Evening public ledger. (Philadelphia [Pa.]) 1914-1942, November 17, 1919, Night Extra Financial, Page 10, Image 10

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    10
EVENING FUJ3L10 LEDGHSJ&-. PHILADELPHIA, MONDAY, ttOVJSMBElt 17, lOl'O
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filiating public Hedger
PUBLIC LEDGER COMPANY
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rhlMtlphia, Minila;, Nntrnibrr 17, 1111)
FOOTBALL AND AMOUR PROPRE
rpWENTY-EIGHT thousand persons
-- saw the Pcnn-Pittsburgh game at
Franklin Field on Saturday afternoon.
The golden age of football in this city
is thereby recalled, but not reproduced.
There is no use in self-deception on this
subject. Gridiron contests will not be
cwhat they should be here until the Uni
versity of Pennsylvania again plays
cither Harvard or Princeton or both of
them.
The causes for the abnormal sever
ance of relations are now almost as re
mote as the origins of some Kentucky
feuds. Both sides are extremely touchy,
amour propre plays its deadening hand
Mid natural athletic rivals annually
figure out their relative standings by
t every other means save that of direct
contact.
Negotiations have straightened out
some pretty thorny problems within the
past few years. It is worth emphasizing
that even Germany signed a document to
which her foes also affixed their signa
tures. Are complexities of 'every sort to be
untangled before Penn will consent to
kick off to Princeton or vice versa? If
absurdity is an argument for denying
the public lusty sport which it would
heartily acclaim, then, of course, the
athletic associations of both the sensi
tive universities are justified in striking
their respective attitudes and melodra
matically folding their respective arms.
CAMDEN GOtl A-TROLLEYINC
TT WAS a sadder and wiser trolley cor-
poration that established its service on
a new basis in Camden today and began
the difficult task of wooing back a vast
patronage flung over to the railway lines
and jitney busses a few weeks ago with
li proud gesture that said zone fares or
"Nothing.
The foolishness, impracticability and
general injustice of the zone-fare scheme
were discussed for the first time in these
colurrins. The people were advised to
fight. The trolley company lost, as it
had, to lose, and it is starting anew.
The people of Camden will be wise,
therefore, to remember that grudges
never did anybody any good. For the
time at least bygones ought to be by
gones. "4"
The street-car company appears now
to be making a sincere effort to put upon
an acceptable basis, a service that the
city cannot do without. The new fare
system is essentially reasonable and it
meets virtually all the demands made
on behalf of the general public. The
trolley people have at least found that
they cannot get along without the co
operation of the riding public and they
have made their confession ihprint. The
public, likewise, has reason to know that
railways and jitneys cannot meet the
needs of the city for safe and efficient
passenger transport service nor provide
the stimulus which good street railways
bring to the business life of any com
munity. Camden will be wise to give
its trolleys another trial even if, in the
meantime, it keeps one alert eye on the
street-car company and another on the
Public Utilities Commission.
EXPLAINING JAY-CROSSERS
A NYBODY with half an eye can see
that since Mr. Mitten and Captain
Mills and the business associations began
to tell of the perils of crossing a street
at the middle of a block the number of
jay-crossers has actually tended to in
crease. They will get over the habit, of
course, and in time all absent-minded
folk will learn to follow safe routes from
pavement to pavement. Meanwhile it is
clear that a lot of people who usually
crossed at crossings are trying the more
dangerous method. They want to see
how it feels!
The moral in this instance is simple.
If you want a thing done, prohibit it.
Tell how awful the consequences are sure
to be. Life is an experiment. A great
many people who ordinarily follow
ordered ways of life actually ache at
times for the pang of dangerous adven
ture. That is why the police always have
to fight crowds back from big fires.
Crowds have a great curiosity about
forbidden thjngs. Yet it would not have
been wise to beseech them not to cross
at crossings. They would have tried the
opposite way for a little while and, when
they decided for themselves, would have
returned to the rational method as they
always do in the end.
REVOLUTION BY ENNUI
1 TTPON our political sophistication we
'-' are apt at times to plume ourselves.
A rampageous Senate doesn't really
shock us. Europe, may be startled, but
Wc Bmile, serenely unflustered by the
vaudeville of partisanship. "A fig for
pur alleged sensationsj" yawns the
hardened public.
.Admirable, indeed, is our record for
poise, but it is no longer unchallenged.
