©he Centee BELLEFONTE, PA. The Largest, Cheapest and Best Paper I'UHI.ISIIKr> IN OKNTHK COUNTY, Garfield's Tariff Record! FROM Til K onU'iul Horn incuts of Congress. From t lis* Alla iron in pigs seven dollars per ton. >u cast scrape iron of every descrip tion six dollars per ton. On wrought scrap iron eight dollars per ton. SECTION 21. Ami be it enacted, That after the 31st day of December, 1809, in lieu of the duties now imposed by law on the ar ticles hereinafter enumerated or provided for, imported from foreign countries, there shall be levied, collected and paid the fol lowing duties and rates of duties, that is to say i • • • • On Page 82, Congressional Globe, Ist Session 42d Congress, will be found the record of Garfield on taking the tariff duties off coal and keeping said duties on tea and coffee. The resolution on the coal tariff reads as follows : Be it resolved, Ac., That from and after the passage of ibis joint resolution no tax or duty shall be collected upon foreign coal. On this the vote of Garfield is record ed YEA. A bill offered by Randall, Democrat, of Pennsylvania, was next read as fol lows : Be it Enacted, , That from and after the passage of this act Tea and Cotl'ee shall be placed on the free list, and no further import duties shall lie collected from the same. On this the rote of Garfield is record ed, NO. This record shows that Garfield was perfectly willing to put coal down to the lowest price, and at the same time voted that those who mined the coal should pay the highest price for Tea and Coffee! In 1872 the Tariff bill of June 6, that year, was voted on and passed the House. This bill made a sweeping reduction of ten per centum in the Tariff duties on foreign wools, and on iron and steel. We quote from the 2d section as follows : SECTION 2.—That on and after tho Ist day of August, 1872, in lieu of tho duties imposed by law on the articles in this sec tion enumerated, there shall be levied, collected and paid on the goods, wares and merchandise in this section enumerated and provided for, imported from foreign countries, ninety per centum of the sev eral duties and ratea of duty now imposed by law upon said articles severally, IT BEING THE INTENT OF THIS SEC TION TO REDUCE EXISTING DU TIES ON SAID ARTICLES TEN PER CENTUM OF SUCH DUTIES, that is to say: * * * * • On all wools. • # • On all iron and steel, and on all manu factures of iron and steel, of which metals or either of them, shall be the conqionent part of chief value, excepting cotton ma chinery. The vote of Garfield on the passage of this tariff bill on June 6, 1872, will he found in the Congressional Globe, Part 5, 2d Session 42u Congress, Page 3652. It is recorded YRA. Thus it is fully shown by the official records of Congress that Garfield notonly spoke strongly in favor of the free trade theory, but every fi me he voted on the tariff, he voted tor its reduction, except in the single instance of his voting against taking the tnriff off tea and coffee! And this vote was against the policy of the Protectionists, who have always insisted that tea and coffee should be admitted free of duty, as their importation wus not in competi tion with any article of American pro duction. This then is the record of the Regis ter and Chronicle's protectionist candidate, but who as the records show is an out and out irkk trader. What is above said can not bo refuted—they are con spicuous and indisputable facts. We challenge the best Republican to enter upon a denial. And the facts as given are of great importance to the iron operators and the workinginen of Le high county, as well as of Pennsylva nia. They show ,that Mr. Garfield vot ed steadfastly at every opportunity to reduce the duty on iron. They show that he voted to do away absolutely with the duty on coal. The declara tions made by the Steel and Iron liullstin are not based on real tacts, and the representations made in Mr. (Jar field's own letter as it appeared in the Register sotne weeks ago cannot bo rec onciled with the facts as they appear on the record. Mr. Garfield having thus been tripped up in a parcel of glaring lies concerning his tariff views, the people will be all the more prepar ed to doubt the truth of his declaration concerning the Credit Mobilier, The Two October Stufes. From the N. V. fctiu. Indiana casts fifteen electoral votes and Ohio casts twenty-two. They both hold State elections in October, and these elections will be watched with anxious interest by the managers ol the two great parties. The third party this year will make but a small figure in the national contest. The venerable Peter Cooper, who may be said to rep resent its best element, was luTjr 67.1.. In 1878, for Secretary of State, it stood : ShAiiklin, D*m ... 