Ike Ctnttc glwactat. BELLEFONTE, PA. The Largest, Cheapent and Best Paper l'U IU.IHII KD IN CKNTKK COUNTY. At the Front With lluiicuck. Far at tho front with Hancock, Down tho imprognal)lo lino, Through tho dark mars of the war clouds Victory used to shino. Calmly tho fearloss soldier Rode and survoyed tho front, Cheering and nerving his comrades, Bearing tho battle's brunt. When tho fiercest fighting was ended, Out at tho front so far, Victory then upon Hancock Smiled through tho waste of war. Still at tho front was Hancock, Holding tho line of peace, Strong for tho cause of freedom, Justice against caprice. Firmly tho soldier statesman Stood for the law and right, Just as he stood for the Union Through tho fierce days of fight. Now at the front rides Hancock, Lending a splendid band, Patriots, friends of freedom. Gathered from all the land. Hail to the soldier statesman, Honored in peace and war, Surely he rides to triumph, Such as no fraud can mar. A CASE OF .MORAL SUICIDE. Prom tlie Sew York World. Daniel Webster in one of his speech es at Boston, in referring to the tergiv ersations of a certain public officer, said that when a man went back upon his friends it was called ingratitude, or upon his enemies it was called revenge, but when a man went back on his own principles which he had avowed it ought to be called moral suicide. Dauiel Webster referred to John Ty ler, but he might have used even strouger language bad he lived to wit ness four of the conspicuous tergiver sations of Geueral Garfield upon de cided questions of principle. One was in regard to "reconstruction one in regard to the disputed election of 1876; one in regard to freedom of elections, and one in regard to reviv ing the issues of the war. On New Year's Day, 1867, General Garlield wrote to his friend Hinsdale: "I am less satisfied with tho present aspect of public affairs than 1 have been for a long time. I find that many of the points and doctrines which I believe in and desire to see prevail meet with more opposition than heretofore, and are in imminent danger of being over borne by popular clamor and political passion. In reference to reconstruction I feel that if the Southern States should adopt the constitutional amendments within a reasonable time we are literally bound to admit them to representation. # # * jfy own course is chosen, and it is quite probable it will throw me out ot public life."— Buruty* Biography, JHtyr 77. Nevertheless, within two months after the utterance of these brave words General Garfield was in line with the extremists of his party in worrying the South with special stat utes ou reconstruction ; and when the Southern States had adopted the con stitutional amendments he still kept them, as long as his vote could keep them, from representation. He even introduced the bill which was intended to abolish General Hancock's office as Major-General in punishment for that (Jeneral's practical enforcement of General Garfield's avowed principles. Gu November 11, 1876, Gen. Gar field wrote to his friend Hinsdule : "Last evening tlie President tele graphed mo from Philadelphia request ing me to go to New Orleans and re main until the vote is counted, acting ns a witness of the count. I was a good deal embarrassed by the request. I did not know who else was going and I might find jpyself associated with violent partisan Republicans who mean tocount our side in, right or wrong." Nevertheless, his embarrassment yielded and did not even return when he fouud himself among the visiting statesmen at New Orleans, or when he afterwards found himself on the Elec toral Commission at Washington "as "sociatcd with violent partisan Re publicans who meant to count our "side in, right or vrong." And only a week after the date of this letter to Hinsdale he was writing from New Orleans to his friend Hill, of Boston, in a frame of mind which showed the writer to be entirely nmenable to the specific and unanswerable criticisms which ex-Governor Hendricks recently made in his speech at Marion, I ml.: "Garfield went to New Orleans to as sist his party in making up a case, and after his return to Washington, of all his associates he was the only man who took his seat upon the Electoral Com mission. By every sentiment of fair play he should have been excluded from the jury-box. By his own sworn state ment of what he did in New Orleans Garfield had charge of the returns from West Feliciana Parish. In one of the inner rooms of Packard's Custom-House he did his work, examined the affi davits, and when they were not suffi ciently full he prepared or had prepared additional interrogatories to bring them within the rules adopted by the Return ing