©he Centee
BELLEFONTE, PA.
The Largest, Cheapest and Best Paper
I'UHI.ISIIKr> IN OKNTHK COUNTY,
Garfield's Tariff Record!
FROM Til K
onU'iul Horn incuts of Congress.
From t lis* All<titown Democrat.
In tho last issue of the Lehigh Register
appeared an article from the Iron and
Steel Bulletin in which Garfield is rep
resented to be a protectionist. The
same paper, and so also the Chronicle,
recently published a letter written by
De (joiyer-Credit Mobilier Garfield in
1879, in which he claims to be as good a
tariff man as can be found anywhere,
while with great modesty (?) he de
clares himself to be the "leader" of bis
party on the tariff question. In this
letter he makes this declaration :
"I have voted for every Republican tar
itf bill which has passed the House since 1
have been a member of it."
And now let us see how the Congres
sional records bear out the Iron and
Steel Bulletin, and the assertions of Gar
field in bis letter. The first session of
tkmgress of which Garfield was a mem
ber was the first session of the Thirty
eighth Congress, 1863-64. This was the
session in which the tariff was raised
from the'6l tariff of #6. to $9 per ton
on pig iron. On page 3322, Part 4, of
the Congressional Globe of 1864, June 27,
we find Jaines A. Garfield voting to re
duce the proposed tariff on ruilroad
iron from 80 down to 60 cents per hun
dred pounds, and on the final vote on
raising the tariff his vote is not record
ed. On the reduction of the proposed
duty on railroad iron he voted in oppo
sition to every proteotive tariff man in
the House, including such men as Judge
Kelley, Thad. Stevens and General
Moorhead.
The rest of Garfield's tariff record we
premise by stating the facts that the
tariff of '42, the highest ever known in
the country, was $9 per ton on pig iron :
tho tariff of '46 altered this dutv to 30 j
per cent, ad valorem, and the tariff of 57 :
changed this again to 24 per cent. In
March, 1861 this tariff was changed again
to $6 per ton, and then again in 1864 j
raised to $9 —the figure of the old tariff
of *42.
It was at this figure when the tariff of
1870 was introduced, on which occasion
James A. Garfield made the following
remarks:
"As an abstract theory of political econ
omy FREE TRADE "has many advan- j
tages and much can be said in its favor;
nor will it be denied thul the. scholarship
of modern times is largely ON THAT j
Ml) K# that a large majority of the great p
thinkers of the present day are leading in 1
the direction of what is called FREE
TRADE. '
•ludge W. D. Kelley, the great tariff
champion of Pennsylvania, denied this
und cited the writings of Henry C.
Carey, whereupon Garfield said in reply:
"I detract nothing from the great abili
ty and the acknowledged fame of Mr.
C'arey when 1 say that on this subject he
represents a minority among the financial
writers of our day. I arn trying to state
as fairly as I can the present condition ot
the question ; and in doing so I atfirrn that
the tendency of modern thought is toward
FREE TRADE."—{Garfield's speech on
the Tariff of 1870, Page 2C,8, Part 7, Ap
pendix to Congressional Globe, 2d Session
41st Congress, April Ist, 1H70.]
True to those remarks, we find Gar
field voting to reduce the $9 duly on
pig iron to $7 per ton, and it was so re
duced by tle following section of the
law, on Pages 703 and 704, laws ol U.
N., Part 7, Appendix, 2d Session 41st
Congress :
*>a iron in pigs seven dollars per ton.
>u cast scrape iron of every descrip
tion six dollars per ton.
On wrought scrap iron eight dollars
per ton.
SECTION 21. Ami be it enacted, That after
the 31st day of December, 1809, in lieu of
the duties now imposed by law on the ar
ticles hereinafter enumerated or provided
for, imported from foreign countries, there
shall be levied, collected and paid the fol
lowing duties and rates of duties, that is
to say i • • • •
On Page 82, Congressional Globe, Ist
Session 42d Congress, will be found the
record of Garfield on taking the tariff
duties off coal and keeping said duties
on tea and coffee. The resolution on
the coal tariff reads as follows :
Be it resolved, Ac., That from and after
the passage of ibis joint resolution no tax
or duty shall be collected upon foreign coal.
On this the vote of Garfield is record
ed YEA.
A bill offered by Randall, Democrat,
of Pennsylvania, was next read as fol
lows :
Be it Enacted, , That from and after
the passage of this act Tea and Cotl'ee shall
be placed on the free list, and no further
import duties shall lie collected from the
same.
