of not more than ordi
nary excitement. He is a partisan
because lie is a moral coward and be
cause he cannot withstand the pressure
of men whose knowledge is less and
whose wills are stronger than his own. j
He is one of those unhappy men to
whom it is given always
•'To IM* oi* right nnd to adnlr* It, too;
To toatfci th- * ping, and yt tin* wionn
It is true that a very active hostility j
to the wrong is inconsistent with
everything that is known of General
Garfield's public career. But his in
telligence generally suffices to make
him at least "see the right," and his
weakness always allows him to be
bullied into doing the wrong. His
political use to his party has been to
furnish plausible reasons for what vio
lent and unscrupuless men like Tliad
deus Stevens andZach Chandler had
forced him into doing. He knew ils
well when he was trying to remove
Hancock, as when he wrote to Hins
dale bemoaning the excesses of the ex
treme men in his jiarty, that the policy
which General Hancock was pursuing
in Louisiana was the only lawful and |
the only patriotic policy for the com
mander of a military district to pur
sue. He knew as well when he was
cooking affidavits in New Orleans or
ruling out the evidence of the cookery
before the Electoral Commission, as
he did when he was communicating to
Hinsdale his fears of the violent par
tisans who "meant to count our side
in, right or wrong," that Tilden had
been elected President. He was sim
ply driven hv the violent partisans
whom he was too timid to oppose, as
he was driven by them into voting
against his own proposition on the
Deputy Marshals bill, and ns lie
would most assuredly bo driven by
them if the voters of the country were
misguided into electing him to the
Presidency. One at least of the charges
against his personal integrity owes
most of its sting to this same moral
weakness. If when Ames told the
story of General Garfield's connection
with Credit Mobilier General Garfield
had come out like a man nnd confess
ed the truth, he would have been
thought guilty, nt most, of an indis
cretion. It was his prevarication on
the stand and his attempt to induce
Ames to assist him in getting it ac
cepted that ruined him before the
country. Whenever an emergency
has confronted him he has met it in
the same shuffling and timid way.
After announcing, sometimes in the
private ear of Hinsdule and sometimes
to the public, what ought to be done,
he has fallen in the rear ranks of the
men who were advancing to do the
precisely opposite thing, and has "fol
lowed a multitude to do evil." What
sort of man is this for a position in
which courage and aggressive honesty
are the first requisites?
FKOM a paltry seventy-five cents,
worth of iron ore may be developed,
it is said, $5.. R >o worth of bar iron,
110 worth of horse-shoes, SIBO worth
of table knives, $6,800 worth of fine
needles, $29,480 worth of shirt hut
tons, $200,000 worth of watch springs,
$600,000 worth of hair springs, or
$2,600,000 pallet arbors (used in
IT is estimated that 1,000 bushels of
apples will he produced on the Boyer
harm, Miller township, Perry county,
the present year. *
Mr. Joseph I'nlltzer'H Speech ut In
Hpoclal It t Washington I'oat.
INDIANAPOLIS, Aug. 15. —One of the
ablest and strongest speeches that has
been heard in Indiannpolis for many a
day, was delivered by .Joseph Pulitzer,
of St. Louis, Mo., at the wigwutn, yes
terday evening, in English, to a very
large audience. The following are lib
eral extracts:
The real question is not whether ft
change in Washington is politic, but
whether it is possible. The issue is not
to ascertain the will of the majority,
but whether that well known will can
bo permanently defied. It's not why
should the people want a change ? but,
can they have it if they wanl.il?
Thrice in six years the American
people showed unmistakably that they
wanted a change in the character of
their National Government. In 1874
they elected a Democratic House. In
1870 they elected another Democratic
House. In 1878 they elected still an
other. In 1876 they also elected a Dem
ocratic President. The result of these
successive elections also changed the
Senate until that body too is Democrat
ic to-day. Thus there are
in six years, the election of a Democrat
ic President, a Democratic Senate and
three Democratic Houses, to show that
the majority of the American people
desire a change in the character of their ,
National Government. Yet, has there
been a change ? Is the ruling party or
the ruling spirit at Washington not un
changed? Does the majority govern to
day? Does not the fraudulent Execu
tive, by the abuse of the veto power,
1 thwart every measure of reform, retain
every partisan abuse and defy the will
jof both Congress and the American
! people ?