1W I'M I JmM, Nul'l 39.14 M M-s-rc, K*p 150,7 V> I ltom. plu'tjr 1 The vote of 1878 was about 17,000 short of that of 1876, and with this de ficiency the Democrats lost 19,000 and the Republicans 28.(XX) on the total poll. Hence it is apparent that the defection to the Natiouals was greater on the Republican than on the Demo cratic side. During the past year sev eral thousand negroes were colonized in Indiana, with the expectation of capturing the State by that movement. But the practical effect of the attempt seems to have resulted injutiously to the Republicans by a reaction against this partisan manoeuvre. In 1876 the vote for president in Ohio stood as follows : Hayes. I Tll-lrn "Jt.ISZ II a v •* ninj..rty fl.Sltl A change of Ippm than one nn ..tW 261 | Platl, J Kwing, IVrn ri J Hlfturt, TViti FuaUr'fl majority om all The vote was 14.730 greater than in 1876. It is well known that many hard money Democrats refused to sup port Kwing, while on the other hand he did not satisfy the Greenbackerx. These figures exhibit the political condition of the two States—lndiana strongly inclining to the Democrats anil Ohio to the Republicans. The candi dacv of General Hancock brings a new element into the contest which will re inforce the Democracy in both States, and ought to be decisive in each. But it would be worse thon unwise to count upon accessions which are contingent on circumstances, and would be foolish, even if they were reasonably sure, to abate any effort or to relax any energy on that account. The Republicans will concentrate their resources, their nppliances, and all the official machinery on Indiana and Ohio, knowing full well that if either le lost they arc certainly beaten. The Democrats cannot do better than organ ize their campaign on a similar basis. They are in a condition to carry both States, and the battle should be fought with the resolution to make the victory crushing at the outset. A decisive triumph in October would settle the Presidential election, and save a large expenditure of money and of material. One hundred and eighty-five votes are required in the electoral colleges to choose the next President. Given 138 from the South, according to Mr. Conk ling's favorite form, with 32 from New York and 15 from Indiana, and Gen eral Hancock would have three more than are required. Or Indiana might be left out, and New Jersey and Con necticut would furnish 15 to make the same complement. There is much confidence that Penn sylvania wiH vote for General Hancock, and the Pacific States promise to do likewise. But we cast all these specula tions aside, and regard the October States as the pivot of the contest. In that view, the friends of Hancock would be criminally negligent if they failed to organize promptly and vigor ously, so as to put Indian beyond all doubt, and to make Ohio hot for the Credit Mobilier candidate. Now is the time to begin the work, and every day of delay invites a danger. ♦ ■ • AICIITZRN of Avoca, lowa, on# day re cently, observed a cat on the nest of a setting hen and awaited the result. In about fifteen minutes, the hen returned, and, driving the cat off, resumed busi ness. Further observations showed that every time the hen leaves the nest, the cat goes and curls itself upon the remains there, sometimes for an hour, till the return of the hen. A VETERAN'S TALE. JIV AN OKIOINAI. REPUBLICAN. From Forney'• Progr CM. A liuiiilrcri gtiM—ytn, fifty more — IUIIKHI down their nlmt ami shell As if, from out Its yawning door, Drove the red Idast of hdl. The IIIM I the crank t tlic shriek 1 the groan ! The rnascdose iron hall! All