Board. The testimony so received by Garfield went back to the Returning Roard, and the result was that West Feliciana with it# Democratic majority was thrown out. In Washington Gar tWd'svote was that Congress could not go bahmd the returns thus made. As agent for his party he helped to make returns by manipulating the evidence : and as juryman for the nation be held such evidence as conclusive and bind ing." Ob April 21,1880, General Garfield again wrote to his friend Hinsdale, and in tho courso of tho letter said: "I am just now in antagonism with my own party on legislation in reference to the election law." Indeed of the Bayard bill as to Federal participations in elections Geueral Garfield was practically an author, for ho had entirely favored its principle, its theory and its formulas at the time of its introduction, and it was in regard to this measure that he wrote himself down as "in antagonism with his own party." Nevertheless, when the vote came upon the bill his vote went upon tho roll along with his party colleagues against all his previous speeches nnd declarations. A few days before the meeting of the Chicago Convention General Gar field, in the course of a speech iu Con gress, said : "The man who attempts to get up a political excitement in this country on the old sectional issues will find himself without a party and without support." But when ho had himself become a candidate upon a platform which hud no other vital idea in it than an at tempt to galvanize the issues of the war, fifteen years after its conclusion, General Garfield had 110 word to utter in deprecation of that which he had to all appearances earnestly deprecated from his place in Congress; and since his nomination no member of his par ty has taken more pains to revive "the old sectional issues" than Geu eral Garfield whenever he has been called upon for a speech at a serenade or upon a car platform. The inference from any one of these actions would be ami ought to be in jurious to General Garfield as a pub lie man. But when these things are considered together no inference can possibly be drawn from them except that General Garfield as a public man is not entitled to public confidence. His is a ense of moral suicide, to repeat . Webster's phrase, and it proceeds from ' moral cowardice, as all suicides may I be said to proceed from cowardice, j He is not a partisan from the temper j of his mind. He is both too scholarly and too apathetic a man to lose his head in times of not more than ordi nary excitement. He is a partisan because lie is a moral coward and be cause he cannot withstand the pressure of men whose knowledge is less and whose wills are stronger than his own. j He is one of those unhappy men to whom it is given always •'To IM* oi* right nnd to adnlr* It, too; To toatfci th- * ping, and yt tin* wionn It is true that a very active hostility j to the wrong is inconsistent with everything that is known of General Garfield's public career. But his in telligence generally suffices to make him at least "see the right," and his weakness always allows him to be bullied into doing the wrong. His political use to his party has been to furnish plausible reasons for what vio lent and unscrupuless men like Tliad deus Stevens andZach Chandler had forced him into doing. He knew ils well when he was trying to remove Hancock, as when he wrote to Hins dale bemoaning the excesses of the ex treme men in his jiarty, that the policy which General Hancock was pursuing in Louisiana was the only lawful and | the only patriotic policy for the com mander of a military district to pur sue. He knew as well when he was cooking affidavits in New Orleans or ruling out the evidence of the cookery before the Electoral Commission, as he did when he was communicating to Hinsdale his fears of the violent par tisans who "meant to count our side in, right or wrong," that Tilden had been elected President. He was sim ply driven hv the violent partisans whom he was too timid to oppose, as he was driven by them into voting against his own proposition on the Deputy Marshals bill, and ns lie would most assuredly bo driven by them if the voters of the country were misguided into electing him to the Presidency. One at least of the charges against his personal integrity owes most of its sting to this same moral weakness. If when Ames told the story of General Garfield's connection with Credit Mobilier General Garfield had come out like a man nnd confess ed the truth, he would have been thought guilty, nt most, of an indis cretion. It was his prevarication on the stand and his attempt to induce Ames to assist him in getting it ac cepted that ruined him before the country. Whenever