The Democracy is not only now, but
really never ceased to be, the majority
party in this countty.
I Is this still a representative Govern
ment? Is this still n real republic?
Do the people truly govern themselves?
I Is a political party in tiiis country still
i responsible to the people? Is there no
i accountability, no day of judgment?
] Shall those who stole the Presidency
retain it indefinitely? Shall fraud and
political wroug he indorsed? is this to
become a personal and permanent
Government? Is this a Government
based upon law and public opinion, or
on fraud and perjury?
Not long ago we read that the
French people ordered a change in
their National Government. It was
a great crisis. The marshal president
had a conflict very much like the one
we had in this country—between place,
foree and power as against public opin
ion—the wili of the people. It was
said that MacMahon would never yield.
Tsoops were ordered out. Paris was at
fever heat. Il looked like another
revolution. The unarmed representa
tives of the people seemed to be jwiwer
less against the fearless military Presi
dent with the half million soldiers at
his command. Hut there was no blood
shed. Marshal MacMahon submitted,
He vacated the Presidency and stepped
I into oblivion, it was a triumph of
public opinion. It was a victory of the
will of the people over military force.
It was self government.
A few months ago we read that the
people of England, too, ordered a
| change in their National Government.
England has a and Empress, and
no Republicrn institutions. The Eng
lish '"as known to have a strong
personal dislike to Mr. Gladstone—an
aversion which the whole royal family
had frequently ami most offensively
demonstrated. It was said that the
'jueen never would submit, never
would yield, never would send for Mr.
| Gladstone to make him prime min
| ister. There was no law, no line in
' the constitution requiring it—only cus
tom and public opinion—the will of the
people. We beard of great excitement
and another great crisis. Rut the
"iueen, after several ellbrts to the con
trary, finally yielded. Mr. Gladstone
wns sent for. He is prime minister of
England to-day.
In this cose, too, it was a great tri
umph of representative institutions—a
triumph of popular self-government.
Hut how was it hern in free America
when we lost elected our President?
Did public opinion, the will of the peo
ple, the voice of the law, the letter of
the Constitution prevail here? Was
the choice of the great majority not
kept out of his place by the greatest
fraud ever known in history?
It is often asked why is it those not
to the manor born should be so earnest
and united in their opposition toOrant
ism and machine politics generally?
Hut why has this Republic so many
adopted children ? Why has every
Una and shore, every race and tongue
contributed fresh blood and brawn and
brain to our rising Nation ? Why do
these millions of foreign born already
here still receive daily accessions by the
thousands ?
It is the spirit of Imperialism.
And what is Imperialism?
Injustice, inequality, class distinc
tions, privileges to the few, wrong to
the many, corruption and venality, but
above all—fraudulent one man power.
Those who wait for a king or emper
or to appear before they recognize Itn-
Burial ism will wait until it ia too late.
o purple or throne, no sceptre or
crown, no king or emj>eror will ever
herald its advent in this country. Its
natural advance guards are venality,
fraud and centralisation.
It is all the more dangerous because
it comes unheralded and unheeded.
Its spirit may creep into the nrteries of
free institutions, its essence may poison
the very life blood of liberty. Already
Imperialism rules in the name and
form of many republics. More liberty
exists under the British Empire than in
the Houth American so-called republic*.
Less self-government exists under the
name of some Presidents than that of
kings. Names signify nothing. They
deceive rather than determinate, Bra
zil ha* a monarch who in really a Re
publican. There are many Republicans
in this country who are really monarch*.
England has a legitimate Empress who
does not govern, but obeys the people
and parliament, while our illegitimate
President overgoverns und defies the
people and Congress.
