She gantnoter Vultlitgenetr, . Postmann sovxasrWanFXP!a BY U. 0. SNITS,* o . oat • • H.. 0, SUITE. . „ TEWSIS—Two Ij4ais . ,pir anninn, allyeases In advance. y •, .LAncAirrna DAS= iraziaJoinczn• 1.8 ppnbllahedovory `'"' 0 FFlClE—Botrrawasi . comma or' s (Kunz. Piordhluvotto: Robert StoptiOneOn. BY JAMES'PARTON. Robert Stephenson, the Celebrated railroad engineer, born In England in 1803, was the,son of George Stephenson, , the great mechanic who perfected the locomotive. It was in an hunithle cot, tage, such as English coal•minerausual ly inhabit, that he first saw the light; for his father then was a brakesman to a coal mine. By the time the boy was old,enough to go to school, George Ste phenson was beginning to prosper, and was both able and disposed to give his son the advantages of education which he had not himself enjoyed. Thischild of the coal mine had to face a good deal of •ridicule when, at the age of twelve, ho presented himself among the dain tier boys of a New Castle school. " A thin-framed, thin-faced, delicate boy," says his biographer, "with his face covered with freckles, dressed in corduroy trousers and a blue frock coat —the handiwork of the tailor employed by the coal-rpluers-the new-comer pre sented many marks for play-ground satire. On his shoulder he carried a bag containing his books and a dinner of rye bread and cheese. The clatter ing made by the heavy Iron-cased Boles of his boots on the school door did not escape the notice of the lads.. The master was on the lookout to see that he was not improperly annoyed; but there was no occasion for his inter ference. In Robert's dark eyes there was a soft light of courtesy that concili ated the elder boys." When school was out and the boys began totalk to him, his replies made them laugh outright, for he spoke with the deep guttural tones eaugt/t from the Northumberland miners. If could not imagine what they were laughing at. Puzzled and ashamed, he walked away to another part of the plapground, and spoke no more until they werd recalled to the schoolroom. Gradually, how- ever, he and his school-fellows became good friends, and he gradually overcame those peculiarities of dialect and de meanor which had called forth their ridicule. For a long time he walked to school every morning, a distance of five miles, and walked home again at night. At length his father bought him a donkey, upon which he used to ride to and from the Newcastle academy. Ho was not a bright boy at school, and gave no promise of future eminence. At sixteen years of age, his father having prospered lu the world, ho was apprenticed to the engineer of the ex tensive series of coal mines with which his father was connected in the capacity. of machinist. The apprentice, we are told, never spent a penny until he had asked himself three questions: Is it worth the money? I wan it? Can Ido without it? Twice a month, he accompanied his master into the coal mines, traversing ever part of it, and spending the whole of a long Morning down deep in the bowels of the earth. During his appren ticeship, he made with his own hands a mining compass, which is still in exist ence, and lie learned to play so well on the flute that he was permitted to per form in the band of the village church. It was hard to make George Stephen- Hun think that his son would be bone fitted by attending the lectures given at the Edinburgh University. It was not his wish, lie said, " to make his son a gentleman." " Robert must wark, wark," said he, "as I hae worked afore him." His Bon ' however, had . displayed so much ability during his apprenticeship, that his friends persuaded the old man to let him go to Edinburgh for one term of six months. Short as his residence was in Eiknburg, the lectures were of considerable advantage to him. He had given such striking proofs of possessing en_ineming talent, that, at the early age of , twenty one, he was offered the post of engineer to a wealthy company, formed in England for the purpose of re-opening and working some silver mines in South America—salary five hundred pounds a year. His father giving a reluctant consent, he accepted the place, and spent three years in the vain endeavor to prevent a company of foolish capitalists from throwing their money away. The scheme was founded upon most erroneous information. On one occasion, the young engineer spent several days in following a guide who promised to bring him to a fissure in a rock filled with ljuicksilver. The fissure was found, and, behold! the quicksilVer was there. He was unable to account for its presence until he was informed that, several years before, a wagon load of quicksilver had been up-set upon that spot. After struggling for three years, he abandoned the enterprise and returned to England by way of New York. With in a day's sail of our city, at midnight, the wind blowing a hurricane, the ves sel struck, and could not be got off. She held together just long enough to ena• ble the passengers, when the storm lull ed at daybreak to get ashore in the boat, Robert Stephenson lauded in the city of New York, in 1827, with little more than the garments he wore and one box of South American minerals. He bor rowed some money, however, and made n pedestriat, tour of the State of New York and Canada. The reader may be curious to know svhat the great engi neer thought of us. "On entering New York," he wrote, "we felt ourselves quite at home. All outward appearances of things and per sons were indicative of English man ners and customs; but on closer inves tigation we soon discovered the charac teristic impudence of the people. In many cases it was nothing short of disgusting." . This was a bad beginning; but when he had got into the country, he took a more cheerful view of things. " We were much delighted with the fach of the country, which in every direction is populated to a great extent, and allbrds to an attentive observer a wonderful example of human industry." What astonished him beyond meas ure was, the hospitality of the. New York farmers, many of whom, after entertaining him and his friends for a night, and giving them a good breakfast in the morning, would harness their horses and drive them ten or fifteen miles on their way, and then positive ly refuie to accept compensation. Upon his return to New Castle, in 1828, he entered the iron works estab lished by his father, where he carried out his father's ideas for the improve ment of the locomotive. The - celebrated Rocket engine, which took the prize in 1828, and became the model of all subse quent locomotives, was constructed under the hourly superintendence of, Robert. The success of the Rocket gave impetus to the railroad system, and made the fortune of both the Stephen sons. Robert became the great railroad en gineer of Europe. The first of the long railroads of England was that between London and Birmingham, which are a hundred miles apart. As the engineer of this road, Robert Stephenson may be said to have created the art of con structing railroads. In boring a tunnel, the workmen came upon an unexpected accumulation of water, which long baf fled their utmost efforts. The directors in consternation advised him to consult other engineers. "No," said he; "the time has not come for that yet. I have decided what to do. I mean to pump the water all out, and then drive the tunnel under the dry sand. All I ask is time and fair play. If I can't get rid of the water, I'll think about going to other engineers for help." Ho went to work. By the aid of thir teen steam-engines, two hundred horses and twelve hundred and fifty men, he pumped the water from the hidden re sevolr at the rate of eighteen hundred gallons a minute ,for nine months 1— Then the supply gave out; the water was gone; and \the tunnel was com pleted without difficulty He died in London i 459, and his remains were deposited in estminster Abbey. A Wife Poisoner to be Hong Benjamin Teachout has been found guilty of poisoning his wife at Eagle, Wyoming county, New York, and sentenced to be hanged on the 18th of November next.— Teachont is a farmer in good circumstances sixty years old, and Iles long been a mem ber of. church. His wife was an invalid, and it appears. that he poisoned her because he thoughtabe was a burden. general. Longstreet .Geheral Longatreet, during his late visit tr . ore of hisaformer shift officers, Colonel Jahn W. Fairfax, of London county, wits, &dainty 'to the generally credited report, understood tolavor the election of Seymour and Blair,—Atexandric4 Gazette. • . • . . .. at ~, - r.. - ii .- 11 - tirociirir;4- YAcEa_ri.i:Trata - l - ii - i... , a.,_rflCYTreiC.l4:-.):1 , 'T TrFl'lCLl:iiiiry 'ai -N Y ,11:::;:fi r j -1 .. : :: e, A. 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" . :., ':.k ..: . !!':.71 . :' .. - 1.'....' :. `, , T" ',. • '1 . , I, . „ '.. VOLITMEA9 =Ell NDICTMENTiOF ,THE RADICALS. CiREA , T SPEECH 9F HON EDGAR",'COW.A.N. 34 . 