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All rights of republication of special dis patches herein arc also reserved. rhlMtlphia, Minila;, Nntrnibrr 17, 1111) FOOTBALL AND AMOUR PROPRE rpWENTY-EIGHT thousand persons -- saw the Pcnn-Pittsburgh game at Franklin Field on Saturday afternoon. The golden age of football in this city is thereby recalled, but not reproduced. There is no use in self-deception on this subject. Gridiron contests will not be cwhat they should be here until the Uni versity of Pennsylvania again plays cither Harvard or Princeton or both of them. The causes for the abnormal sever ance of relations are now almost as re mote as the origins of some Kentucky feuds. Both sides are extremely touchy, amour propre plays its deadening hand Mid natural athletic rivals annually figure out their relative standings by t every other means save that of direct contact. Negotiations have straightened out some pretty thorny problems within the past few years. It is worth emphasizing that even Germany signed a document to which her foes also affixed their signa tures. Are complexities of 'every sort to be untangled before Penn will consent to kick off to Princeton or vice versa? If absurdity is an argument for denying the public lusty sport which it would heartily acclaim, then, of course, the athletic associations of both the sensi tive universities are justified in striking their respective attitudes and melodra matically folding their respective arms. CAMDEN GOtl A-TROLLEYINC TT WAS a sadder and wiser trolley cor- poration that established its service on a new basis in Camden today and began the difficult task of wooing back a vast patronage flung over to the railway lines and jitney busses a few weeks ago with li proud gesture that said zone fares or "Nothing. The foolishness, impracticability and general injustice of the zone-fare scheme were discussed for the first time in these colurrins. The people were advised to fight. The trolley company lost, as it had, to lose, and it is starting anew. The people of Camden will be wise, therefore, to remember that grudges never did anybody any good. For the time at least bygones ought to be by gones. "4" The street-car company appears now to be making a sincere effort to put upon an acceptable basis, a service that the city cannot do without. The new fare system is essentially reasonable and it meets virtually all the demands made on behalf of the general public. The trolley people have at least found that they cannot get along without the co operation of the riding public and they have made their confession ihprint. The public, likewise, has reason to know that railways and jitneys cannot meet the needs of the city for safe and efficient passenger transport service nor provide the stimulus which good street railways bring to the business life of any com munity. Camden will be wise to give its trolleys another trial even if, in the meantime, it keeps one alert eye on the street-car company and another on the Public Utilities Commission. EXPLAINING JAY-CROSSERS A NYBODY with half an eye can see that since Mr. Mitten and Captain Mills and the business associations began to tell of the perils of crossing a street at the middle of a block the number of jay-crossers has actually tended to in crease. They will get over the habit, of course, and in time all absent-minded folk will learn to follow safe routes from pavement to pavement. Meanwhile it is clear that a lot of people who usually crossed at crossings are trying the more dangerous method. They want to see how it feels! The moral in this instance is simple. If you want a thing done, prohibit it. Tell how awful the consequences are sure to be. Life is an experiment. A great many people who ordinarily follow ordered ways of life actually ache at times for the pang of dangerous adven ture. That is why the police always have to fight crowds back from big fires. Crowds have a great curiosity about forbidden thjngs. Yet it would not have been wise to beseech them not to cross at crossings. They would have tried the opposite way for a little while and, when they decided for themselves, would have returned to the rational method as they always do in the end. REVOLUTION BY ENNUI 1 TTPON our political sophistication we '-' are apt at times to plume ourselves. A rampageous Senate doesn't really shock us. Europe, may be startled, but Wc Bmile, serenely unflustered by the vaudeville of partisanship. "A fig for pur alleged sensationsj" yawns the hardened public. .Admirable, indeed, is our record for poise, but it is no longer unchallenged. Down in Buenos Aires there was no need of a cloture K speech, for the Congress men were substituting missiles. The scene was stormy, seemingly quite in accordance with our somewhat supercili ous notions of statesmanship in Latin America, Disillusion, however, lurks