On this the rote of Garfield is record
ed, NO.
This record shows that Garfield was
perfectly willing to put coal down to
the lowest price, and at the same time
voted that those who mined the coal
should pay the highest price for Tea
and Coffee!
In 1872 the Tariff bill of June 6, that
year, was voted on and passed the
House. This bill made a sweeping
reduction of ten per centum in the
Tariff duties on foreign wools, and on
iron and steel. We quote from the
2d section as follows :
SECTION 2.—That on and after tho Ist
day of August, 1872, in lieu of tho duties
imposed by law on the articles in this sec
tion enumerated, there shall be levied,
collected and paid on the goods, wares and
merchandise in this section enumerated
and provided for, imported from foreign
countries, ninety per centum of the sev
eral duties and ratea of duty now imposed
by law upon said articles severally, IT
BEING THE INTENT OF THIS SEC
TION TO REDUCE EXISTING DU
TIES ON SAID ARTICLES TEN PER
CENTUM OF SUCH DUTIES, that is
to say:
* * * * •
On all wools. • # •
On all iron and steel, and on all manu
factures of iron and steel, of which metals
or either of them, shall be the conqionent
part of chief value, excepting cotton ma
chinery.
The vote of Garfield on the passage
of this tariff bill on June 6, 1872, will
he found in the Congressional Globe,
Part 5, 2d Session 42u Congress, Page
3652. It is recorded YRA.
Thus it is fully shown by the official
records of Congress that Garfield notonly
spoke strongly in favor of the free trade
theory, but every fi me he voted on the
tariff, he voted tor its reduction, except
in the single instance of his voting
against taking the tnriff off tea and
coffee! And this vote was against the
policy of the Protectionists, who have
always insisted that tea and coffee
should be admitted free of duty, as
their importation wus not in competi
tion with any article of American pro
duction.
This then is the record of the Regis
ter and Chronicle's protectionist candidate,
but who as the records show is an out
and out irkk trader. What is above
said can not bo refuted—they are con
spicuous and indisputable facts. We
challenge the best Republican to enter
upon a denial. And the facts as given
are of great importance to the iron
operators and the workinginen of Le
high county, as well as of Pennsylva
nia. They show ,that Mr. Garfield vot
ed steadfastly at every opportunity to
reduce the duty on iron. They show
that he voted to do away absolutely
with the duty on coal. The declara
tions made by the Steel and Iron
liullstin are not based on real tacts, and
the representations made in Mr. (Jar
field's own letter as it appeared in the
Register sotne weeks ago cannot bo rec
onciled with the facts as they appear
on the record. Mr. Garfield having
thus been tripped up in a parcel of
glaring lies concerning his tariff views,
the people will be all the more prepar
ed to doubt the truth of his declaration
concerning the Credit Mobilier,
The Two October Stufes.
From the N. V. fctiu.
Indiana casts fifteen electoral votes
and Ohio casts twenty-two. They both
hold State elections in October, and
these elections will be watched with
anxious interest by the managers ol
the two great parties. The third party
this year will make but a small figure
in the national contest. The venerable
Peter Cooper, who may be said to rep
resent its best element, was <piick to
acknowledge this fact by his visit to
General Hancock.
In 1870 the vote for President in In
diana stood as follows ;
TiliUn at i vi'i | c..|r .&
jw,"ll 1 TiltWl |>luTjr 67.1..
In 1878, for Secretary of State, it
stood :
ShAiiklin, D*m ... 1W I'M I JmM, Nul'l 39.14 M
M-s-rc, K*p 150,7 V> I ltom. plu'tjr 1
The vote of 1878 was about 17,000
short of that of 1876, and with this de
ficiency the Democrats lost 19,000 and
the Republicans 28.(XX) on the total
poll. Hence it is apparent that the
defection to the Natiouals was greater
on the Republican than on the Demo
cratic side. During the past year sev
eral thousand negroes were colonized
in Indiana, with the expectation of
capturing the State by that movement.
But the practical effect of the attempt
seems to have resulted injutiously to
the Republicans by a reaction against
this partisan manoeuvre.
In 1876 the vote for president in Ohio
stood as follows :
Hayes. I Tll-lrn "Jt.ISZ
II a v •* ninj..rty fl.Sltl
A change of Ippm than one nn<i u half
per cent, on Hayes' vole would have
given the State to Tilden.