51 . FRIENDS AND FELLOW-CITIZFNp : ,The American people are about to be culled 'an again to exercise their soverefgatY in the election ota President for another:term , Of fouryears, and a•Congressfor half that:time. Upon.the event of this election - in my iodic, meat will depend the fate of the Union and the long continuance of our federative sys tem. If the Democratic party, which con. atitutes a very large majority of the white people of the United States, can here stored to, power again, our republic has a chanee fdr longer' existence, according to the plan of its founders. But if t 'on the other hand, the Republican party, aided by the negroes of the old slave States, cap carry the elections this fall, ,then the revolution now in prpgress will go on: Congress will be supreme, not only over the executive and Judicial departments' of the Government, but also over the Constitution itself—or if arrested in its career at all it will be by the military power it has created to assist it in its usurpations. The old drama will be ' enacted.. :[Applause.] I propose.to occupy ' your attention for a abort time in giving you my reasons for belieVing as I. do, that ' the time iScriticar andfthe danger imminent —and to show if I can the circumstances surrounding us which render it impossible for the Republican party to save us in case of its success. Not that I consider the great mass of that party less patriotic than we are, or less apprehensive than we are that all is not going well, but It has fallen into the bands °refection which carries it against its will and despite its better Judgment into the most extreme and dangerous courses. [Cheers.] Were it still guarded by the men who marshalled it on to victory in 1860. I should trust It, and hope for peace and Union ; hut with its present Radical leaders I know this is impresible. [Great cheer ing.] One of the most singular phases of things, too, is presented to us in the Repub lican party, in the fact-that in Coop , es it is ruled entirely by the Radicals, to the ex• elusion of both the American and Whig element, which go so largely to make up the mass of its voters, not one in ten of whom approve its policy. Indeed, I sel dom meet a Republican who does not com plain of, and lament this combination, and desire to see it broken, a difficulty which few understand until they encounter it. To do this would necessarily occasion such a dissension in the party ranks as would in sure the success of the Democrats, and the loss of power and patronage, and for this. few of the local politicians are prepared. [Cheers.] Much as they are opposed to negro suffrage and the Radical party gen erally—and however much they might be willing to see the policy of the Dem ocrats adopted by the Federal Govern ment—still as a party they cannot bring themselves to yield in order to bring this about. Still it is to be hoped that the boon of country will prevailwlth enough of them to enable us to rescue and restore the (tow . . . ernment from the revolutionists. If it does not, it is impossible to look into the future without the most gloomy apprehensions. So far it would seem that we are but reen acting history; that which has happened us in the last few years. is only that which has happened to other nations in the course of their existence. With them it led to com plete revolution. What it may lead to with us is yet in the future. Ono thing is cer Min, a revolution is lu progress, and that it cannot be arrested by continuing in power the same men who began it. (Loud cheers.) Fortune, perhaps, favors us in one thing, and thatis—there is yet time for a peaceful appeal to the people. (Hear.) In other countries and in other times changes us violent and disturbing as we have suffered could only be prevented orcarried by force. Here, however, we wait, and trust that the people themselves may see whltherward they are tending, and at the ballot•box pro vide a means by which the- supremacy of the Constitution and laws may be restored, and the old order of things resume its sway. I have said this election is•critical. I be lieve it. The situation is well pronounced. The conduct of the dominant party has been positive—that it has been revolution ary, no man of ordinary, unbiased intelli gence can doubt. • Now, will the people see it? Will they take the alarm and rebuke the revolutionists; or will they go on blindly trusting to the same lenders as be fore; and because the whole fabric does not fall about their ears suddenly, fondly sup pose it will stand forever? (Cheers.) It requires a long time to destroy a Govern ment such as ours. The approaches to it are made gradually, the outworks are un dermined, the barriers, one after another, are thrown down and It often happens that the whole is In the power of the enemy long before the inhabitants are aware of it.— Rome boasted herself a republic long after the Cmsars had made her a despotism as pitiless as fate herself, and not even the ter rible eloquence of Demosthenes could arouse the Athenians as to the designs of Philip until-it was too lute. The only security for a people once free is to maintain intact the institutions which made them so, and resist upon the spot all rash attempts at change, however plausible. Such change cannot make things better, and has never failed to make them worse. (Cheers.) EPMEME! In speaking of Radicals, I wish it dis tinctly understood that I do not mean by that term the "Republican party," but only that small and desperate faction which by some means or other have ruled it for the last three years against its will and in defiance of its better judgment. This gang of political desperadoes is made up of two elements—abolitionists and renegade Demo crats, fanatics and knaves ; the ftrA incapa ble of going in any but one :direction ; the second capable of going any where in quest of plunder. [Laughter.] There are per haps not more than twenty or twenty-five of them in Congress all told, yet by force of impudence, insolence, and the extremely malignant character of their measures, they dragoon all the rest to follow them. [Cheers.] I have repeatedly known them to bring up a proposition after it had been again and again rejected, and finally pass it amid the curses and imprecations of the very majority voting for it. And if any man was bold enough to resist them, he was immediately denounced, and all the party newspapers and party libellers set to work all over the country to lash him back into slavery. I could name at least fifty good men who, at one time or another, were subjected to this kind of discipline, with entire success. In fact, I have known but a very few instances in which it failed. But I have also noticed that nothing was ever gained by submission, for at the very first opportunity those who were weak enough to tender it, were slaughtered without mercy. [Cheers and laughter.] What is singular, too, in the history of the abolition half of this clique is, that it was bet de ISGO always a dead weight on the Republican party; so rancho:, that it required constant disavowals from Republicans that they bad any sympaty with either its doctrines or deisigns. It Ist also certain that if that great party had declared to the country a purpose to put themselves under its con trol, they could not have carried a single State for Lincoln, and nobody would have been so outraged at the very . thought of such a thing, or so active in resisting it as these same renegade Democrats, who are now . in such close alliance with them. [Cheers.] Times have changed, however, and men have changed with them. Abo litionists, formerly esteemed by all wise men as half-crazy fanatics, are now in the open field overturning, destroying and revolutionising everything; and the rene gades are out-Heroding Herod in their aid. Constitutions, : Federal and State, are amended, torn down and set up again, and I might say broken and vio lated by them, with as much facility as if they were mere matters of form and without any binding obligation. Noth ing is sacred,pledges, promises, professions, oaths, all are more straws in the fire, if :in the way of their schemes. (Hear, hear.) But perhaps the boldest exploit, and the one evincing the most callous impudence, was that by which they succeeded in wheel ing the whole Republican party off its old' platform, and away from the constitutional and Union stand-point it occupied during the war, and setting it squarely down on the old Nullification, Secession, Disunion theory of the Southern men. It would have been amusing, were it not so ' wicked, to see what a dust and smoke were raised to blind the people while they were performing this feat. They solemnly bap. Used themselves the Union party while preventing all Union, and trumpets were blown announcing that the war had forever settled the right of secession in the negative while they were proceeding, in every move upon the hypothesis that it was a valid right, changing citizens into foreigners, and suppressed rebels Into a conquered people. Let us see if this is not so. ;Hear, hear.) THE RIGHTS OF- CITIZENSHIP, The first great and all-absorbing ques tion which arises here, and which ought to startle every citizen, is, whether he is a citizen of the United States? (Cheers.) If he is, then it follows, as a matter' of course, that ho is entitled to protection under the Constitutkin and laws of the United States, in return for the allegiance he owes them as such citizen ; and one of the great prin ciples upon which that protdction is afford ed him is, that when he is charged with crime he shall be tried, convicted and pun ished according to law and not otherwise. (Cheers.) lam a citizen of Pennsylvania; I owe her allegiance; and In return she owes me protection. Now, if I offend against her laws, I cannot-be imprisoned without the warrant of one her magistrates. I cannot be tried except upon an indictment found by a grand jury; before a jury of the vicin age; by a judge learned in the law, and by its due and ordinary proceSs. (Cheers.) All this makes me -secure and constitutes My liberty. Try and punish me3in any other way, and it is rank odious tyranny of thd worst 4ind. Everybody understands this. (Cries of "We ' do," and cheers.)— Now is the relrtion between the United States Government and myself the same? =MEI . . . . It is if Lam a masa of the United. States, unquestionably, and if Toffend against the Federal laws' I am.clatille&to Stemma mode of trial Mad, defence precisely as I would be in Pennsylvania forum. 'lt is so provided expressly in the.Federaleon stitution. Thercarethasame sate-guards; grandjury,petitj lay judge, .and the same: dde 'process of:law I n , beet, cages., This, the •secessionists 'admitted, -as long as my ! State._ was In , the . Union, but-they.; held,that 'it it .iseceded from the Union,. that.tha .relation,between me and tint 'Union Government Bras diskolved that 1 !no longer owed ,it allegiance, ante it no .longer awed me :protection ; that my citizenship was lost by the act, of my , State, and I became towards the United• l States - the same as a Frenchman, English man, or any other foreigner; and if, in. obedience to the command of my State, I. made war upon them, I was no more guilty of any offence against their laws than such a foreigner would be in a like case when ordered, to do so by his Government.