in the closing sentence of the Argentine dis patch. "A motion for the impeachment of President Irigoycn," runs the text, "was one of the contributory incidents." Revolution by ennui is something new. When it comes to seasoned sangfroid it looks as though Washington would have to grovel before once maligned "B. A.!" ALMIGHTY DOLLAR PUT IN HARNESS FOR IDEALISM America Has Hundreds of Mllllohs to Spend for Religion, Educa tion and Art AMERICANS have been so often charged with indifference to every thing but the almighty dollar Jhat those among us who accept our opinions ready made have been inclined to plead guilty for their fcll6v countrymen. Tho charge, however, has never been sustained by convincing evidence. It would have been much cheaper for our ancestors to have pocketed their indig nation at the stamp act than to have started a revolution. The republic is founded on an ideal, to establish which men pledged their lives, their fortunes and their sacred honor. Much has been .aid about the pledge, of lives and honor, but those who have sought to produce the impression that this was a materialistic nation have for gotten or ignored the pledge of the for tunes. It will not do to say that the early generation of idealists has been succeeded by later generations of sordid money grubbers. The Civil War was fought for an ideal. The preservation of the Union, to es tablish which men risked their fortunes, was regarded as worth all that it might cost, because with its ruin would go some of the ideals on which it rested. And we entered the war against Ger many not in order to make money but in order to do our part again in estab lishing the doctrine that justice is sacred and must prevail. We know that there are men who have called it a capitalistic war and have charged that if it had not been for the desire of Wall street and the munition manufacturers to make money the United States would have remained neutral. Every one but a few loose thinkers knows that this is not so. So many great fortunes have been ac cumulated in so short a time and so many men have been so busy accumu lating the fortunes that the rest of the world has wrongly concluded that money is the only thing we think of. It has only to examine the evidence to discover its error. Our millionaires have made great col lections of paintings and china and books and ivory carvings. The collectors of the Old World who have been outbid in the auctions have spoken with contempt of these millionaires and have said that they bought art treasures because they did not know what else to do with their money. They have discovered, however, many a time, that the millionaire knew as much about art as they did. He may have been ignorant in his youth, but a desire for the refinements of life was born in him and when he was able to gratify that desire he set about it. When he discovered what association with the masterpieces of great painters could do for him he has bequeathed his collections to public museums that the public at large might come under their influence. No group of people and ho nation has a monopoly of taste. The fact that some of the greatest painters and poets have sprung from humble parentage should prove this to the most obdurate snob. To hold otherwise is provincial when not parochial. If there is any lingering shadow- of doubt in the mind of any one that this nation as a whole is loyal to tho finer things, what is going on before our eyes at the present time should remove it. The rich and the poor had apparently invested in the Liberty Bonds issued during the war all the money they could raise. One would have said that it was foolish to attempt to raise any consider able sums for any purpose until a new surplus had been accumulated. The friends of religion and education and art have thought otherwise. They are now conducting campaigns, or have just completed them, to raise more than $200,000,000 for these idealistic purposes. Harvard University, which asked for $15,250,000 a few weeks ago, has already secured two-thirds of this amount. Princeton is seeking $14,000,000 and will get it. Cornell is asking for $10,000,000, and no one doubts that the sum will be raised. It has been announced that the University of Pennsylvania needs $20, 000,000. No movement has yet been started to secure it, but the money is in existence and the men who have it will undoubtedly make their subscriptions when the need of it is presented to them. Bryn Mawr College has within a few days announced that it will try-to raise $1,000,000. A similar sum has been sub scribed to the endowment fund of the Philadelphia Orchestra by men and women who believe in the refining power of music and are anxious that an oppor tunity fto hear it should be afforded to the largest possible number. The churches are seeking funds to carry on their work and to guarantee to