thia for half the day. I own It made the stoiitoet <|iail* Hut Hidden, far to left, we heard The hand strike up; and lo I Full In our front—no breath wae stirred— Came llancoek, tiding slow. As slow as if oil dross juirmlt, All down the hue to right And Imrk again. My my K*MI Made, Was ever such a sight I W v lay lit length. No ranks could stand Against that tempest wild; Yet on lie rod*, with hat In hand, And looked and bowed and smiled. Whatever fears we had liefoie Were gone. That sight, you know, Just made us fifty thousand more, Ail hot to face the foe. You've lieanl the rest. Ilow on they came; Kartli shaking at their tread; A cheer; our ranks burst into Maine; Steel crossed, the fo# had Med. Yet still that daunth.* I..tin I see, Slow riding down thw line. Was ever deed of chivalry So grand, O, comrade mine ? GARFIELD'S LETTER OF ACCEPT AXCE. AN IT SHOULD UK. To the linn. George Frtibie Hoar ami others, Committee of the National Republican Convention. GENTLEMEN: My nomination by your convpntion at Chicago wait unexpected. I did not desire it; I had not even con templated the poaaibility of its being made. A very distinct recollection ol events in my own public career left no room iu my mind for the supposition that the political party with which 1 am acting could, under any circumstances, liek its supremacy upon my Candida tore. After the moment of weakness in whicti I consented to allow my name to go before the delegates, my firat im pulse was to withdraw. That impulse lias recurred with augmented strength at various times during the past five weeks. It is still strong within me. Nevertheless, it having been represent ed to me that withdrawal at this time is impossible, I have reluctantly de cided to accept H nomination that was unsought and uncoveted, and lo enter into a canvass which my better judg ment declares to be hopeless. In ac cepting the nomination of the Uepuhli can party to be President of the United States, 1 expressly disclaim responsibil ity for the result, if unfavorable to that party. Having candidly defined my position in regard to the canvass, it becomes proper for me to touch, with equal can dor, upon the leading issues that will engage the attention of the people during the next few months. In .lune, l.viH, as is shown by the record, and as is declared by the report of the Republican Investigating Com niiitee, known as the l'oland Committee I received from Mr. Oskes Ames a check for three hundred and twenty nine dollars, being a dividend on stock held by me in the Credit Mobilier of America. In the confusion of a trying moment I swore that I had never own ed such stock and never received sucb dividend. When it was shown that the money in question had been paid me, beyond the possibility of a doubt, I requested Mr. Oak ee Ames to consider it a loan. 1 now respectfully ask the voters of the United States to take that view of the transaction, and let it go as a loan. <>n the 12th of duly, 1872—by an interesting coincidence just eight years ago today—l received from a firm of contrncters interested in procuring an appropriation by the committee of which 1 was chairman, a check for $5,- 000. When this transaction was invest igated, five years later, by a committee of Congress, I swore that the $5,000 was not a bribe, but a fee. The fact that I never rendered ta this firm of contractors any services of a legal na ture is one which, in my opinion, it is neither just nor generous to bring up after all this lapse of time. I therefore respectfully request the voters of the United States to adopt my view of the five thousand dollar transaction and let it go as a fee. fn February and March, 1873, 1 was largely instrumental in effecting the passage of an appropriation of about $5,000, (UK) for the back pay of Con gressmen. 