In 1879 for Governor it stood :
ForaUr, K+i> ..tW 261 | Platl, J
Kwing, IVrn ri J Hlfturt, TViti
FuaUr'fl majority om all
The vote was 14.730 greater than in
1876. It is well known that many
hard money Democrats refused to sup
port Kwing, while on the other hand he
did not satisfy the Greenbackerx.
These figures exhibit the political
condition of the two States—lndiana
strongly inclining to the Democrats anil
Ohio to the Republicans. The candi
dacv of General Hancock brings a new
element into the contest which will re
inforce the Democracy in both States,
and ought to be decisive in each. But
it would be worse thon unwise to count
upon accessions which are contingent
on circumstances, and would be foolish,
even if they were reasonably sure, to
abate any effort or to relax any energy
on that account.
The Republicans will concentrate
their resources, their nppliances, and all
the official machinery on Indiana and
Ohio, knowing full well that if either le
lost they arc certainly beaten. The
Democrats cannot do better than organ
ize their campaign on a similar basis.
They are in a condition to carry both
States, and the battle should be fought
with the resolution to make the victory
crushing at the outset. A decisive
triumph in October would settle the
Presidential election, and save a large
expenditure of money and of material.
One hundred and eighty-five votes are
required in the electoral colleges to
choose the next President. Given 138
from the South, according to Mr. Conk
ling's favorite form, with 32 from New
York and 15 from Indiana, and Gen
eral Hancock would have three more
than are required. Or Indiana might
be left out, and New Jersey and Con
necticut would furnish 15 to make the
same complement.
There is much confidence that Penn
sylvania wiH vote for General Hancock,
and the Pacific States promise to do
likewise. But we cast all these specula
tions aside, and regard the October
States as the pivot of the contest. In
that view, the friends of Hancock
would be criminally negligent if they
failed to organize promptly and vigor
ously, so as to put Indian beyond all
doubt, and to make Ohio hot for the
Credit Mobilier candidate. Now is the
time to begin the work, and every day
of delay invites a danger.
♦ ■ •
AICIITZRN of Avoca, lowa, on# day re
cently, observed a cat on the nest of a
setting hen and awaited the result. In
about fifteen minutes, the hen returned,
and, driving the cat off, resumed busi
ness. Further observations showed
that every time the hen leaves the nest,
the cat goes and curls itself upon the
remains there, sometimes for
an hour, till the return of the hen.
A VETERAN'S TALE.
JIV AN OKIOINAI. REPUBLICAN.
From Forney'• Progr CM.
A liuiiilrcri gtiM—ytn, fifty more —
IUIIKHI down their nlmt ami shell
As if, from out Its yawning door,
Drove the red Idast of hdl.
The IIIM I the crank t tlic shriek 1 the groan !
The rnascdose iron hall!
All thia for half the day. I own
It made the stoiitoet <|iail*
Hut Hidden, far to left, we heard
The hand strike up; and lo I
Full In our front—no breath wae stirred—
Came llancoek, tiding slow.
As slow as if oil dross juirmlt,
All down the hue to right
And Imrk again. My my K*MI Made,
Was ever such a sight I
W v lay lit length. No ranks could stand
Against that tempest wild;
Yet on lie rod*, with hat In hand,
And looked and bowed and smiled.
Whatever fears we had liefoie
Were gone. That sight, you know,
Just made us fifty thousand more,
Ail hot to face the foe.
You've lieanl the rest. Ilow on they came;
Kartli shaking at their tread;
A cheer; our ranks burst into Maine;
Steel crossed, the fo# had Med.
Yet still that daunth.* I..tin I see,
Slow riding down thw line.
Was ever deed of chivalry
So grand, O, comrade mine ?
GARFIELD'S LETTER OF ACCEPT
AXCE.
AN IT SHOULD UK.
To the linn. George Frtibie Hoar ami others,
Committee of the National Republican
Convention.
GENTLEMEN: My nomination by your
convpntion at Chicago wait unexpected.
I did not desire it; I had not even con
templated the poaaibility of its being
made. A very distinct recollection ol
events in my own public career left no
room iu my mind for the supposition
that the political party with which 1 am
acting could, under any circumstances,
liek its supremacy upon my Candida
tore. After the moment of weakness
in whicti I consented to allow my name
to go before the delegates, my firat im
pulse was to withdraw. That impulse
lias recurred with augmented strength
at various times during the past five
weeks. It is still strong within me.