Down in Buenos Aires there was no need
of a cloture K speech, for the Congress
men were substituting missiles. The
scene was stormy, seemingly quite in
accordance with our somewhat supercili
ous notions of statesmanship in Latin
America,
Disillusion, however, lurks in the
closing sentence of the Argentine dis
patch. "A motion for the impeachment
of President Irigoycn," runs the text,
"was one of the contributory incidents."
Revolution by ennui is something new.
When it comes to seasoned sangfroid it
looks as though Washington would have
to grovel before once maligned "B. A.!"
ALMIGHTY DOLLAR PUT
IN HARNESS FOR IDEALISM
America Has Hundreds of Mllllohs to
Spend for Religion, Educa
tion and Art
AMERICANS have been so often
charged with indifference to every
thing but the almighty dollar Jhat those
among us who accept our opinions ready
made have been inclined to plead guilty
for their fcll6v countrymen.
Tho charge, however, has never been
sustained by convincing evidence. It
would have been much cheaper for our
ancestors to have pocketed their indig
nation at the stamp act than to have
started a revolution. The republic is
founded on an ideal, to establish which
men pledged their lives, their fortunes
and their sacred honor.
Much has been .aid about the pledge,
of lives and honor, but those who have
sought to produce the impression that
this was a materialistic nation have for
gotten or ignored the pledge of the for
tunes. It will not do to say that the early
generation of idealists has been succeeded
by later generations of sordid money
grubbers.
The Civil War was fought for an ideal.
The preservation of the Union, to es
tablish which men risked their fortunes,
was regarded as worth all that it might
cost, because with its ruin would go some
of the ideals on which it rested.
And we entered the war against Ger
many not in order to make money but
in order to do our part again in estab
lishing the doctrine that justice is sacred
and must prevail. We know that there
are men who have called it a capitalistic
war and have charged that if it had not
been for the desire of Wall street and
the munition manufacturers to make
money the United States would have
remained neutral. Every one but a few
loose thinkers knows that this is not so.
So many great fortunes have been ac
cumulated in so short a time and so
many men have been so busy accumu
lating the fortunes that the rest of the
world has wrongly concluded that money
is the only thing we think of. It has
only to examine the evidence to discover
its error.
Our millionaires have made great col
lections of paintings and china and books
and ivory carvings. The collectors of the
Old World who have been outbid in the
auctions have spoken with contempt of
these millionaires and have said that
they bought art treasures because they
did not know what else to do with their
money. They have discovered, however,
many a time, that the millionaire knew
as much about art as they did. He may
have been ignorant in his youth, but a
desire for the refinements of life was
born in him and when he was able to
gratify that desire he set about it.
When he discovered what association
with the masterpieces of great painters
could do for him he has bequeathed his
collections to public museums that the
public at large might come under their
influence.
No group of people and ho nation has
a monopoly of taste. The fact that some
of the greatest painters and poets have
sprung from humble parentage should
prove this to the most obdurate snob.
To hold otherwise is provincial when not
parochial.
If there is any lingering shadow- of
doubt in the mind of any one that this
nation as a whole is loyal to tho finer
things, what is going on before our eyes
at the present time should remove it.
The rich and the poor had apparently
invested in the Liberty Bonds issued
during the war all the money they could
raise. One would have said that it was
foolish to attempt to raise any consider
able sums for any purpose until a new
surplus had been accumulated.
The friends of religion and education
and art have thought otherwise. They
are now conducting campaigns, or have
just completed them, to raise more than
$200,000,000 for these idealistic purposes.
Harvard University, which asked for
$15,250,000 a few weeks ago, has already
secured two-thirds of this amount.
Princeton is seeking $14,000,000 and will
get it. Cornell is asking for $10,000,000,
and no one doubts that the sum will be
raised. It has been announced that the
University of Pennsylvania needs $20,
000,000. No movement has yet been
started to secure it, but the money is
in existence and the men who have it
will undoubtedly make their subscriptions
when the need of it is presented to them.
Bryn Mawr College has within a few
days announced that it will try-to raise
$1,000,000. A similar sum has been sub
scribed to the endowment fund of the
Philadelphia Orchestra by men and
women who believe in the refining power
of music and are anxious that an oppor
tunity fto hear it should be afforded to
the largest possible number.