an emergency has confronted him he has met it in the same shuffling and timid way. After announcing, sometimes in the private ear of Hinsdule and sometimes to the public, what ought to be done, he has fallen in the rear ranks of the men who were advancing to do the precisely opposite thing, and has "fol lowed a multitude to do evil." What sort of man is this for a position in which courage and aggressive honesty are the first requisites? FKOM a paltry seventy-five cents, worth of iron ore may be developed, it is said, $5.. R >o worth of bar iron, 110 worth of horse-shoes, SIBO worth of table knives, $6,800 worth of fine needles, $29,480 worth of shirt hut tons, $200,000 worth of watch springs, $600,000 worth of hair springs, or $2,600,000 pallet arbors (used in watches.) IT is estimated that 1,000 bushels of apples will he produced on the Boyer harm, Miller township, Perry county, the present year. * A MASTERLY EFFORT. Mr. Joseph I'nlltzer'H Speech ut In dhinupollN. THE COMMANDING ISSUE I MI'EKL AI.IHM IN BIMKIT IE NOT IN EORM —DANGERS OF PROSPERITY —THE TENDENCY TO CENTRALIZATION OF POWER. Hpoclal It t Washington I'oat. INDIANAPOLIS, Aug. 15. —One of the ablest and strongest speeches that has been heard in Indiannpolis for many a day, was delivered by .Joseph Pulitzer, of St. Louis, Mo., at the wigwutn, yes terday evening, in English, to a very large audience. The following are lib eral extracts: The real question is not whether ft change in Washington is politic, but whether it is possible. The issue is not to ascertain the will of the majority, but whether that well known will can bo permanently defied. It's not why should the people want a change ? but, can they have it if they wanl.il? Thrice in six years the American people showed unmistakably that they wanted a change in the character of their National Government. In 1874 they elected a Democratic House. In 1870 they elected another Democratic House. In 1878 they elected still an other. In 1876 they also elected a Dem ocratic President. The result of these successive elections also changed the Senate until that body too is Democrat ic to-day. Thus there are FIVE GREAT HISTORICAL RESULTS in six years, the election of a Democrat ic President, a Democratic Senate and three Democratic Houses, to show that the majority of the American people desire a change in the character of their , National Government. Yet, has there been a change ? Is the ruling party or the ruling spirit at Washington not un changed? Does the majority govern to day? Does not the fraudulent Execu tive, by the abuse of the veto power, 1 thwart every measure of reform, retain every partisan abuse and defy the will jof both Congress and the American ! people ? The Democracy is not only now, but really never ceased to be, the majority party in this countty. I Is this still a representative Govern ment? Is this still n real republic? Do the people truly govern themselves? I Is a political party in tiiis country still i responsible to the people? Is there no i accountability, no day of judgment? ] Shall those who stole the Presidency retain it indefinitely? Shall fraud and political wroug he indorsed? is this to become a personal and permanent Government? Is this a Government based upon law and public opinion, or on fraud and perjury? LESSONS 11Y FRANCE AND ENGLAND. Not long ago we read that the French people ordered a change in their National Government. It was a great crisis. The marshal president had a conflict very much like the one we had in this country—between place, foree and power as against public opin ion—the wili of the people. It was said that MacMahon would never yield. Tsoops were ordered out. Paris was at fever heat. Il looked like another revolution. The unarmed representa tives of the people seemed to be jwiwer less against the fearless military Presi dent with the half million soldiers at his command. Hut there was no blood shed. Marshal MacMahon submitted, He vacated the Presidency and stepped I into oblivion, it was a triumph of public opinion. It was a victory of the will of the people over military force. It was self government. A few months ago we read that the people of England, too, ordered a | change in their National Government. England has a and Empress, and no Republicrn institutions. The Eng lish '"as known to have a strong personal dislike to Mr. Gladstone—an aversion which the whole royal family had frequently ami most offensively demonstrated. It was said that the 'jueen never would submit, never would yield, never would send for Mr. | Gladstone to make him prime min | ister. There was no law, no line in ' the constitution requiring it—only cus tom and public