— , '(Cheers.) Now it is not necessary that I 'should discuss here whether this is the true theory of our Government or not. It is enough to say that it was the secession theory, that it was totally denied in 1801 by the Republican party, -teat we proclaimed as rebels and traitors all who acted upon it, and that we.make war upon them as such to compel their submission to the United' States Government and laws, because we said that the secession ordnances were void, and that notwithstanding these, the people of the seceded States owed allegiance the same as before. It was upon this view that we justified.the war ; and If it was not the true view ;then we have no Justification, and the American people have committed the greatest crime of this age, or indeed of any age. (Cheers.) A RADICAL MANOR OF BASE. Well, the war ended in April, 1865, and can you believe it, before the end of that year, the Radical Congress had in effect wholly changed its ground upon this sub ject, and instead of treating the Southern people as traitors and rebels, bound to obey the Constitution and laws of the Union, they have from that time forward denied them all peotection, and openly,avowedly treated them as a conquered people, according to the arbitrary will-of Congress, and not ac cording to the laws they had violated. [Ap plause.] Nor has this change of position any apology on the score of humanity to wards the vanquished, or any excuse on the score of policy. Humanity required the punishment of those really guilty and the exculpation of the innocent, while if we really desired the restoration of the Union and the supremacy of the laws, their policy demanded that we should proceed accord ing to law. What was the Radical proce dure? It was to declare eleven States with out the pale of the Constitution, and that the Federal laws were rot applicable to those people, that their State governments should he abolished, that they should be governed by military rule, and that finally State governments should be organized for them by strangers the war had brought among them, and by their negro slaves whom the war had emancipated--and this process is now going on. [Hear, hear.] You will ooserve too, that this punishment affects all equally—the Union men who tried all they could to pre vent secession as well as those who urged it on ; the women and children who had no hand in it as well as those who, forwarded it by terrorism and murders; and it further makes no difference between the people proper and those powetful leaders who are always responsible for troubles of this kind. It is done without any hearing, and with out any representation in Congress--a whole people is chained in silence, obliged by military power to see these negro slaves put upon an equality with themselves.— Nay, more, put over them. This, too, is aggravated by the still more galling insult of the filling up of all places of honor, trust and profit, by strangers lately come among them, and whose every interest depends not upon properly governing and repre senting them, but in tyranizing over them and misrepresenting them in every respect. And it is prended that this,/will pacify the country. (Cheers.) I%=IgMS9 Sonic of you may ask the what ought to have been our course towards them? I answer, consult your own nature, inter rogate your reason, and demand the aid of your religion. We all know that the war, with all its bloodshed and horrors, was the act of a few ; that the many were the mere instruments of these leaders, that the peo ple had paid their penalty in . tl:e suffering caused by the war, and we should, if going to punish at all, have taken the leaders, or some of thero,:and after trial in the most solemn and impressive manner, punished them ; but as to all others, they should have been encouraged to resume their old places as citizens at once, with all the rights and privileges of citizens as before. (Cheers.) Gratitude would have made them faithlul as misfortune had made them wise. They would have• loved the Government and people who had behaved so generously to them, and we would have had peace. None can doubt it; and we would have had more, we would have had prosperity. They would soon have repaired the damage done in the war, they would have become rich again, and would have aided us greatly to pay off our national debt. How is it now? Poor, humiliated, plundered, and oppressed, they have had neither heart nor chance to work; capital flees away or hides from a negro Government, and everything stands still. A bare sub sistence is all that is secure, and of course all are content with that and struggle for no more. They can. pay but little revenue under such circumstances, and we have to supply their deficiency ; and besides all this, our Radical vengeance against them costs us at least one hundred and fifty millions annually to have it properlyinflicted. [Cheers.] And now I would ask what we gained by this course toward them? Does the thought of their sad condition assuage our sufferings on ac count of the war? Are oqr dead the better —are our wounded the Utter for this un manly vengeance? Will our bereaved relatives have the edge taken off their sor row by the reflection that the people of the South are still more miserable than they ? Surely not, if our reason has gone to dwell with dumb beasts, have our religious sentiments of pity and forgiveness gone with them? I cannot and will not believe it. The explanation of this cannot he found in the desire of our people for vengeance. It must be found somewhere else. [Hear, hear.l TREE REASON IVICY What is that explantlon ? I aver that the motive of all this cruel, unlawful and impolitic treatment of all the Southern peo ple is simply to prevent the Democratic party from again getting the control of the Federal Government. The Radicals kr ow that the Southern people hate them personally and by name; look upon them as we look upon the secessionists, as people who were equal ly with the latter the cause of the war, and that they never will, never can, fraternize with them in politics. The Radicals feel and know, too, that they themselves are the cause of this animosity, and they dread above all things the result of it hereafter. It is this which gives them power over the masses of the Republicans, who, as it ie usual with party men, look no farther than to a victory over the Democrats. They sustain the Radicals f 4 this season, and not because they approve their policy. If there was no Democratic party to oppose, Radicalism would not live a day. (Cheers.) RADICAL MALIGNITY There were two things I thought of para mount importance to the Republican party when the war began, and the first was that. there should be no abuse of the Democratic party till it was over, because, being half the people, I did not want them insulted and outraged when we needed their assist ance, and when they were giving it nobly. Well, what was the course of the Radicals? Go to the Congressional Globe and read for yourselves. Day after day the Democrats were vilified and abused by them, charged with disaffection and treason, and that too at the very time they were falling by thous ands in the national cause. This I resented. I am proud that I did so, and I am prouder still that the Democratic party maintained its patriotism and its dignity all through. Even the Radicals could not drive it from duty. (Great cheering.) I thought it was out duty to encourage and support the Union men of the South in every way pos sible, and thus prevent them from aiding the rebellion. Their situation was me too which appealed strongly to every man who really knew the value of the Union and who remembered how shamefully direlict the government had been in not affording them that protection to which they were entitled'in return for the allegiance we in sisted they owed. Left to themselves to struggle with the secessionists iu front, it was to my mind the most diabolical cruelty on our part to assail them in the rear with a storm of villification and abuse, as was the daily habit of the Radicals, and for no reason in the world, but that along with their Unionism they were not Abolitionists. And every poor pitiful poltroon who had in former times been insulted and cudgelled with impunity by the Southern fire eaters, now since they were gone, was cursing them at a most valorous rate, and vulgar in proportion to his cowardice. No spectacle could have been more disgusting even if no harm had come from it. But when we re flected that it was continually adding strength to the rebellion, and was, in fact, playing into the hands of its leaders fearfully, it rose to be a crime of the first magnitude. It consolidated the whole Southern people round the Confederate standards with an intense devotion, of which the four years of desperate war fur nish the bloody proofs. It made oar task twice as difficult 'as it would have been; costing twice as much blood and treasure, and gave the whole struggle the most dread ful and sanguinary character. (Cheers) But in addition to these fatal revilings it seemed as if they sought in every direction schemes and contrivances to make confusion worse confounded and put to hazard everything to keep their demagogism in full play. It was enough that a man was not an aboli tionist to incur their hatred—to be a Dem ocrat was to invite their hatred—to be a Democrat was to invite their persecution; - ' - •,.1•/• ,! •; :” • " , j i: Aso'':4 - 04A-Vk•WEDN.ESDAY • ORNINGI SEPTEXBER 30 1363 ,they s ' exPoilled men front the Senate avow edly on: this groun a Madn:wed - all through an utter disregard'*fall lacy. Thetarnitsti ed And' imprisoned . ' withotit charge and .withont 'warrant hundreds