The churches are seeking funds to
carry on their work and to guarantee
to the clergymen a living salary. The
Methodists have set their mark at $105,
000,000. The episcopalians want $15,
000,000. Tho Baptists have already
raised $6,000,000 or thereabouts. And
the Presbyterians are accumulating a
fund of several millions. The Young
Women's Christian Association ' has re
cently Btarted to raise $4,500,000 in order
that it may do more effectively that for
which it was organized.,
No sublimer confidence in 'the ideal
ism of a people was ever manifested than
in these demands for a richer endowment
of the institutions that cultivate the re
finements of mind and spirit. We take
them for granted.
No proof is necessary to convince us
that the colleges should be equipped to
train young men and young women, not
to become money makers, primarily, but
to have nn appreciation and understand
ing of those things without which the
life of n nation becomes sordid and barren
of the finer things. "
The work of the churches is its own
vindication and we know that it cannot
be carried on without money. That is
now being provided.
And music, which has the power to
draw a man out of himself and transport
him to n world populous with line imag
inings, is admitted to be one of the most
refining influences to which one can bo
subjected. Right here in Philadelphia
more than l.'l.OOO persons nrc so firmly
convinced of this that they subscribed to
the endowment fund njready mentioned.
. When the late .1. Pierpont Morgan re
marked that it was always safe to bo a
bull on America he was speaking finan
cially. It is just as snfo to be a bull
on America idealistically and csthet
ically. One can invest his money and
his hopes in it with the certainty of sure
and large returns in tho way of all those
things which differentiate a civilized
democracy from barbarous nose-ringed
anarchy. We arc in no danger of be
coming a plutocracy when the plutocrats
endow those institutions that enlarge the
life of the common man.
THE HIGGINSON INHERITANCE
rpHK debt which music in America owes
to the late Major Henry L. Higginson
is incalculable. He gave a fortune to
foster both the art and appreciation of it,
hut the esthetic and .spiritualizing forces
which he thereby set in motion cannot
be measured in teims of money. Major
Higginson with his bounty, Theodore
Thomas with his genius and enthusiasm
were architects of the now refining
structure of American musical taste.
The misfortunes of the Boston Sym
phony at the outbreak of the war pro
foundly shocked its idealistic patron.
Karl,, Muck was but a temporary stain.
He could not overturn Major Higginson's
monument, reared not only in Boston but
in Philadelphia, New York, Chicago,
Cincinnati, Detroit, San Francisco in
every large city which developed a noble
orchestra. J
Philadelphia is justly proud of its fine J
organization. The men who have made
it are among the inheritors of the Hig
ginson inspiration. How invigoratingly
different it all was from the testamentary
munificence of the "my-name-on-every
brick" variety!
THE MINORITY LEADERSHIP
"II WASHINGTON gossips arc spcculat-
' ing about who is to succeed the late
Thomas S. Martin, of Virginia, as the
Democratic leader of tho Senate. Three
men arc mentioned as in the running.
They are Senator Hitchcock, of Nebraska;
Senator Simmons, of North Carolina, and
Senator Underwood, of Alabama.
Senator Hitchcock has been temporary
leader during the illness of Senator Mar
tin. It must be admitted that he has not
been brilliantly successful. Aside from
the questions of temperament and ability,
it is said that the majority of the Demo
cratic senators, who represent southern
states, do not like to follow the lead of a
northern Democrat. We do not know
how much truth there is in this view, but
we are inclined tp the opinion that if
Senator Hitchcock had manifested com
manding abilities the southern as well
as the northern Democratic senators
would have been willing to follow him.
Both Simmons and Underwood arc
much abler men than Hitchcock. Under
wood has had experience as the leader
of the House. He is a skilled parlia
mentarian and he has a broad knowledge
of public questions. Simmons is doubt
less as able as Underwood. If either, of
these men were chosen to succeed the late
Senator Martin the minority would be in
good hands.
The choice of a leader is not a matter
in which the Democrats of tho Senate
alone are concerned. The whole country
is interested, because it is important that
the opposition shall be able to oppose in
telligently and well if the Republican
majority is to be held up to the best
traditions of the party.
The I'lincp of Wales
Anil (lenrRC Did! will Co lmck home on
Saturday without hav
inR been totort around I'liilndolphia by Mayor
Smith. Ho doesn't know what hp missed.
It may lie that his frame of mind roneerninR
Independence Hall, however, is simply "Let
George do it !'
t
Another
Good Citizen
Chester T. Mlnkler, of
the Newport, H. I,,
torpedo station, is an
inventor and a patriot,
and his right to both titles is set forth in a
letter from the Navy Department. He. in
vented the depth bomb and turned over the
patents to tho government without royalty.