the clergymen a living salary. The Methodists have set their mark at $105, 000,000. The episcopalians want $15, 000,000. Tho Baptists have already raised $6,000,000 or thereabouts. And the Presbyterians are accumulating a fund of several millions. The Young Women's Christian Association ' has re cently Btarted to raise $4,500,000 in order that it may do more effectively that for which it was organized., No sublimer confidence in 'the ideal ism of a people was ever manifested than in these demands for a richer endowment of the institutions that cultivate the re finements of mind and spirit. We take them for granted. No proof is necessary to convince us that the colleges should be equipped to train young men and young women, not to become money makers, primarily, but to have nn appreciation and understand ing of those things without which the life of n nation becomes sordid and barren of the finer things. " The work of the churches is its own vindication and we know that it cannot be carried on without money. That is now being provided. And music, which has the power to draw a man out of himself and transport him to n world populous with line imag inings, is admitted to be one of the most refining influences to which one can bo subjected. Right here in Philadelphia more than l.'l.OOO persons nrc so firmly convinced of this that they subscribed to the endowment fund njready mentioned. . When the late .1. Pierpont Morgan re marked that it was always safe to bo a bull on America he was speaking finan cially. It is just as snfo to be a bull on America idealistically and csthet ically. One can invest his money and his hopes in it with the certainty of sure and large returns in tho way of all those things which differentiate a civilized democracy from barbarous nose-ringed anarchy. We arc in no danger of be coming a plutocracy when the plutocrats endow those institutions that enlarge the life of the common man. THE HIGGINSON INHERITANCE rpHK debt which music in America owes to the late Major Henry L. Higginson is incalculable. He gave a fortune to foster both the art and appreciation of it, hut the esthetic and .spiritualizing forces which he thereby set in motion cannot be measured in teims of money. Major Higginson with his bounty, Theodore Thomas with his genius and enthusiasm were architects of the now refining structure of American musical taste. The misfortunes of the Boston Sym phony at the outbreak of the war pro foundly shocked its idealistic patron. Karl,, Muck was but a temporary stain. He could not overturn Major Higginson's monument, reared not only in Boston but in Philadelphia, New York, Chicago, Cincinnati, Detroit, San Francisco in every large city which developed a noble orchestra. J Philadelphia is justly proud of its fine J organization. The men who have made it are among the inheritors of the Hig ginson inspiration. How invigoratingly different it all was from the testamentary munificence of the "my-name-on-every brick" variety! THE MINORITY LEADERSHIP "II WASHINGTON gossips arc spcculat- ' ing about who is to succeed the late Thomas S. Martin, of Virginia, as the Democratic leader of tho Senate. Three men arc mentioned as in the running. They are Senator Hitchcock, of Nebraska; Senator Simmons, of North Carolina, and Senator Underwood, of Alabama. Senator Hitchcock has been temporary leader during the illness of Senator Mar tin. It must be admitted that he has not been brilliantly successful. Aside from the questions of temperament and ability, it is said that the majority of the Demo cratic senators, who represent southern states, do not like to follow the lead of a northern Democrat. We do not know how much truth there is in this view, but we are inclined tp the opinion that if Senator Hitchcock had manifested com manding abilities the southern as well as the northern Democratic senators would have been willing to follow him. Both Simmons and Underwood arc much abler men than Hitchcock. Under wood has had experience as the leader of the House. He is a skilled parlia mentarian and he has a broad knowledge of public questions. Simmons is doubt less as able as Underwood. If either, of these men were chosen to succeed the late Senator Martin the minority would be in good hands. The choice of a leader is not a matter in which the Democrats of tho Senate alone are concerned. The whole country is interested, because it is important that the opposition shall be able to oppose in telligently and well if the Republican majority is to be held up to the best traditions of the party. The I'lincp of Wales Anil (lenrRC Did! will Co lmck home on Saturday without hav inR been totort around I'liilndolphia by Mayor Smith. Ho doesn't know what hp missed. It may lie that his frame of mind roneerninR Independence Hall, however, is simply "Let George do it !' t Another Good Citizen Chester T. Mlnkler, of