1 considered the amount which thus came into my hand* a wel come addition to my slender income; but when I found that the measure was odious to the country, and likely to effect the political future of the Cen gressmen concerned in it, I made haste to cover the entire sum into the Treas ury. 1 was one of the first half dozen to refund. I now respectfully ask the voters of the United State* to take my view of that restoration of the people's money, and let it go as a virtuous act. There are no doubt other question* af fecting my personal character which will come before tbe country; those which I have specified seem to me M be among the most im|)ortant. My earnest de sire is that, whatever course political discussion may take between now and November, we may be spared a cam paign of calumny. On the other hand, if culture and classical attainment* are lo have any weight in the contest now opening —if, as has been recently suggested in the speech of a distinguished Massachu setts Senator, the schoolmaster is to he given s hearing—l can promise that, like the blind ryrtnnis at the terrible pass of Halamis, inspiring the Athenian Old Guard by combing out bis long locks in the presence of the Egyptian hosts, I shall be found at the Front of the Kepul4ican column, carrying confi dence to the hearts of voters by the coolness with which, in the hottest of the fight, I shall bring out from time to time some of the treasures of a culti vated mind. I remain, gentlemen, your fellow citizen, JAMBS A. GARFIELD. MENTOR, 0., July 12, 1880. A PHYSICIAN heavily loaded with town lots, lor which he baa paid only in part, hsatily prescribes a box of pills for a patient, and allowed hi* mind to wand er back lo his real estate. The patient asked how the pills were to be taken. The doctor replied : "One third down, and the rest in six and twelve months, with interest." CONSTITUTIONAL LIBERTY. AND WHV UANCOCE'S ELECTION WOULD I'KO MOTE IT. OnoifC* Tlc kuur Curll.'a Fourth of Jul/ Oration. "Our government, a* respects the oxecutive department, has descended to a pretty low plane. The office tf president has been occupied by a man of the most moderate abilities, who was content to take it knowing tliut he was not the choice of the people,know ing that the documents which guve him certain electoral votes were the liroductions of forgery and fraud, ami mowing that the majority of the tri bunal which awarded to him his dis honest title was governed by a lixed party determination to secure posses sion of the office however plain it might be that the office belonged to another. It has pleased the Republi can party to nominate as his successor one who sat on that electoral commis sion and voted steadily for the con summation of the great plot which was formed in the previous autumn for defeating the populur will. This can didate the present occupant of the office will support with all the influ ence and power of the executive. Now, I cannot see any infusion of new blood, any improvement in the char acter of leadership, any higher tone of public morals, any broader statesman ship, among those who are to govern the country in the event of Mr. Gur field's election. I see no new and better men coming to the front to take the management of the Republican couvass, and to constitute an adminis tration in case of their success. The same set of public men who have so long thriven upon their claims of su iierior virtue and patriotism, and so long demonstrated their infidelity to many of the most important principles of our political system, are again iu the field for a prolongation of their power. Certainly the Democratic par ty presents a strong contrast to all this, aud if the people of the country really wish to put their government upon a higher level, they have an ex cellent opportunity in the person of the Democratic candidate —(voice — "Good, good," and applause)—uud in the persons of those whom he can call mound l\ini in the great work of re form, and in the restoration of the federal powers to their appropriate spheres. For these important objects the Democratic candidate is well fitted. You know that 1 never anticipate in the making of nominations, and never put myself in |ositioiis which imply an obligation to support any and every man who is nominated. Mv bumble support of General Hancock —(loud and long cheers) —therefore, does not depend upon the force of any such obligation. I justify it u|siti en tirely different grounds. Gen. Han cock is a soldier ; but lie is one of the few military men who made distin guished