"Of all sail words of tongue and
Pcnn-
Old H. C. of L. is a great instructor in
domestic economy.
A blizzard has Btruek Paris. How the
Hun must envy n blizzard!
The wives of our local burglars care
nothing for the high cost of furs.
Stripping furs from a wax model is as
mean a trick as taking candy from a. kid.
The man who confines bin conversation
to the weather these days may yet have in
it plenty of variety.
Reds in the University of Pennsylvania,
after the undergraduates get through with
them, will fade away to a pale yellow.
The trouble with the I'. It. T. is that
the "dead past" periodically resurrects itself
long enough to draw accrued interest.
The Hermans who cheered for the
kaicer the other day iu Berlin are of the
breed who are grateful for being heartily
kicked.
"luirn Flume has become too deadly dull
for D'A'btuinzio and he has gone to Dalma
lia. There is strong Huspieion that with the
poet eternal Justice is less Important than
eternal thrills.
REDS OF 34 YEARS AGO
There Were 2000 of Them In Phila
delphia, a Greasy, Scatter
Brained Bunch
Ity (ilCOItUi: NOX McCAIN
ITU 1 13
.sllt'.V
present general outbreak of hol
ism, so-cjtlli'd, although It is anar
chy, pure, simple and red, Is! the greatest
this country has ever known.
There have been sporadic outbursts In the
pas-t, with bomb-throwing, homicide and all
the other accompanying terrors of tho god
less creed, Philadelphia has been singularly
free from these orgies of crime, though for
3 ears It litis been -the nbidlng 'phico of the
tirnhi-1 wlstrtl degenerates who, doubtless,
plotted mnny of the deeds which have been
credited to their cult.
The latest recrudescence numbers among
its apostles Russians and Italians particu
larly, with a few Hungarians', Spaniards and
Americans trailing along behind, In other
dn3s Germans and I'oles. mainly, worshiped
at its shrine. Hut the world change's, and
with it the complexity of nationalities that
go to liinko,!)) the membership in the broth
ei hood nt blood and unrest.
THIRTY-FOl'U 3 ears ago the leaders of
the school of anarchy, then known as
nihilism to the 'Russian, anarchism to the
English and American and the International
Aihelter Association to the Germans, esti
mated there were L'000 of their kind in Phila
delphia. This was in 1SS5.
The laws then were less repressive and'
drastic than those of today, which perhaps
ni'coiiuts for the fact that a newspaper dedi
cated to the purpose of disseminating the
peculiar propaganda of the terrorists was
published here at lil4(l N'orth Second stcert.
Its editor was one Henry (Iran.
The high priests of the godless, un
shaven and unwashed were the then notori
ous .lohiinn Musi and Justus Schwab. Both
were (iermaiis. The editor of the Philadel
phia organ of the International Arbeiter
Association was likewise a German.
For years Most was under police sur
veillance in Xew York. He wns arrested
periodically, and upon one occusiou sought
to evade capture by donning female apparel
anil hiding under a bed.
THERE has always been a well-grounded
suspicion thnt Hcrr Most was a blood
thirsty bluff. Hi was never really closely
identified with any particularly diabolical
proceeding set in motion by his scatter
brained followers.
lie had an easy living off his dupes. He
would occasionally froth in public, though
his vociferations came finally to be regarded
as calculated outbursts, timed for notoriety
when his hank account was getting low.
Tine to their class .the anarchists of that
generation printed their diatribes against
civilization iu red ink. When they were
particularly vicious the sanguinary hue ap
proached a bright scarlet.
Every member of the organization, for
purposes of identification, was supposed to
carry a visiting card, like the following:
No. ."GO
Philadelphia
Commune
I. A. A.
I'eter Gross 4th District
This, of course, was exhibited only upon
special occasions to tricd-and-true brethren,
after they had demonstrated by the proper
gyrations, pantomime and grips that they
were duly qualified to receive the pasteboard.
THEIR literature, proclamations and ful
minatious were ns violent as anything
their present-day successors havq dared to
issue. '
The blue and brass of n policeman's uni
form made them fairly bubble at the mouth,
while a presidential proclamation just about
threw them into a conniption fit. They hated
law. They despised government. They re
viled the masses as capitalistic dupes worthy
of the bastinado or the bomb, according to
the degree of their infamy.