of men for opine ion's sake. - And 'there action was so violent in thecase„ef,kii:Tallandigitam that they earneTery near driving' the Democracy.' of -the ' at StateorChlointdresiatanon in his 'hobo) f. ' - Next 'eonfikattion was a ,favnritettehennii—frtitith' the'Veit teetifLor the',Constitidtfoh`thetpastieti slaw making . private property a lawful prize of war' tin. land, Just , at.the very time weiw,ere edritt?', ing to get thla European powers' to agree that private property at sea for the future shonlci:not (Hear, hear.) CO LeCA'PIOIe AND TAXES. • These and a hnndred other mischievous things were done - during the war seemingly for the pprpose of keeping up a continued agitation; and not a single measure proposed by them'that flea not been A 'failure and a source of - annoyance to the country. Con fiscation for instance never brought a dollar into the Treastalm after the expenses and 1 stealings were dtlia cted, but it afforded a pretext for all kinds of robbery and plun der.' Direct taxes in the rebel States fared I no better. Everything they touched seemed to grow worse and worse; their tariffs seemed invented to destroy our commerce, and their plan of internal taxation attempt ed to throw the burden of the State upon the poor, and at the same time opened the doors to the most stupendon; system of corruption and fraud in the world. On whisks , alone our people have been paying annually more than one hundred millions of dollars of taxes, not a dollar of wi ich finds its way, into the - Treasury. The best estimate Congress could make of the number of gallons consumed each year was between 70,000,000 And 80,- 000,000; this should have yielded 0140,000,- 000 or $150,000,000 of revenue, and yet we do not reaLze $30,000,000. There is the same deficit in the taxes on tobacco, and no doubt In everything else, but the whiskey frauds overshadow all else ; nothing else is seen. It is one of the Radical dogmas that their mission is not only to govern the country, but also to suppress vices—that is, all vices except their own. (Laughter.)— They pretend to think they would prevent dram drinking by nixing whiskey $2 a gal lon, and raising the price of a drink from 3c, to 15c. They would also stop chewing and smoking by making tobacco and t I ;ars cost two or three times as much as before, but just as usual with their projects, the vices prevail the same, the taxes are stolen, and we have thousands of our people made rogues into the bargain by the enormous temptation to which they are exposed from the seyerity of the tax. They have just about the same skill in the collection of taxes that they have in imposing them, and the tyranny they have exercised over the distillers has been far better calculated to make them cheat than to make them pay. [Laugh.] At the present time they have their fires all out, and are compelling them to remodel their machinery, so that they say it will bo irnpossible to defraud the government any longer. In a abort time, however, they will find their exces sive precautions only inviting a hir"'er de gree of ingenuity to avoid them,,,Nk the difficulty of the task makes it an object, and divests it of all turpitude in the opin ion of the operator. Wise men would have known long ago that a tax so excessive as to overcome men consciences, at the same time sharpens their wits enough to enable them to succeed in avoiding it. LEQAL TENDERS But perhaps the most consprcuous exam ple of Radical statesmanship is to be found in their management of the finances of the country. Not having money to carry on the war, it was necessary, of course, to bor row for that purpose, and one of their schemes was to issue U. S. notes, payable on demand, to circulate among the people as credit currency. Anybody else would have stopped there, but these Solons must go further and make these notes a legal tender in discharge of all contracts, past, present and future, thus setting it up as the Standard measure of value in all business transactions instead of gold and silver.— Even if you bad not experienced it, you could easily imagine the consequence. This measure turned out to be no measure at all, inasmuch as it was hardly ever stationary a week at a time. It was a dollar some times of one value, sometimes of another, at one time as low as thirty-five cents, and hardly ever as high as seventy-five cents. It was the very worst dollar oven seen to buy with; still it made up for its deficiency in this respect, by being the best ever in vented to pay with. (Laughter.) It set. one-half of the people to cheat the other half, and ;made the whole gamblers, bet ting upon the public credit in a time of war. All men in debt were delighted when we lost a battle, and threatened with bankrupt cy if we gained one. [Laughter.] One who bought when this dollar was fifty cents, made a fortune if it bad sunk to thirty-five when pay-day came, and lost one if it rose seventy-five. At last the lender would not lend, and the borrower would not borrow, because neither could foresee thq result ; one did not know what he would receive, the other what he would have to pay. Prices fluctuated with the uncertain ties of the measure, and required the ad dition of a large margin to cover them.— All persons living on annuities and fixed salaries, widows, orphans, clergymen, beneficiaries, were robbed to a greater or less extent. Not less than $100,000,000 a year have been taken out the pockets of one class and put into the pockets of another dais by this law, without consideration.— Now what would you say of a law giver who would compel you to buy and sell cloth with a yard stick as uncertain in length as this dollar is in value, or who should compel you to weigh with a pound which fluctuated to the same extent? And yec this legal tender paper is precisely a similar enormity—nay worse, because the dollar measure enters into all contracts on time of every kind, the yard and pound only unto those of length and weight; yet we indorse this in the nineteenth century., (Hear, hear.) It is said, I know, by Radi cals that by making those notes a legal tender their credit was kept up, but this is not likely, nobody can tell; but one thing is certain, that men usually do what it is their interest to do; and all people indebted were Interested to depreciate this paper their utmost; and the more they depreciated it the more easily it was got, and when got it was good as gold to pay their debts. And as credit is far more easily destroyed than maintained, they had immensely the advantage of those creditors to keep it up. Besides their credit was not kept up. [Laughter.] But I ask, is it possible to conceive of a greater mis chief than to create an antagonism like this between the two great classes which divide the business world, to introduce such a new and unheard of element of strife between debtor and creditor, that one or the other was sure to be swindled in the end ? If the greenback went down the creditor lost, and if it went up the debtor was ruined. What a God-tiend to the nation that it did not en ter the brain of some patriotic Radical to make himself famous, and meet some fan cied necessity of the war, by inventing a yard stick which would grow shorter and shorter °Very battle we lost. [Cheers.] He could have shown you how it would have cheapened the clothes, tents, and blankets of our armies. Then another could have given us a pound weight which lost its gravity in proportion as we lost our luck, to reduce the price of army stores bought by avoirdupois. I say it is well these no tions did not get into their heads, for if they had, I auppose [Vey would have metthe ap proval of Congress in the shape of a law. 'Surely, however, if more palpably absurd, they could not have been more fatally mis chievous than making greenbacks a meas ure of value. [Hear, hear.] NATION/AL BANK'S. Having discovered' at last what a blunder had been made in the legal-tender issues, the next notable scheme was to drive them out of circulation by national bank paper, or, rather, a United States note not a legal tender; and just as usual, not being manly enough to do right, they did worse than ever; for, however bad the greenbacks may be, the bank note is a great deal more so, on account of the fact that we have to pay interest for it in the most extraordinary manner. Let me explain. Everybody knows the green back is a loan from the people to the Gov ernment without interest ; and, if it had not been made a measure of value, really would have had some merit as a financial project for that reason., But Radical wisdom, which means wisdom upside down, deter mined to deprive us even of that poor ad vantage, and give ns a note instead of it for which we pay two interests, one to get it into the bank, and another to get it on 4 The process is this : A & Co. want a bank, and they buy United Stales bonds to the amount of capital proposed, say $lOO,OOO, which on an average during the war cost them 60 cents on the dollar in gold, or $60,000. They carry these bonds to the Treasury Depart ment, and register them as the stock of the bank; II charter is then granted, and the Cur rency.,Burean bands them over $90,000 in. bank notes, indorsed by the Government, to be circulated among the people. Nbw, perhaps, any other Government than a Radical would have said to the bank : "As we have given you $90,000 in notes, for cir culation, and become your surety on them, in consideration thereof we will stop the interest on $90,000 of your bonds." But no, the Government is far more generous than that, it goes on to pay 6 per cent. in gold on the whole $lOO,OOO just as before, which is exactly 10 per cent, of its real value. So you see we pay $6,000 a year in gold to get $90,- 000 of bank notes ready to be loaned out to the people. lot us,,examine this $6,000 in gold, and see if it is , not something more 5ti11... , What does the bank. do with it after receiving it front the Treasury? It sells it for greenbacks, at present 70 cents to the dollar ;and it gets $8,571 in return- Now, I admit that, as between the bank and any body except the Government, these $8,571 are only Worth ,$6,000 in , gold; but as to the Govern ment they are worth $8,571 in gold, because the Government is bound, some day, to redeem them in gold —the true measure of value: Now I will restate the account: The bank started with $60,000 in gold and we find the Govern ment has paid it the first year $9,571 (gold) illga by 'filly nt intAifreite (beitily 14.8 per ient.f) to which mimt be. Added.whatit made by -I:;waannron the $90,000 of circulation given it. This $90,000 it ' loans 'to. the people at 10 per - cent. 