reputations in our late civil war, the brightest and best parts of whose reputations have been made by their reverence for the principles of civil liberty. (Applause.) The real objection to putting military men at the head of our government docs not consist in the mere fact that tbev are military men. Nor docs it consist in the fact that the individual has never held civil office. It consists iu the waut —when there is such a want —of the power to appreciate the supreme importance, in a government like ours, of constitutional limitations and the fundamental truths of public freedom. In my youth I east my first vote with the party which was opposed t<> Gen eral Jackson ; and I had to unlearn many things iu his public character before I could admit bis great quali ties as a civil ruler. l>ater iu my life I was one of those Whigs who were dreadfully exorcised by the nomina tion ami election of Zachary Taylor. He held the office of president for a very short time ; but I believe that all men were agreed that if he bad lived he had so much sterling good sense and sound judgment that he would have administered the government well. I diil not vote for General Scott when he was made the Whig candi date because I lielieved that the men who had the most of his political con fidence were not the men of whom I wished to see an administration com posed. Of General Grant 1 will only say that many of the errors of his ad ministration did not spring solely from the fact that he was a military man, but they are attributed to his want of all power to understand and appreciate sucn a constitution and system of gov ernment as ours, aud therefore he did things which were entirely inconsistent with the first principles of such a gov ernment. But now I desire to say of General Hancock—(cheers) —that neither Jackson, nor Taylor, nor Grant, before his election to the pres idency, had ever been placed in a po sition to demonstrate his fitness to be a civil ruler at all comparable to that in which Hancock was placed during the early period of 'reconstruction.' The nation hail to take all three of those distinguished men on trust. Jackson fully justified the truth that was reposed in him. Taylor might have justified it. Grant did not. But Hancock has been tried as neither of those men was tried, before their ele vation to the presidency, and he has shown that there are great elements of the civil character in his composition and fame. I read at that time, and have again read with strong admira tion, all those remarkable papers in which he exhibited his love of civil liberty in a position in which he had an act of Congress behind him tlyst would have justified him in milking himself a military despot. i say that tlio instinct with which ho seized the principle that the IHWH and customs and civil courts of the Btute subjected to his military rule, so far as they were not iu conflict with the Federal Constitution, were still in preservation, was as true, sound, exact and wise a* it could have been if lie had held civil office all his life. (Applause.) It was inore ; for you will remember how strong was the pressure thut was ex erted to have the suppression of (lie rebellion treated us a military con quest of subject provinces; and no one can place too high an cslimutc upon the public service rendered by General Hancock to his country when he put himself boldly and squarely in opposition to this tendency. He might have construed the reconstruction acts us a suppression of every principle thut constitutes a free .State. He con strued them a* vesting in him a dis cretion not to do w hat he believed to lie wrong in policy uud in principle and dangerous to the future welfare of the Union. For this he deserves the gratitude of the country, und if that gratitude shall carry him to the high est civil office in the luud, he lut* proven hiseupueity for thut great trust, and his ability to rely upon those who can afford him the best aid iu the discharge of its duties." [Prolonged uppjuuse und cheering ] AMERICAN WOMEN. KROLLL IK* ATUTILK . The men of u natiou inevitably make the women what they wiil, uud the women in return impress upon their children what