Show me a land where the will of
Congress is held in contempt by the
executive, and where by the impudent
use of the veto power it ceases to be
the executive and becomes the dicta
tor of Congress ; show me a land where
seats in the Senate ure bought with
the gold of Nevada, bartered for a mis
sion to Tern or handed over as personal
property from father to son, as in the
State of Cemeron ; show me a land
where two men like Conklingund Cam
eron are practically the political mon
arch* in the two greatest Stales, and
over nine millions of people; show me
a land where executive influence of the
vilest partisan character controls the
army, the navy, the treasury, the judi
ciary, and a legion of over one hundred
thousand oflice holders; show nie a
land where one person controls 8,000
miles of. railroad, mostly built by gov
ernment subsidies; where another has
forty-seven millions of government
bonds registered in his name, and
where still another can appear at a
White House reception with diamonds
on her body worth over a million of
dollars; show me a land where the
money power, the organized capital,
privileges and monopolies of the coun
try, the railroads, telegraphs, banks,
protected manufactures, etc., are favor
ed and fostered by the government,
and where all these powerful interests
unite in opposing any change of that
government; show me a laud where
laws are disregarded, elections nulified
and the highest courts ure perjured to
prevent a change and give the enor
mous Executive power to one clearly
defeated by the people; show me hero
worship, one-man jfower, boss rule,
Senatorial triumvirates, defiance of tlie
popular will, fraud and sham; show rue
an impotent House of Representatives,
a polluted Supreme court, a stolen
Presidency, and you have shown and
seen the spirit of Imperialism! The
danger is not about a change in the
form, but in the spirit of our Govern
It is l>efore lis now. It is the issue of
the hour, and the duty of the Demoe
racy is to meet it, battle with it, over
throw it and restore and re-establish
the same principles of true, popular
self-government upon which the Repub
lic was originally founded and without
which it insure to founder, 'ientlemen,
those who were born to it may treat
it AS a matter of course, but I prize
American citizenship. 1 did not gain
it without sacrifice, and cannot lose it
without sorrow. Where I was born—
the most ancient empireof the world—
Imperialism flourished. I tore the ties
of home and kin, broke the fetters of a
subject, and, though but a boy, came
to these shores friendless, homeless,
tongueless, guideiess—save that grand
guiding star of liberty which this Re
public presented to all the world. I
became an American; 1 became free.
Refore the Republic clothed me with
equal citizenship, its laws exacted as a
condition that I should renounce alleg
iance to Imperialism and emperor. I
joyfully complied with that condition.
I have kept faith. I am only keeping
faith now. When, by the secret march
of centralization and the open defiance
of a daring and desperate political
parly, this Republic itself is infected
by tendencies of Imperialism—what
more natural, what more flt, what more
grateful than that those should be first
lo recognize the danger, give the signal
of alarm and come to the rescue who
know from actual sad experience what
Imperialism really is and whoowe their
freedom to the Republic?
< ne point made by Republican orators
is the great prosperity of the country.
"The country is doing remarkably well
—everybody is prosperous—all due to
the Republican party, of course—why
not let well enough alone?"' If there is
prosperity in the land, it is in spite of
and not on account of the ruling party;
it is through the labor of the toiling
millions, not to the work of politicians;
through the unexampled resources,
harvests and industries of a marvelous
country, and not through a notoriously
fraudulent Administration or a corrupt
party. Hut there is one aspect of this
prosperity which deserves serious
thought. (Ireat prosperity produces
great wealth. Great wealth is power. It
inevitably forms a class which selfishly,
though naturally, fosters its own inter
est. No government can make the
wealth of a country, hut the wealth of
a country may make the government.
I heartily despise demagogical appeals
against the ricn or any particular class,
hut this question is so grave that it
must l>e treated without gloves. The
growth of the monev power in this
country has been fabulous, and its con
nection with, and interest in, the Gov
ernment is alarming. Our foreign com
merce—that is, exports and imports
alone amounted to, for the year just
closed, how much do you suppose ?
$1,500,000,000 IN A SINGLE TEAK.
There is not one im|orter, and not
many exporters who do not depend di
rectly or indirectly upon the National
Government. There are 2,048 National
hanks, with a capital of over $455,000,-
000 and $713,000,000 of deposits. Alto
gether there were last year
0,360 DANES,
with $656,000,000 of capital and $1,893,-
000,000 of deposits. You know that,
more or less, they were directly inter
ested in and on the look out for Wall
street and Washington. Do you know
that we have about as many miles of
railroad In this country as all Eirope?