'say; and beilallll - 43 G overnment made it a bank It receives depOalta and leans them out at,tile,atrie rate, 10 per cent, timil they aMontir to' the , circulatiOn'always; generally a great deal more. Ilerathen wa seetthe neeziaring to he te.rtr i terest.on don, ands.o, on. e posits,llB,'XKl"(gold tote' . l3rierittnent, tot indiyw hl h is 30 per cenL crn its Aniginal "60,000 gold capital. And if waadd . to this. the ameuntreeelied friird the govern: Merit, $lB,OOO , 'and '58,574'0:511, or 44.8 per cent. per annum. Now what do you think of that? 'No wonder the banks grow rich; 41 per bent. annuaily doeti tvelL But some friend says I have not credited them, with the taxes paid, and it is true. What are those taxes? One per cent. per annum on the average amount of notes la circula tion, and one-hall of one per cent. on the average deposits—say a on the bonds regis tered, or sl,soo—and then out of this the Government pays for procuring the notes and expenses of the Currency Bureau— really, the expenses of the banks after all— so that the tax amounts to nothing.— I do . not know how this may strike other men, but to me it seems one of the most remarkable chapters In the whole history of legislative folly. I have shown you the Government and people pay' .to the banks really 14 per cent. on these bonds annual ly—and what fox? To pUt into cirenlatipt say three hundred millions of national bank paper, when three hundred millions of greenbacks could have been put in for nothing !!! But I have not told you all. The poison of this depreciated paper runs off in a thousand 'different directions, in a , thousand different GoVernment traneac- lions, and it comes back finally to its coun ter—will come, I say—loaded at every ex change with this enormous discount, until at last we are lost in the mazes of the cal culation, and unable to see any end to our losses; because, be it always remembered that the Government is bound in the end to redeem all its paper, bonds and greenbacks, in gold. Hence, in all its dealings, every thing it buys, it loses at least thirty per cent. [Hear bear.] Another of the curses entailed upon us by this Radical folly, is that there is at present no prospect of ever getting rid of It. To do so by raising our credit to the gold standard would bankrupt half the people, and the indebted class will not suf fer this to their ruin. To work out of the I difficulty gradually ny doing as little harm as possible, still does far too much for Rad ical popularity to stand, and there is no hope of their ever attempting it. They will watt and watt until repudiation comes to their relief, and the curses of an outraged people will he their reward. It is to be hoped, too. that it will be the last time in history when such quackery. will be suffered to tamper enven with measures of value any more than with measures of anything else.— [Cheers.] Another thing to be noted is, that both the creation of legal-tender mo ney in Uunited States notes, and that of national banks, is without any warrant in the Constitution, and both are the fruits of official perjury. Engendered in an usur pation of power and authority nowhero del egated to the Federal Government, it ought not to he wondered at, that, even apart from the inherent viciousness of both pro jects, their consequences should be disas trous. It is not allowed to nations any more than to single individuals, to trample underfoot all obligations, hnman aria di vine, with impunity. F REEDMEN'S BUREAU Another Radical contriv,ance which has cost the people, directly, fifty millions of dollars—saying nothing of incidental losses —has been the Freedmen's Bureau, created for the double purpose of tutoring the slaves of the South into hostility to their old mas ters,and then into the position of their rulers. As the relations between the slaves and their masters all through the war had been kindly, it was feared, not that the whites would treat the blacks with severity or cruelty, but that they would treat them too well, and thus restore their old friendship, so that no political advantage would follow to Radicalism. Under cover of the Freed men's Bureau, and paid by the people's money, hordes of Northern emissarieswere located all over the South, ostensibly to make bargains for the negroes and protect them against the vengeance of the whites, but in reality to sow dissensions between them and create the very mischiefs they pretended to remedy. The whites were silenced and humiliated; the negroes were fed, clothed, and petted, and taught to con sider themselves exactly what they were not, and what the law itself presumed them not to be—that is, capable of citizenship and self-government. Every government agent of the Bureau became openly and notori ously a political drill-sergeant to train semi barbarian slaves to vote as they were told at elections. And when, by means of this agency, the whites are deprived of all power, their governments overthrown and others established by military force in their stead when all is disorder, chaos, and desola tion we are told all is well and not to be disturbed. Had the spirits of Cromwell and his fanatics again risen to take charge of the work of oppression, they could not have done it better. Irish transplantation must now yield the palm to Radical recon struction. Russian severity to Poland turns to kindness, and the executions of Haynau in Hungary are mere bagatelle compared with the infliction of this negro rule upon five or six millions of our countrymen. DISSOLUTION OF THE UNION. About the time the war began to wear an aspect somewhat favorable to our arms, and the restoration of the Union began to be probable, the Radicals took the alarm. It then occurred to them for the first time that the Union as it waii—the Union for which our armies had fought, and for which we had made such sacrifices—was just the thing they did not want. And why? They had by their violations of the Constitutiun by their arbitrary proceedings, and by their impolitic management, of the government of our affairs, kept the Democratic party in full life and vigor, and able to contest with them fairly all over the North. Indeed they had serious fears it would drive them from power even there. And again, they had so treated the Southern people that this result was rendered certain, the whites be ing against them to a man. Then it was clear that to restore the Union, was merely to bring back votes of eleven States—sure to vote with the Demouats. Terrified at [Ms prospect, they resolved to adopt the doctrine of the Wade and Davis letter de nouncing Mr. Lincoln and his restoration policy, and they all joined in denouncing Mr. Johnson, who was trying to carry out that policy. It was then they first openly stowed their determination to treat the people or the rebel States as a con quered people, not entit.ed to their old rights in the Union, thus, in fact, destroying the very fabric the nation had struggled to save, and finishing the work began and at tempted by the rebels. (Cheers.) Then, too, it was resolved by them, that if there was to be a Union at all for the future, it must be a new Union, and upon terms dictated by them, as the victors, and which, as they supposed, would keep -those States from returning as Democratic States. And this. has been the sole purpse of all plans of reconstruction, from first to last. It was' for this they devised the amendment to the Constitution changing the basis of repre sentation from the population • to the elec tors; for this they disfranchised the whites and gave the right of suffrage to the negroes ; and it was for this that they stripped the President of his command of the army and his control over United States officers, aad mat they have destroyed the independetlhe of the judiciary; and it is for this, if nec essary, that they would revolutionize the Government, from top to bottom. (Hear, hear.) Is not all this plain? Do we not all remember the despairing cry that was raised two or three years ago, for fear the Democrats would be brought back into power again, and of theaid they would receive it the Union was restored and the Southern States allowed their representa tion in Congress? And can any man hesi tate for one moment in the belief that if there bad been a Republican majority in the Southern States we never would have heard a word about reconstruction, negro suffrage, Freedmen's Bureau, and the hun dred other agencies that have been invoked to supply the want of that majority? And now, my fellow-Republicans, I appeal to you to say whether this game shah win. Shall the fundamental law of all our insti tutions be set at naught? Shall the voice of whole States be hushed, and millions of people be deprived of rights heretofore con sidered inalienable in all American citi zens, in order that a few men may be con tinued in favor and place? Whatare those men to you in comparison with your coun try, your Constitution, and your liberties? If you allow them to do these thingsagainst Democrats, will they not do them against you? Name them over, one and another, and ask yourselves who they are and what they have done to entitle them even to sup port at your bands. Surely, when you re quired them to swear to support the Consti tution you expected them to observe their oaths. Surely, you did not intend they should support