Nevertheless, it having been represent
ed to me that withdrawal at this time
is impossible, I have reluctantly de
cided to accept H nomination that was
unsought and uncoveted, and lo enter
into a canvass which my better judg
ment declares to be hopeless. In ac
cepting the nomination of the Uepuhli
can party to be President of the United
States, 1 expressly disclaim responsibil
ity for the result, if unfavorable to that
party.
Having candidly defined my position
in regard to the canvass, it becomes
proper for me to touch, with equal can
dor, upon the leading issues that will
engage the attention of the people
during the next few months.
In .lune, l.viH, as is shown by the
record, and as is declared by the report
of the Republican Investigating Com
niiitee, known as the l'oland Committee
I received from Mr. Oskes Ames a
check for three hundred and twenty
nine dollars, being a dividend on stock
held by me in the Credit Mobilier of
America. In the confusion of a trying
moment I swore that I had never own
ed such stock and never received sucb
dividend. When it was shown that the
money in question had been paid me,
beyond the possibility of a doubt, I
requested Mr. Oak ee Ames to consider
it a loan. 1 now respectfully ask the
voters of the United States to take that
view of the transaction, and let it go as
a loan.
<>n the 12th of duly, 1872—by an
interesting coincidence just eight years
ago today—l received from a firm of
contrncters interested in procuring an
appropriation by the committee of
which 1 was chairman, a check for $5,-
000. When this transaction was invest
igated, five years later, by a committee
of Congress, I swore that the $5,000
was not a bribe, but a fee. The fact
that I never rendered ta this firm of
contractors any services of a legal na
ture is one which, in my opinion, it is
neither just nor generous to bring up
after all this lapse of time. I therefore
respectfully request the voters of the
United States to adopt my view of the
five thousand dollar transaction and let
it go as a fee.
fn February and March, 1873, 1 was
largely instrumental in effecting the
passage of an appropriation of about
$5,000, (UK) for the back pay of Con
gressmen. 1 considered the amount
which thus came into my hand* a wel
come addition to my slender income;
but when I found that the measure was
odious to the country, and likely to
effect the political future of the Cen
gressmen concerned in it, I made haste
to cover the entire sum into the Treas
ury. 1 was one of the first half dozen
to refund. I now respectfully ask the
voters of the United State* to take my
view of that restoration of the people's
money, and let it go as a virtuous act.
There are no doubt other question* af
fecting my personal character which will
come before tbe country; those which I
have specified seem to me M be among
the most im|)ortant. My earnest de
sire is that, whatever course political
discussion may take between now and
November, we may be spared a cam
paign of calumny.
On the other hand, if culture and
classical attainment* are lo have any
weight in the contest now opening —if,
as has been recently suggested in the
speech of a distinguished Massachu
setts Senator, the schoolmaster is to he
given s hearing—l can promise that,
like the blind ryrtnnis at the terrible
pass of Halamis, inspiring the Athenian
Old Guard by combing out bis long
locks in the presence of the Egyptian
hosts, I shall be found at the Front of
the Kepul4ican column, carrying confi
dence to the hearts of voters by the
coolness with which, in the hottest of
the fight, I shall bring out from time to
time some of the treasures of a culti
vated mind.
I remain, gentlemen, your fellow
citizen, JAMBS A. GARFIELD.
MENTOR, 0., July 12, 1880.
A PHYSICIAN heavily loaded with town
lots, lor which he baa paid only in part,
hsatily prescribes a box of pills for a
patient, and allowed hi* mind to wand
er back lo his real estate. The patient
asked how the pills were to be taken.
The doctor replied : "One third down,
and the rest in six and twelve months,
with interest."
CONSTITUTIONAL LIBERTY.
AND WHV UANCOCE'S ELECTION WOULD I'KO
MOTE IT.
OnoifC* Tlc kuur Curll.'a Fourth of Jul/ Oration.
"Our government, a* respects the
oxecutive department, has descended
to a pretty low plane. The office tf
president has been occupied by a man
of the most moderate abilities, who
was content to take it knowing tliut he
was not the choice of the people,know
ing that the documents which guve
him certain electoral votes were the
liroductions of forgery and fraud, ami
mowing that the majority of the tri
bunal which awarded to him his dis
honest title was governed by a lixed
party determination to secure posses
sion of the office however plain it
might be that the office belonged to
another. It has pleased the Republi
can party to nominate as his successor
one who sat on that electoral commis
sion and voted steadily for the con
summation of the great plot which
was formed in the previous autumn for
defeating the populur will. This can
didate the present occupant of the
office will support with all the influ
ence and power of the executive.