Actually we have over 80,000 miles of
railroad, or more than England, Soot
land, Ireland and Wales, all Germany,
all France, all Austria, ail Hungary, all
Italy and all Ruaeia combined. Do you
know that the amount of money inter
ested in our railroads, capital and fund
ed debt is $4,589,000,000, or more than
twice the amount of the National debtf
Last year the reoeipu of our railroads
amounted to $629,000,000, or more than
twic tho nmountof the total revenue
of the National Government, and
though the five year* after the panic of
'73 were the worst ever known, they
still managed to divide for tho last ten
year* £7OO, (XX),(XX) in dividend*. The
capital invented in manufacture* and in
duHtriea in fahulou*. There are over
4,(XX) dutiable article* on our glorious
tariff, and there is hardly a manufactur
er under our present system of protec
tion who does not have to look to
Washington for tariff legislation. Now,
nearly all these powerful interests are
united in the support of the Republican
party. So, of course, are the lOO.CXX)
officeholders. To all of them Republi
can rule means personal prosperity, sure
enough. Rut the musses of tho people
may stop to remember that history does
not show a single Republic that did not
perish after its people became rich.
No Republic perished while it was poor.
No Republic lived after it became rich.
History has no exception to this rule—
that as long as Republics are poor they
are pure. As they grow and become
richer and richer, corruption grows,
public virtue declines antl popular self
government becomes difficult and de
cays. This is the teaching of Rome
and Greece. It is the lesbon of history.
It is the danger of this Republic—the
very fact that it is almost incredibly dif
ferent and changetl from what it was
when it was founded—the very fact
that it is no longer poor, but rich, daily
growing richer.
We all want prosperify, but not at
the expense of liberty. Poverty is not
as great a danger to liberty as wealth,
with its corrupting, demoralizing influ
ences. .Suppose all the influences 1
have just reviewed were to take their
hands off instead of supporting the Re
publican party, would it have a ghost of
a chance of success? Let us have pros
perity, but never at the expense of lib
erty, never at the expense of real self
government, and let us never have a
Government at Washington owing its
retention to the power of the million
aires rather than the will of the mil
Point No. 3. is that the Democrats
are terribly hungry for a place, and that
a change in the 1(X),(XX) offices of the
country would be a
in the language of Mr. Schurz, take the
very machinery of theGovernnient into
[lieces —would be something dreadful to
contemplate. Rut this is a direct aigu
ment in favor of a permanent Govern
ment—a permanent olfice-holding dy
If we cannot afford to change the
ruling partv because that means the
change of 100,000 office holders, we shall
certainly be much less able to do so
four, eight or twelve years hence, when
the [tower and number of these office
holders will be much greater. In my
opinion a change of administration does
not imply a change in every olfice of the
country. Nor would such sweeping
changes be desirable. Rut to bold that
the country cannot afford to elect Han
cock simply because of the office holders
who would lose their place* is to give
up the very spirit of our institutions,
the character of a representative Re
public bnsed upon government by polit
ical parties, their accountability to the
people and frequent changes. If we
cannot have a change now we can nev
er have one. If Mr. Schurz's argument
against a change because it would put
the ins out and the outs in is good to
day, it will 1m still better in the future,
and we might as well settle down to
the idea of a permanent party dynasty
as irremovable and irresponsible as it is
reproaehable—the monsrchical idea in
Republican clothes.
TIIE sot.it> SOI'TII.
Point No. 4 is the cry about the Solid
South. I understand the Republican
[tosition to be this—that it is a great
political crime for ten Southern States
to be all Democratic, but it would be
the highest political virtue for twenty
two Northern States to be all Republi
can. A Solid South is monstrous, a sol
id North is sublime—according to Re
publican logic. Now, what is there in
all this cry? When the war closed
every Southern State was made Repub
lican by force. They were put under
military rule. Next they were put un
der the rule of thieving carpet baggers.
To make Republican rule permanent a
million negroes just emerged from slav
ery were rnnde voters and master* over
the disfranchised whites. What ensued
you know—the most monstrous misgov
ernment, robbery and corruption, prob
ably, the world ever saw. Then the
South was solid for the Republicans.
Rat a reaction had to come. It came.
Gradually these Southern States regain
ed local self government. To them Re
publicanism meant robbery, oppression
and government set un by bayonets and
kept up by bribery. Democracy meant
local self government. There was no
alternative—they had to become Demo
cratic. There was no other place to go
to, and the Republican party itself is
alone responsible for tl. There is not a
■ingle State in the North that would
not hava done the tame thing under
the same circumstances. The Republi
can party had the South at is feet and
could have made out of it what it pleas
ed. Had it acted with real statesman
ship and wisdom it could have saved it.
Rut in ita anxiety to force the South to
be Republican it employed and tolerat
ed methods so gross and revolting that
they produced a reaction. If there is a
•olid Sputh to-day the Republican policy
and leaders are responsible for it.