your party. supremacy by revolutionizing your Government. I know you may not like to see your antagonistain local affairs in possession of the Federal Government; but what difference can it make to you if they save your institutions and your liberties? TENURE OF OFFICE. - The law by which the Radicals have taken away from the President the power of re moving the civil officers of the Government is perhaps one of the most dangerous of all the innovations made in our system, be cause, however great the mischief may be' of putting these officers at the disposal of a partisan President, it is nothing compared with that of leaVing them irresponsible and free from his supervisory control as former ly. To-day yon might as well have no chief executive, and - while corruption reigns su preme and runs riot everywhere, what remedy have you? You are robbed and plundered with impunity, and yet the de partment of your Government which ought to correct the evil is powerless to stop it, ex cept by an unpleasant and dilatory proceed ing which is flatly unconstitutional, namely, that the President ehald impeach the offend- f irs'befors the &mute: Now the Constitution 'provides, that the solepower of impeackineike shall, fr, the House of 110resentalives. How,' tlied;‘- can'the President impeach? l'ormerlyX s badman was lb office; the ;President,, for hip owe sake and the. credit of hiaadintPlatiatidn, removed hlin d lately ; 'but If 153'dld tieg, the 'Honey-could impeach the offender before the Senate apd move him in spite of the President. Now, owever,-ell is, changed., and, as the, law 'forbids the President to remove, and' the constitution forbids him to impeach, what is he to do?'" DeaVa the remedy to the HOLUM, and allyhe knew anything °Nile working of our systend can tell what kind of remedy that would be—a thousand times worse than none for general purposus, but good enough if limited to the cases It 'was originally tn ended to Cover Not satisfied with violating the Constitu tion in every part of. it which was in their way, they concluded at last to Impeach the President and usurp his office, certainly by far the most infamous and shameless pro ceeding nhich has taken place in any civil ized country in the nineteenth century.— Hie offence was charged as a violation or the Tenure of office law, to which I have just called your attention, in removing Mr. Stanton from his position as Secretary of War, when even by the plainest construe tiotrof-that law be badthe right to remove any Cabinet officer he had not himself ap pointed, Stanton having been appointed by Mr. Lincoln, 'was of course within his power—soli:tat even aupposing the law to be valid the President had not broken it; but there is another feature in this case which stamps it as the most wicked and di abolical in history. It will be recollected 4 bat E 0 the time the law passed, Stanton was a member of the President's Cabinet, and one of his sworn constitutional advisers. When the law was submitted to the Presi dent, It was laid before the Cabinet and Stanton advised him that it was uncon stitutional, and that he should veto it —which he did. Now think of it— when the President removed this same Stanton, he refused to give up his of fal., setting us this law as his de fence, and was mainly instrumental in having the President impeached. Now I think the annals of tho world may be fairly defied to produce a parallel to this—if we ex.wpt perhaps that of Judas Iscariot. It is impossible to conceive of anything so shamelessly wicked, and yet the Radicals were delighted with it, and seized upon it as a means ont only to wreak their yen gance, but also to gratify their ambition. [Cheers.] But the proceedings was so glaringly in violation of all law, human ancli divine, that even Radical tyranny could not marshal all its followers to con summate it by conviction. And when the roll of infamy was called, there were seven Republicans who refused to become ac complices in the great crime, and to band themselves down to posterity as a hissing and a by-word. All honor to them for once ' in breaking the chains which a brutal faction had tried to rivet upon them. This brought down upon their heads the curses and stun dere of Radicals everywhere—curses which none but Radicals could fabricate or utter. The Chief Justice of the Supreme Court of the United States fared no better, and be• cause he would not sully his ermine and prostitute his high office to further the ne farious schemes, he has been anathematized and driven from all fellowship with them. Now, my friends, what are you to think of people who do such things as these? Can the republic be safe in their hands? Rave justice and righteousness wholly left the earth, that an intelligent and respectable party of the American people will tolerate such things any longer? One would think that for their own sake they would rebuke this base faction in such fashion as would be a lesson for all the future, And if it is not rebuked, when will the end be? If such a career of falsehood, slander, perjury, and tyranny as this Radical faction has run is not sufficient to consign it to unutterable infamy, then what more has it to do? Its treatment of the President ought to be enough, without more, and if the people do not so decide now, they will atone for it in suffering, and history will record the proper verdict. (Cheers.) Is it not now known to all intel ligent men that the stream of low and vul gar abuse which during his whole term they have poured upon the head of the President—charging him with every crime. from murder down—has been but pure falsehood and slander, so bold and tran sparent as a general thing that nearly as mach malice was required to circulate as to invent it? Is it not well known that they painted Mr. Lincoln and damned Mr. John son for following in his footsteps? So much for being out of their way. They charged Johnson with the New Orleans massacre, and when it turned out he was kept in ig norance of it by Stanton who could have prevented it by a word, and who was really in fault, they had no word of condemna tion for the latter. They charged him with being unwilling to punish the rebels, when Grant swears he was the obstacle in the way of it. They cursed him for not hang lug Davis, wnen Speed, the Radical Attor ney General, swears he refused to prosecute him ; and so it was in everything; an utter disregard of truth, honor, and decency marked their conduct throughout. Their inconsistency is equally glaring. They pretended to see in Johnson's Democratic antecedents the causes of his policy, and they would for the future nominate none but devoted Radicals of pure abolition stripe ; and yet they put up Grant, always a Democrat, and who had not laid down his arms against them more than three months before his nomination for the Pres idency. Tney denounced the President as a habitual drunkard of the vilest kind with out a particle of evidenze, and yet they ! choose Grant as their nominee who is so I notoriously addicted to that vice that even Radicalism can muster none but negative testimony to disprove it. All of which proves they care nothing for principle, and that they have no Radical they would dere to put up as their candidate for the Presi deuce. Why did they not nominate Mr. Chase, Mr. Wade, Mr. Sumner, Mr. any body, a pronounced Radical? I can tell you, my friends. There never was a troop of demons who had a worse opinion of one another than these same Radicals. There are scarcely any two of them on speaking terms lor a week together, and, as you must have noticed, nothing in the world delights them so much as to get a good chance to rend oho of the herd who halts in the least, Nobody but such pachyderms as Greeley, Sumner, Phillips and Co., who have no other company, could have endured their repeated assaults. No character is sacred with them, and they would devour Garri son or Hale with more relish than they would leading rebels. Witness their treat ment of Mr. Chase, who really conferred upon them all the character for steady re spectability they ever had. Indeed, it is probable that the latest accession to their ranks from either the Democrats or rebels, would be much more likely to win their favor than the oldest of their veterans. GRANT AS A CANDIDATE Take the case of Grant, if you please. He was twice as long in his moilier's womb as he was in the Republican party before they Made him their candidate for the Presi dency. Why? Does any sane man believe he went over to them from principle ; if so, what principle, pray? What new light broke in upon him last winter to justify his betrayal of the President and his desertion to the Radical camp? What atonement bad the Radicals made for past offences that be should join them ; or what offence bad the Democrats committed that he should leave them just at that juncture? The only an swer which can be given is that the Radical. nomination was at his service, and that of the Democrats remote and uncertain. And then again, upon what principle did the Radicals receive him? Was it his temper ate life ? Ask Wendell Phillips. Was it his large acquaintance with the nature of our Government and ita proper working? Ask Horace Greeley. Was it his love of horses and his appetite for tabacco? Ask Ben Wade: Was it because be "whitewashed" the rebels? Ask Charles Sumner. Was it be cause he opposed punishing the rebels? Ask Zach. Chandler. Was it because he prayed a pardon for Lee and other rebel chiefs? Ask the rest of the pack, who have been hOwling denunciations against him for all these things; and they have all an swered long ago. Is it that he is supposed to be the only man the Radicals can elect? The answer came up from the Chicago Con vention—trembling on every wire—and loaded in every mail—" Grant and victory." Yes it is victory they want and not princi ple. But after victory, what will come then? Will this deserter to your standard turn Coriolanus on your hands, or Cromwell, or Bonaparte? I think