Now, I cannot see any infusion of new
blood, any improvement in the char
acter of leadership, any higher tone of
public morals, any broader statesman
ship, among those who are to govern
the country in the event of Mr. Gur
field's election. I see no new and
better men coming to the front to take
the management of the Republican
couvass, and to constitute an adminis
tration in case of their success. The
same set of public men who have so
long thriven upon their claims of su
iierior virtue and patriotism, and so
long demonstrated their infidelity to
many of the most important principles
of our political system, are again iu
the field for a prolongation of their
power. Certainly the Democratic par
ty presents a strong contrast to all
this, aud if the people of the country
really wish to put their government
upon a higher level, they have an ex
cellent opportunity in the person of
the Democratic candidate —(voice —
"Good, good," and applause)—uud in
the persons of those whom he can call
mound l\ini in the great work of re
form, and in the restoration of the
federal powers to their appropriate
spheres. For these important objects
the Democratic candidate is well fitted.
You know that 1 never anticipate in
the making of nominations, and never
put myself in |ositioiis which imply
an obligation to support any and
every man who is nominated. Mv
bumble support of General Hancock
—(loud and long cheers) —therefore,
does not depend upon the force of any
such obligation. I justify it u|siti en
tirely different grounds. Gen. Han
cock is a soldier ; but lie is one of the
few military men who made distin
guished reputations in our late civil
war, the brightest and best parts of
whose reputations have been made by
their reverence for the principles of
civil liberty. (Applause.) The real
objection to putting military men at
the head of our government docs not
consist in the mere fact that tbev are
military men. Nor docs it consist in
the fact that the individual has never
held civil office. It consists iu the
waut —when there is such a want —of
the power to appreciate the supreme
importance, in a government like ours,
of constitutional limitations and the
fundamental truths of public freedom.
In my youth I east my first vote with
the party which was opposed t<> Gen
eral Jackson ; and I had to unlearn
many things iu his public character
before I could admit bis great quali
ties as a civil ruler. l>ater iu my life
I was one of those Whigs who were
dreadfully exorcised by the nomina
tion ami election of Zachary Taylor.
He held the office of president for a
very short time ; but I believe that all
men were agreed that if he bad lived
he had so much sterling good sense
and sound judgment that he would
have administered the government
well. I diil not vote for General Scott
when he was made the Whig candi
date because I lielieved that the men
who had the most of his political con
fidence were not the men of whom I
wished to see an administration com
posed. Of General Grant 1 will only
say that many of the errors of his ad
ministration did not spring solely from
the fact that he was a military man,
but they are attributed to his want of
all power to understand and appreciate
sucn a constitution and system of gov
ernment as ours, aud therefore he did
things which were entirely inconsistent
with the first principles of such a gov
ernment. But now I desire to say
of General Hancock—(cheers) —that
neither Jackson, nor Taylor, nor
Grant, before his election to the pres
idency, had ever been placed in a po
sition to demonstrate his fitness to be
a civil ruler at all comparable to that
in which Hancock was placed during
the early period of 'reconstruction.'
The nation hail to take all three of
those distinguished men on trust.
Jackson fully justified the truth that
was reposed in him. Taylor might
have justified it. Grant did not. But
Hancock has been tried as neither of
those men was tried, before their ele
vation to the presidency, and he has
shown that there are great elements of
the civil character in his composition
and fame. I read at that time, and
have again read with strong admira
tion, all those remarkable papers in
which he exhibited his love of civil
liberty in a position in which he had
an act of Congress behind him tlyst
would have justified him in milking
himself a military despot. i say that
tlio instinct with which ho seized the
principle that the IHWH and customs
and civil courts of the Btute subjected
to his military rule, so far as they
were not iu conflict with the Federal
Constitution, were still in preservation,
was as true, sound, exact and wise a*
it could have been if lie had held civil
office all his life. (Applause.) It
was inore ; for you will remember how
strong was the pressure thut was ex
erted to have the suppression of (lie
rebellion treated us a military con
quest of subject provinces; and no
one can place too high an cslimutc
upon the public service rendered by
General Hancock to his country when
he put himself boldly and squarely in
opposition to this tendency. He might
have construed the reconstruction acts
us a suppression of every principle
thut constitutes a free .State. He con
strued them a* vesting in him a dis
cretion not to do w hat he believed to
lie wrong in policy uud in principle
and dangerous to the future welfare of
the Union. For this he deserves the
gratitude of the country, und if that
gratitude shall carry him to the high
est civil office in the luud, he lut*
proven hiseupueity for thut great trust,
and his ability to rely upon those who
can afford him the best aid iu the
discharge of its duties." [Prolonged
uppjuuse und cheering ]
AMERICAN WOMEN.