Now what has the south done since
1868, when it was Republican ? If you
believe partisan liea. the Southern peo
(>le ore exclusively engaged in bulldos
ng, killing negroe*, organizing for an
other rebellion and general thtifllesa
ness and depopulation. Rut the high
est Republican authority pronounces
this infamous. No less than
returning from his iaat trip through the
Now, what deed, or crime, I ask, has
she committed since she ceased to be
Republican to deserve so much vilifica
tion ? I will tell you in figures and facts
taken from Republican authorities.
are raised in and by the South. Accord
ing to the most eminent Republican
statistician in the country, Edward At
kinson, of Boston, the value of the hut
ten cotton crop* alone wm not leu* than
£2.500.<XX),0(X), nnd probably i.'{.(XX) .
000,000. 'l'wo thirds of this has been
exported—which mean* that for one
single staple produced by the "rebel*"
during the last ten year* this country
received the enormous sum of 2,(JX)
millions in gold, or more than the eti
lt re National debt, from Kurope. That
this was largely due to the operation*
of regained self-government is shown by
the simple tact that while the cotton
produced in the four years of carpet bay
rule of 1800, 'O7, 'OB, 'O2, amounted j,.
about £I62,(XX),(XX), in the years 1870
'77, '7B, '7'J, under Democratic rule, it
anionnted to over £951,000, (XX), or abso
an increase over l(X)per cent., an addi
tion to the national wealth in four years
alone from a single staple of £SOO,(XX)
(XX) as the difference between Republi
can is in and Democracy. If you look at
any Republican almanac, you will *>.,
that of the £2,987,000.000 of agrieuln, r !
al exports between 180.1 and 1871, tin,
products of the south alone amounted
to about 11,546,(XX),(XX). If you believe
lhateminent Republican, Mr, Atkinson
the value of the cotton crops of 187" i
was, as I said before, about £3,(*Xt o*t.
Now, is all this the result of bulldoz
ing, the ku-klux and Southern outrage*
and rebel rule? Were these glorious
rebel deeds committed under Republi
can carpet bag rule or Democracy ? Can
such results be due to the shot gun, the
ku klux or the tissue ballot? Slavery
is dead. Secession is dead. State sover
eignty is dead. The Union is no longer
in danger because there i* too little
power at Washington, but on the con
trary because there is too much. We
have rushed from oneextremetoanothei,
from secession to centralization and im
perialism. As we killed secession, we
must kill centralization. As we destroy
ed the slave power, let us now destroy
fraudulent one man power nd the
money power in politics. All the*e
have their abode in the Republican
minority. If the Republic will not de
stroy the Republican party, the Republi
can party will surely destroy the ItepuU
lie. To keep the Republican party in
tjwer i to give it a vote of confidence.
To give it a vote of confidence is to en
dorse and approve the great theft of the
Presidency. To approve that is to en
courage and invite it* repetition, not
only by itself, but by oth-r parties in
the future. To retain the Republican
party after all it ha> done is virtually to
declare that political parties may do as
they please, they will not be held re
sponsible. Upon these ides* we de
mand the election of Hancock and
success of the Democracy. We demand
| it not for the sake of party, hut for the
vindication of liberty. We demand it
! not for the sske of the offices, hut to
I [.reserve the Republic.
(Eighth Xormal Srh" > l)itrirt,)
A. N. I* AI li, A. M., jPrinripal
r pnis SCHOOL,as at present con
-1 •tliu'ed, ofl<-r the iwj I*m Udl.ti.-, )-ru
frakional and Claaatral l<-rninz.
liuil-lii.r (.*. Invitinc and cootm-di >o- i.
i plriel jr bealr.l by steam. *ll emulated, si..l iun.ik
ed ailh a lK,uilful rttj.f.l) ef ~ur* water, alt rpnt.e
• Itff.
Ixiratkift h'-nlHifol un l rmay ,f *<<<***.
P'lrnmn'iiojf * n*ry uii*tirYn*<J.
Tearbers esprri. ored, elbrient, and allrs t.- their
IMsetpllna, flrn. and kind, uniform and tb-.r *u-k
Ks(m-llM*s lu'Kleraie.
I firij rents a week deduction to those prt*rl*c I"
tMirl). •
MulriUi <lntfftl t ny Dm*.