not. There is not the slightest danger. But he may be something a great deal worse. Alt might be well enough to ask Washburn° what be will likely be. Of one thing I can assure a Radical Con gress, that he will be able to be their mas ter, and I believe the masses of the Repub. limn party would be pleased And delighted if he treated them as a master. PEACE OE WAE. We are told by Radical orators that if 1 1 Seymour and Blair are elected we shall have war, and that if Grant and Colfax are elected we shall have peace. Leteus ex • amine. If Seymour is elected, how is the war to come? Do the Radicals intend to make war to prevent his being President in that event? If they are not to make war upon him, who is? Surely not the Demo crats. Nobody thinks that—they never say harsh things about their Presidents. much less persecute, impeach and make war upon them. Again, I hope if the Democrats carry the election, that, guided by the Constitution, Congress will go back to its place according to the provisions of that instrument; the President will resume his old authority; the Judiciary Will again be independent, and things will again go on as of old, so that there need be no war, and will be none. (Great cheers.) If Grant is elected, however, I think it pretty' certain that there will be war, and a good deal - of it, too. If the Radicals do not make war on him be will have much better luck than either Mr. Lincoln or Mr. Johnsen' had.' Nay, worse than all—for thirty years the country has not had a President the Rath-, cale did not vindictively' make war upon: Indeed rauppotie that a „Radical would have be,,,very dangerously ill, if . he did not. abuse the Treeident. Dom any man be lieve that Wendell. Phillips will live five minutia after he:quits railing at one? It seems tube. adistinguishing characteristic of the vitae . pack, perhaps strong and clear enOngh.tivertuTttnrits being set down as a [mai swim, :• • • • • Nobudy.,clonbti,then, thsts iheywill abuse Grant ; and na print knows nothing about the Constithtion,and thqoare nothing about tt—both will be at see .w I th malting to guide them, there will be plea ty of ea 118e8 of quer rel,, then whe. is to yield? Grant give there the appointing: power as well as the removing power,_ as they now usurp both? Will he allow thein to purge Con- gress of all his frieriila in order to over ride his vetoes? Will he allow them to set some other General over his head to command the army as they have set him over Mr. Johnson? Will he In short suffer them to go on,cmrping.until they have re duced him to the mere shadow of a Presi dent i And if he does, what becomes of the Government? - It will bee Government by Congress alone, claiming to be omnipotent, and with a majority at its back, the worst and moat dangerous tyranny in the world, the least responsible and moat difficult to put down. Then'your Investigation Committee will be turned into revolutionary commit teesand com mittees of publicsafety ; and not content, as at present,' with destroying the reputations of men, they, will wreak their vengeance by destroying life. This is an old story, hoWever, 'and you can read it In any history you 'take tp. This form of Legislative usurpation is now brought to tm as well understood as small-pox, and the variousatages of it foretold with toe same certainty. (Laughter.) I return to Grant. Suppose the General snould refuse to yield to all these demands or submit to all these exactions? Suppose ho should say that there were certain powers vested in him— that be intended to exercise them in spite of Congress. That be was the sworn defender of the Constitution and that he was going to defend it? What then? And suppose he orders his Secretary of the Treasury not to pay any more mileage and salary to the members of Congress—no more to the clerks and doorkeepers, &c.? How long will the machine run in that event ? (Cheers ' and laughter.) But weak people say "there is no danger of all this—that Grant and his party will have nothing to differ about, and all will go smoothly"—then I say. so much the worse for our Government, and in _ thaitcase Congress will have all power before his term Is half out, unless the States inter fere to stop the usurpation, and then there will be war in earnest. But I have already shown that it is hardly possible for them to agree, and I do not believe they will agree. Nothing but a strict adherence to the Con stitution on the part of both will prevent clashing and conflict, and Congress has now thrown one part of the Union outside the provisions of that instrument. That part of the train is already off the track, and if the President gets tile part off, too, bow long will it be till the smash comes? It is only a question of a single or double des potism, and the people will have no choice, even if choice was desirable. I cannot suf ficiently warn my countrymen of the dan• gem before us—but I know the men, and I know their designs and the motives which govern them. They have been for years and they are now afraid to stand upon the Constitution. They believe that to do so would restore that - Union, and bring the Democratic party again into power, and this is an event they cannot contemplate without shuddering. They fear and tremble when - they reflect upon the precedents they have made and the examples the have • set. These ty rants who are now so ready to send for persons and papers, may them ' selves be investigated—other and less con• spicuous knaves are in the same category— and if they are caught in it, they will be con signed to an ignominy oven worse than that which now oppresses them. They can well confront carpet-bag representatives from the South, but they dread meeting the real representatives of the Southern people, either white or black, as worse than another war, inasmuch as there could then be no army to stand between them ho roar of battle to drown the cries of their victims, no battle smoke to hide the mischief they are doing. [Cheers.] I know, however, that there are people who think the South ern people ought not to be represented by their natural leaders, the men of their own free choice, because those leaders took part in the rebellion, and to all such I would say, "Whether you know it or not, you are not Union men." No thinking man for one moment can believe that we can ever again unite with that people as long as we are unwilling to make them as free as ourselves. We may for a while have the same Govern ment, but it will not be allnion Government. And the Radicals themselves know that even now there is no possibility of a Union be tween them and the people lately in rebel lion—that day has gone by long ago—four years of insult and oppression have made reconciliation a thing not to be expected; but they also know, that just in proportion as it would be hard to fraternize with them, so would it be easy for the South to Join hands with the Democrats. Therefore they seek an alliance with the negro slaves— to prevent a union of the whites. Shall they succeed? [No, no.] I look upon the rebellion as a great crime, but It has been grievously atoned for, and Ido not wish now to sully the glory of our achievement in putting it down, by throwing away the sole object we had in view as the result— the Union. Who ever before was guilty of such madness? Sacrifice the lives of hun dreds of thousands of citizens, and waste ten thousand millions of dollars to preserve an existing Union with white freeman, and then in the end refuse it, making instead thereof one withanegro slaves, and all for fear of the Democratc party! [Great Ap plause.] 1=32 Now, pray, who and what is the Demo cratic party? Does it not count more than one. half the American people, even in the loyal States, and much more than one-half, if we add to it the Southern whites? Then why should it not be trusted? Has It not the same Interests at stake as the Republicans? Have not Democrats wives, children,homes, property, and pursuits like other men, which are objects of the protecting care of a government? And whatconceivable motive could they have for not conducting the of fairs of that Government properly? Radi calism itself cannot tell, and its only cry is that the Democrats are not loyal—an ab surdity as ridiculous as the demagoglem which utters it is shameless. No set of men ever existed in the world who behaved with more moderation and prudence during the war than did the Democrats of the North, and none were ever subjected to severer trials from the insolent Intolerance and bru tality of the Radicals all through it. What had they in return for sending their people into the held in fully equal numbers with the Republicans! Radical insult I They paid one-half the taxes. What had they for tt? Radical outrage ! Their people Im prisoned without cause or warrant; their newspapers suppressed, and the whole mass of them brought under a reign of ter ror, almost equal to that which prevailed in the French revolution. Let no man charge them, after enduring all this, with want of loyalty; they deserve all praise for their forbearance. [Cheers.] Surely it must now be evident to all men that it is to this party we must look for the pacification of the country. It is in vain to expect it from the Radicals. Three years have elapsed since they have had an oppor tunity to secure for us peace and unity, and yet what have we? The people of ten states deprived of all fredom, and humilla ted to the last extremity by having their lormerpegro slaves set over them. Is this the peace you want? Is this the peace General Grant says he wants? If so, it is the peace which precedes the battle when the combatants clench their teeth and await in silence the hour of conflict. Peace! It is the peace which exists between the wild beast at bay and his hunter. It resembles no otber. (Cheers.) Now turn tb the other side and look at the prospect of peace offered you by a Democratic Congress. The con stitution is again supreme; the States are restored to their