tliey have receiv ed from their own fathers. Hence the existence of the American WOUM-II I a hecome almost a- purely objective as that of the man. 11-r ideal of life from her cradle has lieen associated with the maximum of exertion. There is no quietude among Americans, and wonderfully little egotism iu tlx ir social life. It i- a never-ending serio of scusations and mental shocks, whieh keep the whole being iu a nervous quiver, aud allow no time lor any quality save that of energy to develop itself symmetrically. The American woman is as unquiet iu her thought ami duties, however light, a- tiie man. Kveu when she vi-its she lia tin air of rejsise. Her conversation is not thoughtful, hut urtful. She tell- you what she see* or suffers, not what -he thinks or feels. There is no reverie alMiut her, no suggestion of 'thut brood ing spirit which indicate- a capacity for impassioned affection —a capacity which to bachelors is always ideally seductive, however little the married man may appreciate or return it. Yet, generally speaking, undemonstrative as the American girl may be, she will wear her life out iu working for the man she loves. She forget* all about being for hint iu that merciless energy which always drives her into doing fur him. There is, again, another reason why the American girl seem* cold to the superficial observer. It is because slie is free. Bhe is educated to re press emotion, because her indetiend ent movements expose her to contact with men of all cla**cs, among whom there are very many "vile persons." Her coldness of demeanor, therefore, is her armor against impertinence, or even worse thing*. She passes, Diana like, through crowds of men every day, not one of whom for one iiistaut suspect* her of lieing other than she is, because her manner shows her at once to be a free-born, spotless Ameri can woman 1 They never dream that because no one is watching her she means to go astray. The defects of the American girl can lie done away with bv giving less prominence to the purely intellectual or purely practical side of her educa tion. for while one class of men is striving to solve the problems of life by educating women intellectually, there is another class whieh is shout ing for education in domestic matters. While professors at Harvard are rejoicing over some girl who can take in their philosophies or their mathe matics, tho newspaper editor sings the praises of her who can roast a turkey, bake bread or make her own dresses. Neither gives the poor girl any chance to exist, but only to work, with either hand or brain. No oue says to her, "You are not only yourself, hut possi bly the future mother of other beings. Do not therefore allow yourself to be driven by either school or apostles be yond what you mny do easily, com fortably or pleasurably. The healthy balance of your nervous system is far more important to you and your fu ture family relations than all the mathematics or dress-making, or even roasting of turkevs. Occupy yourself steadfastly, but without strain, without hurry, and without emulation. As the apostle said, (and it must have been meant expressly for Americans>: 'avoid emulation.' Fiud out first what you can do last, ami even if it docs not come up to somebody else's stand ard, learn to coutent vourself with that." A SCULPTOR'S wife had her husband arrested in Cincinnati the other day for assault and battery, because, a* she testified, on thd occasion of her going to his studio lo inform him thai the woman across the way had eloped, he struck her in the face with a huge mass of mud. The sculptor explained that the occasion referred to was the first time for years that he had seen a {ilcuHuut look on hi* wife'* face, and therefore lie liuxteued to take a clay cant of her feature*, HO ax to catch the exprieiwion for u*oou a bunt he intend ed to model. The court dimniHaed the a*c. How We frow. (eneriil Walker, Superintendent of Cfetmw, Itai now received* fcufTeient re turn m to fnrimha bu-i* for conclusion* HH to what the total population of the country will he, and the rexult i* verv encouraging to the national' pride. (ieneral Walker e-timuti-i tliat the full returns will xliow not far from of inhahitantx in the United State*, AM npairift le*t than .'