Course, of slu.ly |.r.-srnld l.y the Plate I Model
School. 11. Preparatory. 111. LT. n ..,iUr. IV. n.-
] titiflc.
ASJt'Si-T cot aszs
I Ara-bmlc. 11. CominrrrUl. HI. Mue.r IV. Art
I The Kl.ment ,ry and Pnentiflr cur— sr. p.n
, teseional, and students vradnattn* therein ro-eire
I'lplomse. ronferrintt the following correspond!ns .le
; grres Master of the K|.m.nU, and Mo.ter -I Iks
; Srtenrew. Uradua!.* in the other rout.... r-en-
Normal t'ertiErates of tbelr attslnm-nte
; the Vacuity.
The Professional eon rate are liberal, and re is
; thoroughness not inferior to th'we of our U-et rollere.
j Ths Plato requires a higher order of ritir. n.i.ip.
i The Ume. demand it It la t.ne | the j-nn,. objou
of this srhool to belptoaoi ure it |,r tarnishing intei-
I hgetit and sflirient t-a. her* for her atbor.l. To I till
I end It aotirita young pena.na of g fM gl ahilitie. nod
jrotwj piitfhwre—Unf hi (!wir to ivfi|HOic tlf
time and their talents, as students. T" ail *wli II
promise, aid in devrhiping their powers and abundant
opportunities for *e||. |m id lat.r after ia>tng s.hooL
Vor catalogue and terms ed.ir.as the Prinri|wl
Soktl> or Tat rtggs:
I Stockholder*' Trustese—J ||, Barton. M P t 11.
' P**i- J * c " l ' Hrown. S. M Bi-kf- rd. Sam ml Christ, A
; J H CVs.k, T. C. Hippie, Baip. O. klMr.lt.
I K. P. McComitck, K,. W W. llaokin. VV r.l H tlp aa
Stale Trustee#—Hon. A. O. Curtin, Hon It I. Pi-t
--1 frnhorh. trfti Je.ae Mendll, Hon William Hich f. J C
C. X haley, S. Miller Mciktrtulrk. Esq.
Hon Wl I.LI AM RIOI.KR, President, CleartleM Ps
tieu. JRttSK M KRRI I.L, V. Presidsnt, Is. k flares,Pa
I" Ml 1.1. Alt MrCONMICK. tarrrlarr,
THOMAS VAHbI.KY, Ttrawwrer,
Boarding and Bay School for Young Lid:is
and Little Children.
Regular term will Iwgta SKPTKMREK Id, lff-
Course Of study—lTasair and Menttfo. with *•*
and Art.
B.*rd and tuition fmm tftO to |3M a year and •
V..r circular* and all desirable Information sddrsw
"-X" rmjfCIFU
IJATKNTS procured upon Invpn-
I tfona Ko Arnwugv'* Pag* IS ASTart Oar
House was established In IMB. We lie CAVEAT*,
and ohUin TKAIik MARKS, PKaIOR PATKSt*.<-
tend us a Model of your tnreatb-n. uith year ow*
dearrt|dlou of It, for our opinion as to patentability
ho Arrouarr's Vtu mm I'trm it tin iv W
the* of Instruction. Aa, "How to Paocr at Par****,
sent free on request; also sample copies of the SOW
rune Bnoat., the Inventors' Journal
R. 8. A. P. LACKY, /'atent Attomty,
*8 ' St, near Palest Ofßc*. Waahtugtou, P.C.
MONEY ToLott " at-O per CI.
' AJ 1 Bt THK MCTPAL LIEK ixsi"*
A MCE 00. OV ytxw VoHK. on Rrat mcruaje, *•
improved tana property. In an ma not less !healt , "ta
and not exrordiag one-third of the prveeut rata, eI
the laoperty. Any portion of Uw principal <*' **
paid (df at nay time, and It baa been the ow* •**
company to permit the pri . ctpal to remain a h f
the horroww wlahea, if the latere.! is prompih paW-
Apply to
CHARbn P. SfIRRMAM. Attoraey-et iaa
HI Obutt street. Bawdlng, IV
* to HAVID E. K LINK, Go.** Appraiser.
$-41 r*
' ' Oj.poalte Onurt Houee, BkLIIVOXTE, P*
A goml Lirrry attached. I-I*