In a raid on one of their headquarters in
February, 1885, a distant forerunner of the
secret service raids of today, thousands of
circulars were captured, printed in their
favorite carmine typography, that breathed
forth threatening and slaughter against all
mankind except their sacred selves.
mHK most interesting as well as the most
-L characteristic gem of the capturpd col
lection was a circular headed "Proclama
tion," followed by these instructions: "To
be issued on the day of the impending uni
versal rising or revolution."
Kither the day was not fixed for the
butchery or the date slipped the memory of
Messrs. Most and Schwab, or their mutual
bank account received the necessary accre
tions which rendered the "Revolution" su
perfluous. Whatever the cause, it was not
pulled off at that particular time.
The following choice excerpts may be
compared with some of the present-day
maledictions of the reil brotherhood:
"The present system will be more readily
and easily vanquished if those in authority,
be they kings, kaisers or presidents, be at
once destroyed, In the meantime massacres
of the enemies of the people should be or
ganized." For the Reds of that day, and their leaders
at least were Cermnns, It must be said they
were thoroughly impartial in the proposed
distribution of their favors. The kaiser was
linked up indiscriminately with other poten
tiates in their weasand-slitting program.
Another choice piece of instruction was
this:
"Insurrections must bo excited in the dis
tricts rqund and about the revolted com
munes." The old and advanced socialistic theory,
which after all is the foundation stone of all
communistic organizations that seek the de
struction 'of government and society, the
common division of property' and the abro
gation of nil legal restraint upon human
passions, crops out most beautifully in.
another passage:
"In order to solve the ecoromie question
more quickly and completely, all lands and
movables shall be declared the property of
the respective communes.",
AT THAT time the nihilists of Russia'
were aiming to reach the throat of their
government. To a gieiit. extent, largely be
cause the struggle was for an unformed ideal
and was regarded as the yearning for lib
erty of an oppressed people, the movement
had, more pr less, the sympathy of many
people in Mils country.
Since then the world, and the United
States in particular, has had the oppor
tunity of witnessing the working out of the
real principles that heretofore, like the
njaggot in the apple, were enshrined in the
aspirations of the terrorists of Russia. They
have reached the throat of its government;
likewise the throats of its people.
The wreck of a mighty nation, the dis
semination, world-wide, of the doctrine, of
freedom without restraint, of unbridled
license, the ultimate destruction of all law,
government and society, has presented the
theory in its horrible actuality.
The present struggle, not only in Phila
delphia, but in the entire country, is against
the legitimate successors of the anarchists
of thirty -four years ago. It lr estimated
that in Philadelphia today there aro, in
heart at least, five limes as many members
of this cult ns there were in 1885.-
And it IS' not a pleasant thought to cuter-tain,
i ' iiC'5lj9lffV
tw .&&?
tr i 5 rjr.y 'i v -! -y c wvAut-Y.. s i i
PUBLIC OPINION A STRIKE FACTOR
Potency Shown by Recent Events Gives Rise to Evidences of Hys
teria in the Senate and Elsewhere
By CLINTON y. GILBERT
Staff Correspondent of the Evening l'ubllc Ledcer
Copyright, 1910. bu Public Ledger Co.
Washington, Nov. 15.
THE defeat of the anti-strike amendment
to the railroad bill in the House of Rep
resentatives marks the limit to the most
amazing outburst of public opinion that has
been seen at Washington in many a year.
Senator Cummins quite unintentionally re
duced it to an absurdity the other day when
he announced that he would propose not
merely to forbid strikes among public serv
ice corporation employes, but among practi
cally all other employes as well.
There are some men who don't know
nbcut the adage not to hit a man when he
is clown. Labor is down. It is away down.
It is flat on its back. Congressman Cooper,
of Ohio, who holds a union card himself
and yet is almost as conservative as Mr.
Cummins, spoke scornfully the other day f
the "downfall of labor."
Tho House of Representatives knows that
it is down. The House has put away its
club. The Senate may continue to brandish
its club for a while, for the Senate pays
less attention to adages like "Don't hit n
man when he is down" than does the
House, which thinks more popularly.
Gentlemen of the Senate will continue to
get up and solemnly denounce the attempt
to "sovictize" the U. S. A. They will offer
the last drops of their blood in defense of
our liberties; a time-honored offer which
has never been neccpted: They will keep
alive the anti-strike proposals in the upper
house ' throughout the next session, but if
labor knows enough to stay down now that
it is down, those proposals will be a splendid
inspiration for patrioticirhctoric, but nothing
more.