!t,0<)0,000 in !*""• Thin will he a gain of ju.-t uooui l?j jcr cent; in the hint ten yearn, which ix conxideraldc larger than the rate of increase during the previous decade. 'J lie prevent number of inhabitants in over twice the 2.'i,000,000 reported, by the (.'en- HUH of HO that the country ha more than doubled the population within hHH than a generation. This i eertainly enough tti xatixfy reasonable ambition, though the average Fourth of .July orator will doubtless regret that General Walker c.uld not hav run uji the total a couple of luillioiiH higher, HO that he might grow ohxjueiit over a nut inn with Ml of i""l : ■ THE LITERARY REVOLUTION. 'Pill; iii'<-t fin- -till revolution "t I -f 1.1 \ • • MnaiMMtlnh the in I i hh I* It* A |* *" ' > u. .n I IIH |. *'* H;. I. w i ruut\+ri>u wllh !.. . !.<:•**! U -A- . m M>n* 1-. ! At' 4.1 .< •.!(• 11ll**# f I'll**. %' IJ ief.ii >•* .. n 1 • t♦, ..; . | , . .. i., iw, . i •©. I*l h, M III* j.f j • • t, it.. r-lacttulav'N Li'i- "f ¥" < y hf. at fi.f • Tl •r • |! I,*;, I h vt.t tfyv, U aMlllttl |rirt; J HI( L 7 lIKI K C KM r Carlyle's Uf* of R rt It • i n • . ' Lot *i -r |%p . iMxNtif ?•! ; r Ml j Flil K TIIUKK < i.M> Light oi Asia lit I.Jw in Aiv.l i I Barou Munchausen. Hi. T.l.|. n.| -i. i r . .... A.n. I j. >i r- it;. ... 1.1- nut., HVIKI vin. Mary Queen of Scots' I. fe. liati" itu.f Ina. i jn ■|! 2*. Bn ir* ftp* Uniitifn) 1-rjtil I'll 1< K 7'lir.i K ' KM- Vicar of Wakefield. 18v l4 Hunt ait's Pilgrim's Progress. ll'l.;-—! t)f- , U'ullflll I .1.l itn i -i\ • KSTH Private Theatricals. It* tiflJla f' ,wn I'njten" n . : ;.<• ftiw IMM ruin: TWO 1 *XTS f Stories and Ballads Kr Ymitif I"lk. Itr Kliru frari Akk; lth irn Bfie illu.tiMti ii' Si l.wVil it* t 'tup!lfotta hf U h Ur#* t>pe; PMCK nVKCCNTi. Loaves from the Diary Of 111 111.1 t.„ <<( HI. .M ..f I|,Hlliii MI >. 1.1;. |il.r|,. InUriwl rail J. TiIIII I. I'K.N l> Booksellers K**t**li* ♦ unlj d'*l-r in irh li It"**!* lit*** .m1 >-Ut . .• .1 . i O.j. ... . • . • : .r. .. I* !.• * t - !• h' Tin PK*I'I.K HI LIICVE IN THE I ITKIIAKY IIV \ Old TlnN AMKKK'AN MMIK K\< IIAMiK. Trll..iri 11.M1..c N.. Vwl JiUIS I! ALHO, Mi Hoi; Afttr\ in ii v xriTzrn PATENTS. IJATKNTS procurtsl upon Inrcn "JC.. r.M n vm.III thir II "'"* • i*f |i.li*.l in |;.,a w, f,.„ C/tVKtTH w>4 nl.taln TRADx MAItKH. l'KMt;\ I'ITKMi" A I X V K N TO us •nd n. M..1.1 ,f J.,.,,, Inobie.n. *iili Aw-||"M,fi ~f it. |ur ...II aM I. a. t., j,.i.'i.ui , Ha Am.*n . l it. ii *.. V'it> j i Hi. t **x.. ., i j, ™.,,t*ii„ a || III* l*n.linen*. i-AnUinad In 1| D,u llunii. i *rri. a *.| in hun.tj ni nil UIMII*.* ..r tk* t'n.l*r tli* til ..f AMERICAN NEWS r* gi*n lh* Tclrttrafhir lN.|wt;h" idth* **|, fr.no *ll t*iu of th* In ton TI". Intnrr *tun. ***. Til K WEEKLY HERA Lit lb* m.it T*la*l.|* rhr*ll llniii, *it*. Ih* Ut**t *. *U M lb. . T'Uv VMiTii.n A, A, ,!!, mrgwtbn.* b.r bull,ling. *,t ut*n.ibi'in r*- p*lr. Till" I* ~,p,.( m .„|n.t t.j . rnrnt, !j nod*! th* bud uf THE HOME, gfTlng r*< i|M. fur ~r*ttr*l itt*h*>. hint, ffr tn,kj„. (totMng ml f..i ki->.|*ng up will, th* 1.,g i' JZ i of ■ wrtnnwn. raggxtwd In thi d*t<*ttm*nt I* pnw tewlli t**lnd t.t 'IST* . p"*4irtl.m l*"i,r r,„ t „ , n , p,,,, •wi c..ri.'.|.t,.|*i,t. on tlw> *. IIIM t.,n. lon. Th* lliwn. In.,rl,*nl of th* tA***,, Itn.ui will MI th* hon**w if* nior* than on* hwndrwd tim.* tb. prlow of th* p"|<*r. a,* 1.,t-r**t. ,4 SKILLED LABOR t b**~t *n*r, *nd *w*r*thlng iwufntn* t>. n* rhanNw and labor *arlng I. car*fnllt i*. .w,l*,| Th*r I. . p*. d*.t*d to all th* 1.,„, iTth. "*• tnarkida,' r..jt, M*rrli*ndt". Ac,, Ac. A talna bl* f**tnr*l* *>nnd In th* *p*.*■* *inmt df tln*. t.ir*n*nt. Menrai, Dnantttr, Pta*.,*Ai and H* N..t* Thr* l no fwprr In th* world that rwn tain* oo 1 nrli now* m*ti*r **wrj w**k a* th* W***. It It**LP, which l **nt. piaitagr |iald, for On* Do|- l*t Von can nilwrHh* at any tin*. VIIK V (OMR N .Kvr,- ( rvkW NEW TORE HERALD, 1-4 iknadway and Ann Htrct. **w Tnrk. t>R6CKBBHOFF HOUSE, * ' ItKU-KMNTK, PA W, R. TELLER, Proprietor. flood Sample Hi,cm on X*nmd Floor. 4V"Piwo Bow. to and from all Train* Hp*, iwl rat** to wlttuni* andjnrwr*. |.t;