KROLLL IK* ATUTILK .
The men of u natiou inevitably
make the women what they wiil, uud
the women in return impress upon
their children what tliey have receiv
ed from their own fathers. Hence the
existence of the American WOUM-II I a
hecome almost a- purely objective as
that of the man. 11-r ideal of life
from her cradle has lieen associated
with the maximum of exertion. There
is no quietude among Americans, and
wonderfully little egotism iu tlx ir
social life. It i- a never-ending serio
of scusations and mental shocks, whieh
keep the whole being iu a nervous
quiver, aud allow no time lor any
quality save that of energy to develop
itself symmetrically. The American
woman is as unquiet iu her thought
ami duties, however light, a- tiie man.
Kveu when she vi-its she lia tin air
of rejsise. Her conversation is not
thoughtful, hut urtful. She tell- you
what she see* or suffers, not what -he
thinks or feels. There is no reverie
alMiut her, no suggestion of 'thut brood
ing spirit which indicate- a capacity
for impassioned affection —a capacity
which to bachelors is always ideally
seductive, however little the married
man may appreciate or return it. Yet,
generally speaking, undemonstrative
as the American girl may be, she will
wear her life out iu working for the
man she loves. She forget* all about
being for hint iu that merciless energy
which always drives her into doing
fur him.
There is, again, another reason why
the American girl seem* cold to the
superficial observer. It is because
slie is free. Bhe is educated to re
press emotion, because her indetiend
ent movements expose her to contact
with men of all cla**cs, among whom
there are very many "vile persons."
Her coldness of demeanor, therefore,
is her armor against impertinence, or
even worse thing*. She passes, Diana
like, through crowds of men every
day, not one of whom for one iiistaut
suspect* her of lieing other than she
is, because her manner shows her at
once to be a free-born, spotless Ameri
can woman 1 They never dream that
because no one is watching her she
means to go astray.
The defects of the American girl
can lie done away with bv giving less
prominence to the purely intellectual
or purely practical side of her educa
tion. for while one class of men is
striving to solve the problems of life
by educating women intellectually,
there is another class whieh is shout
ing for education in domestic matters.
While professors at Harvard are
rejoicing over some girl who can take
in their philosophies or their mathe
matics, tho newspaper editor sings the
praises of her who can roast a turkey,
bake bread or make her own dresses.
Neither gives the poor girl any chance
to exist, but only to work, with either
hand or brain. No oue says to her,
"You are not only yourself, hut possi
bly the future mother of other beings.
Do not therefore allow yourself to be
driven by either school or apostles be
yond what you mny do easily, com
fortably or pleasurably. The healthy
balance of your nervous system is far
more important to you and your fu
ture family relations than all the
mathematics or dress-making, or even
roasting of turkevs. Occupy yourself
steadfastly, but without strain, without
hurry, and without emulation. As
the apostle said, (and it must have
been meant expressly for Americans>:
'avoid emulation.' Fiud out first what
you can do last, ami even if it docs
not come up to somebody else's stand
ard, learn to coutent vourself with
that."
A SCULPTOR'S wife had her husband
arrested in Cincinnati the other day
for assault and battery, because, a* she
testified, on thd occasion of her going
to his studio lo inform him thai the
woman across the way had eloped, he
struck her in the face with a huge
mass of mud. The sculptor explained
that the occasion referred to was the
first time for years that he had seen a
{ilcuHuut look on hi* wife'* face, and
therefore lie liuxteued to take a clay
cant of her feature*, HO ax to catch the
exprieiwion for u*oou a bunt he intend
ed to model. The court dimniHaed the
a*c.
How We frow.
(eneriil Walker, Superintendent of
Cfetmw, Itai now received* fcufTeient re
turn m to fnrimha bu-i* for conclusion*
HH to what the total population of the
country will he, and the rexult i* verv
encouraging to the national' pride.
(ieneral Walker e-timuti-i tliat the
full returns will xliow not far from
of inhahitantx in the
United State*, AM npairift le*t than
.'!t,0<)0,000 in !*""• Thin will he a
gain of ju.-t uooui l?j jcr cent; in the
hint ten yearn, which ix conxideraldc
larger than the rate of increase during
the previous decade. 'J lie prevent
number of inhabitants in over twice
the 2.'i,000,000 reported, by the (.'en-
HUH of HO that the country ha
more than doubled the population
within hHH than a generation. This i
eertainly enough tti xatixfy reasonable
ambition, though the average Fourth
of .July orator will doubtless regret
that General Walker c.uld not hav
run uji the total a couple of luillioiiH
higher, HO that he might grow ohxjueiit
over a nut inn with Ml of
i""l : ■
THE LITERARY
REVOLUTION.