the Newport, H. I,, torpedo station, is an inventor and a patriot, and his right to both titles is set forth in a letter from the Navy Department. He. in vented the depth bomb and turned over the patents to tho government without royalty. "Of all sail words of tongue and Pcnn- Old H. C. of L. is a great instructor in domestic economy. A blizzard has Btruek Paris. How the Hun must envy n blizzard! The wives of our local burglars care nothing for the high cost of furs. Stripping furs from a wax model is as mean a trick as taking candy from a. kid. The man who confines bin conversation to the weather these days may yet have in it plenty of variety. Reds in the University of Pennsylvania, after the undergraduates get through with them, will fade away to a pale yellow. The trouble with the I'. It. T. is that the "dead past" periodically resurrects itself long enough to draw accrued interest. The Hermans who cheered for the kaicer the other day iu Berlin are of the breed who are grateful for being heartily kicked. "luirn Flume has become too deadly dull for D'A'btuinzio and he has gone to Dalma lia. There is strong Huspieion that with the poet eternal Justice is less Important than eternal thrills. REDS OF 34 YEARS AGO There Were 2000 of Them In Phila delphia, a Greasy, Scatter Brained Bunch Ity (ilCOItUi: NOX McCAIN ITU 1 13 .sllt'.V present general outbreak of hol ism, so-cjtlli'd, although It is anar chy, pure, simple and red, Is! the greatest this country has ever known. There have been sporadic outbursts In the pas-t, with bomb-throwing, homicide and all the other accompanying terrors of tho god less creed, Philadelphia has been singularly free from these orgies of crime, though for 3 ears It litis been -the nbidlng 'phico of the tirnhi-1 wlstrtl degenerates who, doubtless, plotted mnny of the deeds which have been credited to their cult. The latest recrudescence numbers among its apostles Russians and Italians particu larly, with a few Hungarians', Spaniards and Americans trailing along behind, In other dn3s Germans and I'oles. mainly, worshiped at its shrine. Hut the world change's, and with it the complexity of nationalities that go to liinko,!)) the membership in the broth ei hood nt blood and unrest. THIRTY-FOl'U 3 ears ago the leaders of the school of anarchy, then known as nihilism to the 'Russian, anarchism to the English and American and the International Aihelter Association to the Germans, esti mated there were L'000 of their kind in Phila delphia. This was in 1SS5. The laws then were less repressive and' drastic than those of today, which perhaps ni'coiiuts for the fact that a newspaper dedi cated to the purpose of disseminating the peculiar propaganda of the terrorists was published here at lil4(l N'orth Second stcert. Its editor was one Henry (Iran. The high priests of the godless, un shaven and unwashed were the then notori ous .lohiinn Musi and Justus Schwab. Both were (iermaiis. The editor of the Philadel phia organ of the International Arbeiter Association was likewise a German. For years Most was under police sur veillance in Xew York. He wns arrested periodically, and upon one occusiou sought to evade capture by donning female apparel anil hiding under a bed. THERE has always been a well-grounded suspicion thnt Hcrr Most was a blood thirsty bluff. Hi was never really closely identified with any particularly diabolical proceeding set in motion by his scatter brained followers. lie had an easy living off his dupes. He would occasionally froth in public, though his vociferations came finally to be regarded as calculated outbursts, timed for notoriety when his hank account was getting low. Tine to their class .the anarchists of that generation printed their diatribes against civilization iu red ink. When they were particularly vicious the sanguinary hue ap proached a bright scarlet. Every member of the organization, for purposes of identification, was supposed to carry a visiting card, like the following: No. ."GO Philadelphia Commune I. A. A. I'eter Gross 4th District This, of course, was exhibited only upon special occasions to tricd-and-true brethren, after they had demonstrated by the proper gyrations, pantomime and grips that they were duly qualified to receive the pasteboard. THEIR literature, proclamations and ful minatious were ns violent as anything their present-day successors havq dared to issue. ' The blue and brass of n policeman's uni form made them fairly bubble at the mouth, while a presidential proclamation just about threw them into a conniption fit. They hated law. They despised government. They re viled the masses as capitalistic dupes worthy of the bastinado or the bomb, according to the degree of their infamy. In a raid on one of their headquarters in February, 1885, a distant forerunner of the secret service raids of today, thousands of circulars