opinion—the will of the people. We beard of great excitement and another great crisis. Rut the "iueen, after several ellbrts to the con trary, finally yielded. Mr. Gladstone wns sent for. He is prime minister of England to-day. In this cose, too, it was a great tri umph of representative institutions—a triumph of popular self-government. Hut how was it hern in free America when we lost elected our President? Did public opinion, the will of the peo ple, the voice of the law, the letter of the Constitution prevail here? Was the choice of the great majority not kept out of his place by the greatest fraud ever known in history? WHAT IS IMPERIALISM? It is often asked why is it those not to the manor born should be so earnest and united in their opposition toOrant ism and machine politics generally? Hut why has this Republic so many adopted children ? Why has every Una and shore, every race and tongue contributed fresh blood and brawn and brain to our rising Nation ? Why do these millions of foreign born already here still receive daily accessions by the thousands ? It is the spirit of Imperialism. And what is Imperialism? Injustice, inequality, class distinc tions, privileges to the few, wrong to the many, corruption and venality, but above all—fraudulent one man power. Those who wait for a king or emper or to appear before they recognize Itn- Burial ism will wait until it ia too late. o purple or throne, no sceptre or crown, no king or emj>eror will ever herald its advent in this country. Its natural advance guards are venality, fraud and centralisation. It is all the more dangerous because it comes unheralded and unheeded. Its spirit may creep into the nrteries of free institutions, its essence may poison the very life blood of liberty. Already Imperialism rules in the name and form of many republics. More liberty exists under the British Empire than in the Houth American so-called republic*. Less self-government exists under the name of some Presidents than that of kings. Names signify nothing. They deceive rather than determinate, Bra zil ha* a monarch who in really a Re publican. There are many Republicans in this country who are really monarch*. England has a legitimate Empress who does not govern, but obeys the people and parliament, while our illegitimate President overgoverns und defies the people and Congress. THE SI'IRIT IE NOT THE. FORM. Show me a land where the will of Congress is held in contempt by the executive, and where by the impudent use of the veto power it ceases to be the executive and becomes the dicta tor of Congress ; show me a land where seats in the Senate ure bought with the gold of Nevada, bartered for a mis sion to Tern or handed over as personal property from father to son, as in the State of Cemeron ; show me a land where two men like Conklingund Cam eron are practically the political mon arch* in the two greatest Stales, and over nine millions of people; show me a land where executive influence of the vilest partisan character controls the army, the navy, the treasury, the judi ciary, and a legion of over one hundred thousand oflice holders; show nie a land where one person controls 8,000 miles of. railroad, mostly built by gov ernment subsidies; where another has forty-seven millions of government bonds registered in his name, and where still another can appear at a White House reception with diamonds on her body worth over a million of dollars; show me a land where the money power, the organized capital, privileges and monopolies of the coun try, the railroads, telegraphs, banks, protected manufactures, etc., are favor ed and fostered by the government, and where all these powerful interests unite in opposing any change of that government; show me a laud where laws are disregarded, elections nulified and the highest courts ure perjured to prevent a change and give the enor mous Executive power to one clearly defeated by the people; show me hero worship, one-man jfower, boss rule, Senatorial triumvirates, defiance of tlie popular will, fraud and sham; show rue an impotent House of Representatives, a polluted Supreme court, a stolen Presidency, and you have shown and seen the spirit of Imperialism! The danger is not about a change in the form, but in the spirit of our Govern ment. THAT DANCER HAS ACTUALLY COME. It is l>efore lis now. It is the issue of the hour, and the duty of the Demoe racy is to meet it, battle with it, over throw it and restore and re-establish the same principles of true, popular self-government upon which the Repub lic was originally founded and without which it insure to founder, 'ientlemen, those who were born to it may treat it AS a matter of course, but I prize American citizenship. 