If railroad legislation has to be passed in
the next sU weeks, and it has to be, such
contentious subjects ns the nnti-strike will
have to be left out of it, first, 'because the
House will have more time and, second, be
cause the President will probably veto any
bill which has such n provision in it. The
will of the House has been made plain. The
majorities against the anti-strike amend
ment were large. And the political unwis
dom of giving the President a chance to re
gain the favor of labor by vetoing a bill
depriving it of what it has come to regard
as its rights has struck a lot of Republican
congressmen, whose hearts arc set upon
coming back next year. Tho relations of
labor and Mr. Wilson are strained; why
restore them to their former amity, they
argue. The President is the one man who
lias been carried into an extreme position
by the outbreak of public sentiment? Why
should the opposition follow him there?
Men will explain f5r a long time that
wave. of feeling' which culmlnated'ln the in
junction against the coal strikers, and in
Mr. Cummins's remarks of the other day, and
which began to recede when the House re
fused to forbid strikes. It was amazing;
It was unexpected. Congress did not see
it coming. Mr. Wilson from Paris laid the
labor problem on the doorstep of Congress.
It sent the' bundle to the foundlings' home.
It was looking for a chance to dosotnething
popular, but did not see it.
-Mr. iVilson walked calmly up to the dour
of his industrial conference without know
ing what a ruction was inside. "If he had
known the state of the public mind, he
would never have called juBt the conference
he did.
Labor, itself, was fooled bitterly ; dis
astrously fooled itself. It did not know what
the public was thinking, or it would have
moderated Its raptures and instead of
pigeonholing the Plumb plan in November
it would have locked it in a safgjduring the
summer.
I ' suppose the best explanation of what
happened is that tho country had become
class-conscious and did not really know it.
It is not so much that labor had become
conscious of itself as a class; with certain
interests sharply out of harmony with the
general interests, but all the rest of us had
become conscious of this class division.
During the war our attention had focused
in Europe. It. had taught us much. We had
seen how labor was tending in England and
In Russin. When labor hero began to
imitate labor in-"England,the trouble started.
And we not. only said that It was a :lasst
HARD SLEDBIN
hut we saw that it had capacities as a class
to get things which the unorganized masses
of the country did not possess. Statistics
showed that the union labor had n decided
edge on the "white-collar kids," the, salary
earners. And tho white-collar fraternity
was unliappy. They saw the boys in over
alls increasing their cost of living for them.
And nil the rest "of us were low iu our
minds nt the contemplation of class. It
had been our pride and our boast that no
such thing existed in America. A snake had
entered into America's Garden of Eden.
Class-consciousness is a terrible form of
self-consciousness. Its first manifestations
arc amazing.
The labor unions set the thing going. They
brought their own class-consciousness out
into the open and paraded it. They were
going to dictate our political policies for us.
It was to be either a beginning of socialism
or n radical revolution. Yes, they wanted
us all to know that they were radical, or at
least that their conservative leaders were
pressed on from behind by intensely radical
followers. They planned war to frighten the
public into concessions.
Thcy did not know how the public felt.
They did not know how the public regarded
nie idea that, while we were entering Europe
to make Europe better, Europe was entering
us in the form of class policies for labor,
to make us worse. They did not know that
when tbey had become class -conscious, all
the rest of us had become correspondingly
class-conscious. They-decided to frightcu us
into doing certniu things and they aroused
the' tempest. It was apparent when Judge
Gary's stand against the extension of
unionism for that was what it amounted
to awoke almost universal applause. It
was further revealed in the smash of the
industrial conference. It was confirmed
when the administration, hastening to get
on the popular side, or swept along by the
storm a class-conscious labor had evoked;
opposed the coal strike with a treihendous
show of force.
The reason why we have re-examined all
our old settled attitudes toward uuion labor,
the rather liberal view of it that wc adopted
in the era of conciliation under Roosevelt,
is that we have to rcckou with n new labor
movement.
Old labor was American ; it had little con
sciousness of interests npart from those of
the rest of us. It had the magazines and
meant to rise into tho capitalist class. It
was a middle-class movement of a co
operative sort. , ,
Labor today is swinging into another, a
European direction. The liberties or rights
which we could permit to a distinctly Ameri
can movement we think perhaps ought "to
be taken away from one that is not Ameri
can in the way wo have bcoiMn the habit
of thinking of Americanism. This is not
to say that there are huge numbers.ft radi
cals or revolutionaries in organized labor.