were captured, printed in their favorite carmine typography, that breathed forth threatening and slaughter against all mankind except their sacred selves. mHK most interesting as well as the most -L characteristic gem of the capturpd col lection was a circular headed "Proclama tion," followed by these instructions: "To be issued on the day of the impending uni versal rising or revolution." Kither the day was not fixed for the butchery or the date slipped the memory of Messrs. Most and Schwab, or their mutual bank account received the necessary accre tions which rendered the "Revolution" su perfluous. Whatever the cause, it was not pulled off at that particular time. The following choice excerpts may be compared with some of the present-day maledictions of the reil brotherhood: "The present system will be more readily and easily vanquished if those in authority, be they kings, kaisers or presidents, be at once destroyed, In the meantime massacres of the enemies of the people should be or ganized." For the Reds of that day, and their leaders at least were Cermnns, It must be said they were thoroughly impartial in the proposed distribution of their favors. The kaiser was linked up indiscriminately with other poten tiates in their weasand-slitting program. Another choice piece of instruction was this: "Insurrections must bo excited in the dis tricts rqund and about the revolted com munes." The old and advanced socialistic theory, which after all is the foundation stone of all communistic organizations that seek the de struction 'of government and society, the common division of property' and the abro gation of nil legal restraint upon human passions, crops out most beautifully in. another passage: "In order to solve the ecoromie question more quickly and completely, all lands and movables shall be declared the property of the respective communes.", AT THAT time the nihilists of Russia' were aiming to reach the throat of their government. To a gieiit. extent, largely be cause the struggle was for an unformed ideal and was regarded as the yearning for lib erty of an oppressed people, the movement had, more pr less, the sympathy of many people in Mils country. Since then the world, and the United States in particular, has had the oppor tunity of witnessing the working out of the real principles that heretofore, like the njaggot in the apple, were enshrined in the aspirations of the terrorists of Russia. They have reached the throat of its government; likewise the throats of its people. The wreck of a mighty nation, the dis semination, world-wide, of the doctrine, of freedom without restraint, of unbridled license, the ultimate destruction of all law, government and society, has presented the theory in its horrible actuality. The present struggle, not only in Phila delphia, but in the entire country, is against the legitimate successors of the anarchists of thirty -four years ago. It lr estimated that in Philadelphia today there aro, in heart at least, five limes as many members of this cult ns there were in 1885.- And it IS' not a pleasant thought to cuter-tain, i ' iiC'5lj9lffV tw .&&? tr i 5 rjr.y 'i v -! -y c wvAut-Y.. s i i PUBLIC OPINION A STRIKE FACTOR Potency Shown by Recent Events Gives Rise to Evidences of Hys teria in the Senate and Elsewhere By CLINTON y. GILBERT Staff Correspondent of the Evening l'ubllc Ledcer Copyright, 1910. bu Public Ledger Co. Washington, Nov. 15. THE defeat of the anti-strike amendment to the railroad bill in the House of Rep resentatives marks the limit to the most amazing outburst of public opinion that has been seen at Washington in many a year. Senator Cummins quite unintentionally re duced it to an absurdity the other day when he announced that he would propose not merely to forbid strikes among public serv ice corporation employes, but among practi cally all other employes as well. There are some men who don't know nbcut the adage not to hit a man when he is clown. Labor is down. It is away down. It is flat on its back. Congressman Cooper, of Ohio, who holds a union card himself and yet is almost as conservative as Mr. Cummins, spoke scornfully the other day f the "downfall of labor." Tho House of Representatives knows that it is down. The House has put away its club. The Senate may continue to brandish its club for a while, for the Senate pays less attention to adages like "Don't hit n man when he is down" than does the House, which thinks more popularly. Gentlemen of the Senate will continue to get up and solemnly denounce the attempt to "sovictize" the U. S. A. They will offer the last drops of their blood in defense of our liberties; a time-honored offer which has never been neccpted: They will keep alive the anti-strike proposals in the upper house ' throughout the next session, but if labor knows enough to stay down now that it is down, those proposals