1 did not gain it without sacrifice, and cannot lose it without sorrow. Where I was born— the most ancient empireof the world— Imperialism flourished. I tore the ties of home and kin, broke the fetters of a subject, and, though but a boy, came to these shores friendless, homeless, tongueless, guideiess—save that grand guiding star of liberty which this Re public presented to all the world. I became an American; 1 became free. Refore the Republic clothed me with equal citizenship, its laws exacted as a condition that I should renounce alleg iance to Imperialism and emperor. I joyfully complied with that condition. I have kept faith. I am only keeping faith now. When, by the secret march of centralization and the open defiance of a daring and desperate political parly, this Republic itself is infected by tendencies of Imperialism—what more natural, what more flt, what more grateful than that those should be first lo recognize the danger, give the signal of alarm and come to the rescue who know from actual sad experience what Imperialism really is and whoowe their freedom to the Republic? PROSPERITY MORE DANGEROUS TIL AN POV XRTY. < ne point made by Republican orators is the great prosperity of the country. "The country is doing remarkably well —everybody is prosperous—all due to the Republican party, of course—why not let well enough alone?"' If there is prosperity in the land, it is in spite of and not on account of the ruling party; it is through the labor of the toiling millions, not to the work of politicians; through the unexampled resources, harvests and industries of a marvelous country, and not through a notoriously fraudulent Administration or a corrupt party. Hut there is one aspect of this prosperity which deserves serious thought. (Ireat prosperity produces great wealth. Great wealth is power. It inevitably forms a class which selfishly, though naturally, fosters its own inter est. No government can make the wealth of a country, hut the wealth of a country may make the government. I heartily despise demagogical appeals against the ricn or any particular class, hut this question is so grave that it must l>e treated without gloves. The growth of the monev power in this country has been fabulous, and its con nection with, and interest in, the Gov ernment is alarming. Our foreign com merce—that is, exports and imports alone amounted to, for the year just closed, how much do you suppose ? Over $1,500,000,000 IN A SINGLE TEAK. There is not one im|orter, and not many exporters who do not depend di rectly or indirectly upon the National Government. There are 2,048 National hanks, with a capital of over $455,000,- 000 and $713,000,000 of deposits. Alto gether there were last year 0,360 DANES, with $656,000,000 of capital and $1,893,- 000,000 of deposits. You know that, more or less, they were directly inter ested in and on the look out for Wall street and Washington. Do you know that we have about as many miles of railroad In this country as all Eirope? Actually we have over 80,000 miles of railroad, or more than England, Soot land, Ireland and Wales, all Germany, all France, all Austria, ail Hungary, all Italy and all Ruaeia combined. Do you know that the amount of money inter ested in our railroads, capital and fund ed debt is $4,589,000,000, or more than twice the amount of the National debtf Last year the reoeipu of our railroads amounted to $629,000,000, or more than twic tho nmountof the total revenue of the National Government, and though the five year* after the panic of '73 were the worst ever known, they still managed to divide for tho last ten year* £7OO, (XX),(XX) in dividend*. The capital invented in manufacture* and in duHtriea in fahulou*. There are over 4,(XX) dutiable article* on our glorious tariff, and there is hardly a manufactur er under our present system of protec tion who does not have to look to Washington for tariff legislation. Now, nearly all these powerful interests are united in the support of the Republican party. So, of course, are the lOO.CXX) officeholders. To all of them Republi can rule means personal prosperity, sure enough. Rut the musses of tho people may stop to remember that history does not show a single Republic that did not perish after its people became rich. No Republic perished while it was poor. No Republic lived after it became rich. History has no exception to this rule— that as long as Republics are poor they are pure. As they grow and become richer and richer, corruption grows, public virtue declines antl popular self government becomes difficult and de cays. This is the teaching of Rome and Greece. It is the lesbon of history. It is the danger