It is not to say hat what has happened is
bolshevism. Tho entrance of the I. W. W.
into the A. F. of L. is rather a proof of
rlass-consciousness than the cause. Rut the
whole movement has entered upon nn
inevitable stage iu its development ; a stage
reached in Europe long ngof tho process
being hastened by the war and our percep
tion of it being sharpened by the greater
general knowledge of European conditions
and examples which the war has brought
to us. ,
Meanwhile labor is down. Getting it
down does not end its class-consciousness,
but plobably rather intensifies it. But the
country has been able to measure the
strength of a class movement as limited ns
that composed of organized .labor In this
country. It is not formidable. (The first
feeling of fear and rngc has passed. A
calmer view prevails, Tho inevitable has
happened, and the first shock has been passed
over successfully.
Spite of various manifestations of social
and industrial unrest theworld is furnishing
many joyous subjects for Thanksgiviug proc
lamations. From Mr. Kospoth's illuminating letter
we learn that fo the out-and-out Bolshevist
the writer and thinker is nothing more or
less than a lounge lizard,
FAIRIES
UNDERNEATH the beech trees,
Lights and shadows glancing,
Surely there are fairies
In the sun-spots dancing!
Underneath the beech trees,.
Underneath and in them,
Wait a host of fairies,
.Wait for you to win them.
Fairies they are quick folk ;
Never may you bind them ;
Rut underneath the beech trees
You can always 'find them.
V-The. Review.
There's bound to be scum in any melt
ing pot. Deportation is the skimming spoon.
Students of the prohibition amendment
are now in a Brown study.
On the face at the treaty, it would ap
pear that X got the XX.
. Pennsylvania's banner corn crop will
hebp fill next winter's pork barrel.
New that our dead have been returned
from Russia, there is possibility that we
may learn why our boys were sent there.
. If Hard Times had settled down amohg
us ours might be a parlous state, but, hap
pily, there isn't a thing the matter with the
country thnt the deputation of foreign and
dangerous elements will not cure.
Emma Goldman and Alexander Berk
man were scheduled to tnlk on Saturday on
"The Futility of Prisons." Much, of course,
may be said in support of the point implied';
but Alexander and Emma must admit that
they didn't do much public speaking while in
jail. And that gives the public something to
be grateful for.
What Do You Know?
QUIZ
1. What Is the nationality of the sci
entists who have just been awarded
the Nobel prizes for physics aud
chemistry?
2. What is" the meaning of the word in
eluctable!
3. What was tho Council of Nlcaea?
4. What were .the three chief gods of an
cient Egypt?
5. In what war did the battle of Buena
Vista occur?
fi. What is a socle?
7. AVho was tho founder of homeopathy?
8. After whom was Pennsylvania named?.
II. What is tho Turanian race?
10. What three achievements of his life
did Thomas Jefferson wish to be re
4 ' corded on his tombstone?
Answers to Saturday's Quiz l
1. A grnnge Is a country house with farm ,
buildings attached.
2. Prince Sixtus, the ex-empress of
Austria's brother, whohas just mar
ried a French woman, was the recip
ient durlnir thn .tvnr r.f n tntfl..ait
letter from the then emperor, Karl,
urging peace, by making large conces
sions to France. Prince Sixtus and
tho cx-empress Kita are members of
the house of Bourbon.
3. Sixty-six ships were built at Hog Island
in fifteen months.
4. Sant'Iago de.Compostclla (St, James)
.is the patron saint of Spain.
C. Edward Whymper was a noted English
wood engraver, author, traveler and
mountain climber. He made the first
ascent of tho Matterhorn in Switzer
land, .in 1805, He also reached the
top of Cotopaxi, Chimborazo and other
great peaks of the Andes.
0. George M. Cohan's original surname
wnj Costigan.
7. A helve Is a .handle of a weapon or tool,
8, Many of our words connected with the
theatre come from the Greek, such as
orchestra, chorus, scene, protagonist
and theatre Itself.
0, In England a Solicitor advises client,
prepares causes, but does not appear
as an advocate except in certain lowef
courts. A barrister appears before thi
bar as an advocate, i
10, A qulnquaBcuuriau is a person fifty
years old, ,
31
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