'Pill; iii'<-t fin- -till revolution "t
I -f 1.1 \ • • MnaiMMtlnh
the in I i hh I* It* A |*
*" ' > u. .n I IIH |. *'* H;. I. w i
ruut\+ri>u wllh !.. . !.<:•**! U -A- . m M>n*
1-. ! At' 4.1 .< •.!(• 11ll**# f I'll**. %'
IJ ief.ii >•* .. n 1 • t♦, ..; . | , . .. i., iw, . i •©.
I*l h, M III* j.f j • • t, it..
r-lacttulav'N
Li'i- "f ¥" < y hf. at fi.f • Tl •r • |! I,*;,
I h vt.t tfyv, U aMlllttl |rirt; J HI( L 7 lIKI K C KM r
Carlyle's
Uf* of R rt It • i n • . ' Lot
*i -r |%p . iMxNtif ?•! ; r Ml j Flil K TIIUKK < i.M>
Light oi Asia
lit I.Jw in Aiv.l i I <rti*-f j.... f) -• !*.., nt f *4l
pfiat. !.?.%.# ft|; I'KH'A n% K KNTH
Thos. Hughes's
Manila**" <tr flirt* r.itww Mkw fl Ml I;. ...ic,
|.rlul, 1... i.im tjj. I'HIK lUKKK I KhT*
John Stuart Mills's
ClinftM* .... H.rf-In.n, |-1 „r ■%..,41nt 11.0r.'1
x i . inn . Tiiia.i • es i>
Barou Munchausen.
Hi. T.l.|. n.| -i. i r . .... A.n. I j.
>i r- it;. ... 1.1- nut., HVIKI vin.
Mary Queen of Scots'
I. fe. liati" itu.f Ina. i jn ■|! 2*. Bn ir* ftp*
Uniitifn) 1-rjtil I'll 1< K 7'lir.i K ' KM-
Vicar of Wakefield.
18v l4<i-t!ltfti It r #**..- Iri* l-4 wtitifl I rii.l
l'KI K I I VI. t K M>
Hunt ait's Pilgrim's Progress.
ll'l.;-—! t)f- , U'ullflll I .1.l itn i -i\
• KSTH
Private Theatricals.
It* tiflJla f' ,wn I'njten" n . : ;.<• ftiw
IMM ruin: TWO 1 *XTS f
Stories and Ballads
Kr Ymitif I"lk. Itr Kliru frari Akk; lth irn
Bfie illu.tiMti ii' Si l.wVil it* t 'tup!lfotta hf U h
Ur#* t>pe; PMCK nVKCCNTi.
Loaves from the Diary
Of 111 111.1 t.„ <<( HI. .M ..f I|,Hlliii MI >.
1.1;. |il.r|,. InUriwl rail J. TiIIII I. I'K.N l>
Booksellers
K**t**li* ♦ unlj d'*l-r in irh li It"**!* lit***
.m1 >-Ut . .• .1 . i O.j. ... . • . • : .r. ..
I* !.• * t - !• h' Tin PK*I'I.K HI
LIICVE IN THE I ITKIIAKY IIV \ Old TlnN
AMKKK'AN MMIK K\< IIAMiK.
Trll..iri 11.M1..c N.. Vwl
JiUIS I! ALHO, Mi
Hoi; Afttr\ in ii v xriTzrn
PATENTS.
IJATKNTS procurtsl upon Inrcn
"JC.. r.M n vm.III thir
II "'"* • i*f |i.li*.l in |;.,a w, f,.„ C/tVKtTH
w>4 nl.taln TRADx MAItKH. l'KMt;\ I'ITKMi" A
I X V K N TO us
•nd n. M..1.1 ,f J.,.,,, Inobie.n. *iili
Aw-||"M,fi ~f it. |ur ...II aM I. a. t., j,.i.'i.ui , Ha
Am.*n . l it. ii *.. V'it> j i Hi. t *<!.. inii
Bnok 1.1 In.triKii .i,. Ar . -||o* in P*<an * ( I'.mar
will ft** n rno.i : *l*., m|.|* i, (4*. ..t 11.. Xm
nnc ll* r .>*x.. <h* In**iit.Jintitwl.