of this Republic—the very fact that it is almost incredibly dif ferent and changetl from what it was when it was founded—the very fact that it is no longer poor, but rich, daily growing richer. We all want prosperify, but not at the expense of liberty. Poverty is not as great a danger to liberty as wealth, with its corrupting, demoralizing influ ences. .Suppose all the influences 1 have just reviewed were to take their hands off instead of supporting the Re publican party, would it have a ghost of a chance of success? Let us have pros perity, but never at the expense of lib erty, never at the expense of real self government, and let us never have a Government at Washington owing its retention to the power of the million aires rather than the will of the mil lions. TIIE ARUI'MENT AO A IN* ST CIIANOE AN Alt- Ot'MENT I'OR A MONARCH!'. Point No. 3. is that the Democrats are terribly hungry for a place, and that a change in the 1(X),(XX) offices of the country would be a in the language of Mr. Schurz, take the very machinery of theGovernnient into [lieces —would be something dreadful to contemplate. Rut this is a direct aigu ment in favor of a permanent Govern ment—a permanent olfice-holding dy nasty. If we cannot afford to change the ruling partv because that means the change of 100,000 office holders, we shall certainly be much less able to do so four, eight or twelve years hence, when the [tower and number of these office holders will be much greater. In my opinion a change of administration does not imply a change in every olfice of the country. Nor would such sweeping changes be desirable. Rut to bold that the country cannot afford to elect Han cock simply because of the office holders who would lose their place* is to give up the very spirit of our institutions, the character of a representative Re public bnsed upon government by polit ical parties, their accountability to the people and frequent changes. If we cannot have a change now we can nev er have one. If Mr. Schurz's argument against a change because it would put the ins out and the outs in is good to day, it will 1m still better in the future, and we might as well settle down to the idea of a permanent party dynasty as irremovable and irresponsible as it is reproaehable—the monsrchical idea in Republican clothes. TIIE sot.it> SOI'TII. Point No. 4 is the cry about the Solid South. I understand the Republican [tosition to be this—that it is a great political crime for ten Southern States to be all Democratic, but it would be the highest political virtue for twenty two Northern States to be all Republi can. A Solid South is monstrous, a sol id North is sublime—according to Re publican logic. Now, what is there in all this cry? When the war closed every Southern State was made Repub lican by force. They were put under military rule. Next they were put un der the rule of thieving carpet baggers. To make Republican rule permanent a million negroes just emerged from slav ery were rnnde voters and master* over the disfranchised whites. What ensued you know—the most monstrous misgov ernment, robbery and corruption, prob ably, the world ever saw. Then the South was solid for the Republicans. Rat a reaction had to come. It came. Gradually these Southern States regain ed local self government. To them Re publicanism meant robbery, oppression and government set un by bayonets and kept up by bribery. Democracy meant local self government. There was no alternative—they had to become Demo cratic. There was no other place to go to, and the Republican party itself is alone responsible for tl. There is not a ■ingle State in the North that would not hava done the tame thing under the same circumstances. The Republi can party had the South at is feet and could have made out of it what it pleas ed. Had it acted with real statesman ship and wisdom it could have saved it. Rut in ita anxiety to force the South to be Republican it employed and tolerat ed methods so gross and revolting that they produced a reaction. If there is a •olid Sputh to-day the Republican policy and leaders are responsible for it. Now what has the south done since 1868, when it was Republican ? If you believe partisan liea. the Southern peo (>le ore exclusively engaged in bulldos ng, killing negroe*, organizing for an other rebellion and general thtifllesa ness and depopulation. Rut the high est Republican authority pronounces this infamous. No less than URMERAt, ORAKT. returning from his iaat trip through the South. Now, what deed, or crime, I ask, has she committed since she ceased to be Republican to deserve so much vilifica tion ? I will tell you in figures and facts taken from Republican authorities. OVIR