will be a splendid inspiration for patrioticirhctoric, but nothing more. If railroad legislation has to be passed in the next sU weeks, and it has to be, such contentious subjects ns the nnti-strike will have to be left out of it, first, 'because the House will have more time and, second, be cause the President will probably veto any bill which has such n provision in it. The will of the House has been made plain. The majorities against the anti-strike amend ment were large. And the political unwis dom of giving the President a chance to re gain the favor of labor by vetoing a bill depriving it of what it has come to regard as its rights has struck a lot of Republican congressmen, whose hearts arc set upon coming back next year. Tho relations of labor and Mr. Wilson are strained; why restore them to their former amity, they argue. The President is the one man who lias been carried into an extreme position by the outbreak of public sentiment? Why should the opposition follow him there? Men will explain f5r a long time that wave. of feeling' which culmlnated'ln the in junction against the coal strikers, and in Mr. Cummins's remarks of the other day, and which began to recede when the House re fused to forbid strikes. It was amazing; It was unexpected. Congress did not see it coming. Mr. Wilson from Paris laid the labor problem on the doorstep of Congress. It sent the' bundle to the foundlings' home. It was looking for a chance to dosotnething popular, but did not see it. -Mr. iVilson walked calmly up to the dour of his industrial conference without know ing what a ruction was inside. "If he had known the state of the public mind, he would never have called juBt the conference he did. Labor, itself, was fooled bitterly ; dis astrously fooled itself. It did not know what the public was thinking, or it would have moderated Its raptures and instead of pigeonholing the Plumb plan in November it would have locked it in a safgjduring the summer. I ' suppose the best explanation of what happened is that tho country had become class-conscious and did not really know it. It is not so much that labor had become conscious of itself as a class; with certain interests sharply out of harmony with the general interests, but all the rest of us had become conscious of this class division. During the war our attention had focused in Europe. It. had taught us much. We had seen how labor was tending in England and In Russin. When labor hero began to imitate labor in-"England,the trouble started. And we not. only said that It was a :lasst HARD SLEDBIN hut we saw that it had capacities as a class to get things which the unorganized masses of the country did not possess. Statistics showed that the union labor had n decided edge on the "white-collar kids," the, salary earners. And tho white-collar fraternity was unliappy. They saw the boys in over alls increasing their cost of living for them. And nil the rest "of us were low iu our minds nt the contemplation of class. It had been our pride and our boast that no such thing existed in America. A snake had entered into America's Garden of Eden. Class-consciousness is a terrible form of self-consciousness. Its first manifestations arc amazing. The labor unions set the thing going. They brought their own class-consciousness out into the open and paraded it. They were going to dictate our political policies for us. It was to be either a beginning of socialism or n radical revolution. Yes, they wanted us all to know that they were radical, or at least that their conservative leaders were pressed on from behind by intensely radical followers. They planned war to frighten the public into concessions. Thcy did not know how the public felt. They did not know how the public regarded nie idea that, while we were entering Europe to make Europe better, Europe was entering us in the form of class policies for labor, to make us worse. They did not know that when tbey had become class -conscious, all the rest of us had become correspondingly class-conscious. They-decided to frightcu us into doing certniu things and they aroused the' tempest. It was apparent when Judge Gary's stand against the extension of unionism for that was what it amounted to awoke almost universal applause. It was further revealed in the smash of the industrial conference. It was confirmed when the administration, hastening to get on the popular side, or swept along by the storm a class-conscious labor had evoked; opposed the coal strike with a treihendous show of force. The reason why we have re-examined all our old settled attitudes toward uuion labor, the rather liberal view of it that wc adopted in the era of conciliation under Roosevelt, is that we have to rcckou with n new labor movement. Old labor was American ; it had little con sciousness of interests npart from those of the rest of us. It had the