I. S. A. I 1 I.AC IA , I'nfrnf Alt<rrnry t
w* r St.. ii.il r* n< itmc... w n. r.
Kew Wk \\ eckly Horald.
ONE DOLLAR A YEAR.
ThaHr. ul*tl,.n ot Uii. popfilm i..a„|ar ), , n,...
lhn ii. 1.1..1 ilnnii* ti,* | ..t >., i j, ™.,,t*ii„ a ||
III* l*n.linen*. i-AnUinad In 1| D,u llunii.
i *rri. a *.| in hun.tj <l*t"tnin nt I},.
FoRKHJN NKWs
f*< il di|".i. |,.a lr<>ni nil UIMII*.* ..r tk*
t'n.l*r tli* ti<n>l ..f
AMERICAN NEWS
r* gi*n lh* Tclrttrafhir lN.|wt;h" idth* **|, fr.no
*ll t*iu of th* In ton TI". Intnrr *tun. ***.
Til K WEEKLY HERA Lit
lb* m.it T*la*l.|* rhr<trVi In lb* . , t 1. 1 ,„
fhi-f.~t, K*rj n*k I* tin * (ulbful r|irt M
POLITICAL NEWS
*mbr*rinc i-.mplntc *n4 <oinjrlw.|,.|T* Al.trntrt.*.
fn.ni W Mhliirl.n. inrindlng full r*tau .4 lb*
p**rb of *ann*nl politfrf.n.tl„ , t „MU.i.. of lb*
hour.
THE FARM DEPARTMENT
of Ui# W *>*ll llniii, *it*. Ih* Ut**t *. *U M lb.
<t f.r*rtli*l *KK*ti t ,. „.i di-titrrl*. r*,tin* to
tb* ilntin ..f ih* f.im.i, hint* f.r rawing Oarrvt,
l*ofir*T. 0l*>. T'Uv VMiTii.n A, A, ,!!,
mrgwtbn.* b.r bull,ling. *,t ut*n.ibi'in r*-
p*lr. Till" I* ~,p,.( m .„|n.t t.j .
rnrnt, !j nod*! th* bud uf
THE HOME,
gfTlng r*< i|M. fur ~r*ttr*l itt*h*>. hint, ffr tn,kj„.
(totMng ml f..i ki->.|*ng up will, th* 1.,g i'
JZ i of ■ wrtnnwn.
raggxtwd In thi d*t<*ttm*nt I* pnw tewlli t**lnd t.t
'IST* . p"*4irtl.m l*"i,r r,„ t „ , n , p,,,,
•wi c..ri.'.|.t,.|*i,t. on tlw> *. IIIM t.,n.
lon. Th* lliwn. In.,rl,*nl of th* tA***,, Itn.ui
will MI th* hon**w if* nior* than on* hwndrwd tim.*
tb. prlow of th* p"|<*r. a,* 1.,t-r**t. ,4
SKILLED LABOR
t b**~t *n*r, *nd *w*r*thlng iwufntn* t>. n*
rhanNw and labor *arlng I. car*fnllt i*. .w,l*,| Th*r
I. . p*. d*.t*d to all th* 1.,„, iTth.
"*• tnarkida,' r..jt, M*rrli*ndt". Ac,, Ac. A talna
bl* f**tnr*l* *>nnd In th* *p*<tan.i r*tmrt*d iwh**
and rotMllUflDi of
THE PRODUCE MARKET,
H*o*nSn Mtrtmbin* and abrrwit Ing.thwi with
a Xro*r t*ry w*rk, * Hr*w,,* l.y •>.*■* *inmt df
tln*. t.ir*n*nt. Menrai, Dnantttr, Pta*.,*Ai and
H* N..t* Thr* l no fwprr In th* world that rwn
tain* oo 1 nrli now* m*ti*r **wrj w**k a* th* W***.
It It**LP, which l **nt. piaitagr |iald, for On* Do|-
l*t Von can nilwrHh* at any tin*.
VIIK V (OMR
N .Kvr,- ( rvkW
NEW TORE HERALD,
1-4 iknadway and Ann Htrct. **w Tnrk.
t>R6CKBBHOFF HOUSE,
* ' ItKU-KMNTK, PA
W, R. TELLER, Proprietor.
flood Sample Hi,cm on X*nmd Floor.
4V"Piwo Bow. to and from all Train* Hp*, iwl rat**
to wlttuni* andjnrwr*. |.t;