ONR-THIRt) OF ALL OUR EXPORTS are raised in and by the South. Accord ing to the most eminent Republican statistician in the country, Edward At kinson, of Boston, the value of the hut ten cotton crop* alone wm not leu* than £2.500.., that of the £2,987,000.000 of agrieuln, r ! al exports between 180.1 and 1871, tin, products of the south alone amounted to about 11,546,(XX),(XX). If you believe lhateminent Republican, Mr, Atkinson the value of the cotton crops of 187" i was, as I said before, about £3,(*Xt o*t. (XX). Now, is all this the result of bulldoz ing, the ku-klux and Southern outrage* and rebel rule? Were these glorious rebel deeds committed under Republi can carpet bag rule or Democracy ? Can such results be due to the shot gun, the ku klux or the tissue ballot? Slavery is dead. Secession is dead. State sover eignty is dead. The Union is no longer in danger because there i* too little power at Washington, but on the con trary because there is too much. We have rushed from oneextremetoanothei, from secession to centralization and im perialism. As we killed secession, we must kill centralization. As we destroy ed the slave power, let us now destroy fraudulent one man power nd the money power in politics. All the*e have their abode in the Republican minority. If the Republic will not de stroy the Republican party, the Republi can party will surely destroy the ItepuU lie. To keep the Republican party in tjwer i to give it a vote of confidence. To give it a vote of confidence is to en dorse and approve the great theft of the Presidency. To approve that is to en courage and invite it* repetition, not only by itself, but by oth-r parties in the future. To retain the Republican party after all it ha> done is virtually to declare that political parties may do as they please, they will not be held re sponsible. Upon these ides* we de mand the election of Hancock and success of the Democracy. We demand | it not for the sake of party, hut for the vindication of liberty. We demand it ! not for the sske of the offices, hut to I [.reserve the Republic. CZI7TP.AI, STATE NORMAL SCHOOL (Eighth Xormal Srh" > l)itrirt,) LOCK HAVEN, CLINTON CO.. PA. A. N. I* AI li, A. M., jPrinripal r pnis SCHOOL,as at present con -1 •tliu'ed, ofl<-r the iwj I*m Udl.ti.-, )-ru frakional and Claaatral l<-rninz. liuil-lii.r (.*. Invitinc and cootm-di >o- i. i plriel jr bealr.l by steam. *ll emulated, si..l iun.ik ed ailh a lK,uilful rttj.f.l) ef ~ur* water, alt rpnt.e • Itff. Ixiratkift h'-nlHifol un l rmay ,f *<<<***. P'lrnmn'iiojf * n*ry uii*tirYn*tng s.hooL Vor catalogue and terms ed.ir.as the Prinri|wl Soktl> or Tat rtggs: I Stockholder*' Trustese—J ||, Barton. M P t 11. ' P**i- J * c " l ' Hrown. S. M Bi-kf- rd. Sam ml Christ, A ; J H CVs.k, T. C. Hippie, Baip. O. klMr.lt. I K. P. McComitck, K,. W W. llaokin. VV r.l H tlp aa Stale Trustee#—Hon. A. O. Curtin, Hon It I. Pi-t --1 frnhorh. trfti Je.ae Mendll, Hon William Hich f. J C C. X haley, S. Miller Mciktrtulrk. Esq. orrirga*. Hon Wl I.LI AM RIOI.KR, President, CleartleM Ps tieu. JRttSK M KRRI I.L, V. Presidsnt, Is. k flares,Pa I" Ml 1.1. Alt MrCONMICK. tarrrlarr, THOMAS VAHbI.KY, Ttrawwrer, WOODWARD SEMINARY. Boarding and Bay School for Young Lid:is and Little Children. SECOND AND LOCUST STREETS, HARRIsnURG, PA. Regular term will Iwgta SKPTKMREK Id, lff- Course Of study—lTasair and Menttfo. with *•* and Art. B.*rd and tuition fmm tftO to |3M a year and • extras. V..r circular* and all desirable Information sddrsw "-X" rmjfCIFU PATENTS. IJATKNTS procured upon Invpn- I tfona Ko Arnwugv'* Pag* IS ASTart Oar House was established In IMB. We lie CAVEAT*, and ohUin TKAIik MARKS, PKaIOR PATKSt*.<- INVENTORS tend us a Model of your tnreatb-n. uith year ow* dearrt|dlou of It, for our opinion as to patentability ho Arrouarr's Vtu mm I'trm it tin iv W the* of Instruction. Aa, "How to Paocr at Par****, sent free on request; also sample copies of the SOW rune Bnoat., the Inventors' Journal R. 8. A. P. LACKY, /'atent Attomty, *8 ' St, near Palest Ofßc*. Waahtugtou, P.C. MONEY ToLott " at-O per CI. ' AJ 1 Bt THK MCTPAL LIEK ixsi"* A MCE 00. OV ytxw VoHK. on Rrat mcruaje, *• improved tana property. In an ma not less !healt , "ta and not exrordiag one-third of the prveeut rata, eI the laoperty. Any portion of Uw principal <*' ** paid (df at nay time, and It baa been the ow* •** company to permit the pri . ctpal to remain a h f the horroww wlahea, if the latere.! is prompih paW- Apply to CHARbn P. SfIRRMAM. Attoraey-et iaa HI Obutt street. Bawdlng, IV * to HAVID E. K LINK, Go.** Appraiser. $-41 r* riARMAN'B HOTEL, ' ' Oj.poalte Onurt Houee, BkLIIVOXTE, P* TKRMS Si r. PER BAT. A goml Lirrry attached. I-I*