magazines and meant to rise into tho capitalist class. It was a middle-class movement of a co operative sort. , , Labor today is swinging into another, a European direction. The liberties or rights which we could permit to a distinctly Ameri can movement we think perhaps ought "to be taken away from one that is not Ameri can in the way wo have bcoiMn the habit of thinking of Americanism. This is not to say that there are huge numbers.ft radi cals or revolutionaries in organized labor. It is not to say hat what has happened is bolshevism. Tho entrance of the I. W. W. into the A. F. of L. is rather a proof of rlass-consciousness than the cause. Rut the whole movement has entered upon nn inevitable stage iu its development ; a stage reached in Europe long ngof tho process being hastened by the war and our percep tion of it being sharpened by the greater general knowledge of European conditions and examples which the war has brought to us. , Meanwhile labor is down. Getting it down does not end its class-consciousness, but plobably rather intensifies it. But the country has been able to measure the strength of a class movement as limited ns that composed of organized .labor In this country. It is not formidable. (The first feeling of fear and rngc has passed. A calmer view prevails, Tho inevitable has happened, and the first shock has been passed over successfully. Spite of various manifestations of social and industrial unrest theworld is furnishing many joyous subjects for Thanksgiviug proc lamations. From Mr. Kospoth's illuminating letter we learn that fo the out-and-out Bolshevist the writer and thinker is nothing more or less than a lounge lizard, FAIRIES UNDERNEATH the beech trees, Lights and shadows glancing, Surely there are fairies In the sun-spots dancing! Underneath the beech trees,. Underneath and in them, Wait a host of fairies, .Wait for you to win them. Fairies they are quick folk ; Never may you bind them ; Rut underneath the beech trees You can always 'find them. V-The. Review. There's bound to be scum in any melt ing pot. Deportation is the skimming spoon. Students of the prohibition amendment are now in a Brown study. On the face at the treaty, it would ap pear that X got the XX. . Pennsylvania's banner corn crop will hebp fill next winter's pork barrel. New that our dead have been returned from Russia, there is possibility that we may learn why our boys were sent there. . If Hard Times had settled down amohg us ours might be a parlous state, but, hap pily, there isn't a thing the matter with the country thnt the deputation of foreign and dangerous elements will not cure. Emma Goldman and Alexander Berk man were scheduled to tnlk on Saturday on "The Futility of Prisons." Much, of course, may be said in support of the point implied'; but Alexander and Emma must admit that they didn't do much public speaking while in jail. And that gives the public something to be grateful for. What Do You Know? QUIZ 1. What Is the nationality of the sci entists who have just been awarded the Nobel prizes for physics aud chemistry? 2. What is" the meaning of the word in eluctable! 3. What was tho Council of Nlcaea? 4. What were .the three chief gods of an cient Egypt? 5. In what war did the battle of Buena Vista occur? fi. What is a socle? 7. AVho was tho founder of homeopathy? 8. After whom was Pennsylvania named?. II. What is tho Turanian race? 10. What three achievements of his life did Thomas Jefferson wish to be re 4 ' corded on his tombstone? Answers to Saturday's Quiz l 1. A grnnge Is a country house with farm , buildings attached. 2. Prince Sixtus, the ex-empress of Austria's brother, whohas just mar ried a French woman, was the recip ient durlnir thn .tvnr r.f n tntfl..ait letter from the then emperor, Karl, urging peace, by making large conces sions to France. Prince Sixtus and tho cx-empress Kita are members of the house of Bourbon. 3. Sixty-six ships were built at Hog Island in fifteen months. 4. Sant'Iago de.Compostclla (St, James) .is the patron saint of Spain. C. Edward Whymper was a noted English wood engraver, author, traveler and mountain climber. He made the first ascent of tho Matterhorn in Switzer land, .in 1805, He also reached the top of Cotopaxi, Chimborazo and other great peaks of the Andes. 0. George M. Cohan's original surname wnj Costigan. 7. A helve Is a .handle of a weapon or tool, 8, Many of our words connected with the theatre come from the Greek, such as orchestra, chorus, scene, protagonist and theatre Itself. 0, In England a Solicitor advises client, prepares causes, but does not appear as an advocate except in certain lowef courts. A barrister appears before thi bar as an advocate, i 10, A qulnquaBcuuriau is a person fifty years old, , 31 11 tVB t - "l .& t .H1 -g'i I.1 l ' ' A ?. -;iJ "k :M $L& H V I, - --, "4." A -J iA fej i&i. f n i : jsr t-ijii &hL Viw aSM