places ; their rights are re spected ; their people aro free, they have' constitutions framed by themselves with out Yankee dictation; the negro is relieved of the carpet-bagger ; he and his old master are reconciled ; they both find themselves necessary to one another ; the one hires and the other is hired ; there is new lite and animation everywhere; the fields are again productive, the engines are rattling and the mills going; capital is confident and sent to the needed locations ; all people are happy and all people are at work, which is the same thing ; the Freedmen's Bureau has departed and along with tt all its em ployes, wbo bad not character enough to remain behind. All others remain and are welcome. Millions are saved to the people in taxes by this. The army has de parted with Its generals, its colonels, and officers of all kinds, military rule has ceased, and the burdens of the people are lighter by one hundred millions annually on this account. This will be a real peace, and with it will come a real Union—a Union of interest and affection—which will be two hundred millions a year cheaper than a Union with negroes, maintained with an army of fifty thousand men. And who will be the worse for all this? Nobody; for the Radicals it would put out of office will be all the better for it ; and as they have shown themselves utterly incapable of governing, they will be deprived of the power to do mischief except in a comparatively small way. (Loud and long continued cheering.) The United States sizes (five aenties) sell for lessin the markets of theirorld than Prussia, Russian,. Moorish, and Brazilian fives. Why? Because the country can't carry $3,000,000,000 of debt, and the "toil" leeches too. A Ra Ritizßian in Terre Haute, Indiana turned out to he a Radical organization' got up with a view,to committingotreases and then charging them upon the Demo mato party. Bo ,aaye the Terre Haute Tourna/. NUMBER 39 THE GEORGIA: RIOT irall Particulars of the Radical IncIpl• •.,, eat Revolution. A.TLAtith, Ga.,--Sept. 22.—The particulars Of the Radical attempt at inauguarting a 1 terror at Camilla, telegraphed from BainbrldgetoAugusta, Oa., yesterday.were in some particulars incorrect. The lose of life byno means so great as represented. The criminal conduct of the carpet-baggers, Pearce and Murphy is folly, established by the Sheritre test:away. The following is the statement of the Sheriff of Mitchell county, sworn to by him self and other prominent citizens. It is ad dressed to the members of the Legislature: On Saturday, the 19th inst., it was made known to the citizens that John Murphy, of Albany, Ga., had issued a circular and secretly circulated the same among the col ored men of this county, ordering them to bring their arms with them to a political meeting advertised for that day at this place. The information was corroborated by state ments made by 'Robert Cochran, Sr., Thos. Jones and others, who caine from the road I in the direction of Albany, stating that armed negroes were assembling in large numbers at China Grove Church, waiting for the delegation from Albany, headed by ' the said Murphy and Pearce, candidates for Congress, who were to be the speakers on the occasion. At the request of the citizens, Mr. M. J. Poor, the Sheriff, with a com mittee of six other citizens, went out to meet said procession, and to protest against armed negroes being Matched in procession in our town, and bland° to them distinctly, that if they would lay down their arms no objection would be etude to their entering the town and holding thetrpolitieal meeting. The Sheriff delivered this message to Murphy and Pearce, the leaders of the procession. and they replied that they had nothing I to do with these armed men, the guns be longed to them and they were in the habit of carrying them wherever they went. The Sheriff replied, as a peace-officer it was his duty under the law to forbid the assemblage of armed men at political meetings, and as sured them that ij they entered the town with their music and banners, followed by armed men as they then were, that there would be a breach of the peace, and that he trould nut be responsible for thc consequences. Shortly afterwards the column moved into the town in regular order, headed by Pearce, the candidate for Congress, and one Putney (white), in a buggy, armed with a double barrel shot-gun and a Spencer rifle, and two pistols, with a quantity of amunition, as was afterwards ascertained ; next a four horse wagon, containing a band and a num ber of armed negroes; next followed a column of negro men, on foot, of between three and four hundred, attended by about twenty mouneyd outriders. At least one half, If not two-thirds, were armed with guns, and most of them with pistols. The music was play- ing, and the crowd were noisy and threat ening in their conduct. Murphy and one Philip Joiner, a negro, were in a buggy in the rear. As the head column approacued the square, one of our citizens, Jas. Johns, who was intoxicated, approached within a taw feet of the column and ordered the music to stop, which was not done, and the column moved ou. When about twenty steps from him his gun was tired, whether intentionally or not is not known, but It was pointed in a different direction, and the shot struck the ground about twelve feet from him. The column tired a volley, some of the shots at Johns, most of them in the direction of Maples' store, thirty or forty steps from the column, at which place there was a number of our citi zens, all unarmed, wounding six of them. immediately, about twenty of our citizens sprang to their arms and fired into the, crowd, by which two negroes were killed and an unknown number wounded. The negroes immediately broke to a thick clus ter of timber one hundred yards north of the court house. At this point there was an attempt made by Pearce to rally his routed forces. Our citizens, to the number of about thirty, a part of them being mounted, immediately made a charge, and completely routed the whole force, earce flying through the woods and fields, Mur phy and Phil Joiner escaping in a buggy up the road towards Albany. Seven negroes were killed, and from the best information we have been able to pro cure, between thirty and forty were wound ed, all of whom have been properly cared for. It is a source of deep regret that the calamitous consequences of this affair fell exclusively upon the poor deluded negroes, led on by wicked white men. Murphy, Pierce and Putney, who made good their escape in the hour of danger, with but little injury to.themseives. This sad result is to be attributed more to the sharpness than shrewdness of their gallant leaders in effect lug their escape, than to attention on the part of our people. We hereby disavow any purpose or intention on the part of our selves or our citizens to violate law or the peace of the State to what was done. We were willing, and so expressed ourselves to these leaders, for them to hold their political meeting at the Court House in our town if the negroes were disarmed; but we did think, and still think that it was our duty to obey the orders of the Sheriff, us a civil officer of this State, in breaking up this un lawful assemblage. We felt, as their num bers vastly exceeded that of our citizens present, that had this meeting taken place. the lives of our wives and children would be at the mercy of an infuriated meb, white its consequences are to be regretted, and we do not boast of what was done by onr people. We feet that they have but discharged a painful duty imposed upon them by wicked and corrupted men, now engaged In leading astray into acts of lawlessness the colored People of our country. We appeal to the aw-making powers of Georgia, and the lawful authorities of the United States to check the progress of these stroting criminals that are prowling about the houses, and die Curbing the peace and quiet of our war • stnek - en people. The foregoing statement from the military and civil authorities give full particulars of the riot. General C. C. Slbley's Report to Genera U. 0. Howard WASHINGTON, Sept. 22, 1868. The following was received here to-day ; ATLANTA, Ga., Sept. 22, 1868. Major General 0. 0. Amara, Commtssioncr, do., Washington. D. C.: A delegation or colored people, guing to attend a political meeting at Camilla, were attacked by the whites, because, as it is al leged, they were armed, and ten or more were killed. Probably fifty were killed and wounded. . • . • .. William P. Peace, the white Republican candidate for Congress from the second dis tricts, was shot in the leg. John Murphy and F. F. Putney, white speakers, were wounded. As far as known, only two of the attacking parties were injured. No further difficulty has been reported. Report forwarded to-day. C. C. SIBLEY, Brevet Brigadier General, Assistant. Report of Freedmen's Buretin Agents as to the Canoe of the Riot—The Wounded Doing well ATLANTA, Sept. 22, 1808.—The following report is from Judge Vuson and Mr. John son, who were requested by Lieutenant Howard, of the Freedmen's Bureau, to In vestigate matters: To the Committee of the Senate and Rouse of Re presentatives ol the otate of Georgia: We left Camilla this day at noon. All was quiet there. No apprehension was felt for further trouble. The citizens acted un der the orders of the Sheriff. They acted as his police in the whole affair. The negroes of the county are all quiet. No bad feeling exists between theniond the whites grow ing out of the affair. But few negroes were present during the fight except those In the procession. There is no necessity for any additional force to protect the white or black. The wounded negroes are well cared for and have the sympathy of the whites. The whole difficulty originated in the right claimed by Murphy, Pierce and others to carry negroes Into a political meeting with arms. The Sheriff* disputed these rights and insisted that under tho proclamation of the Governor and the law it was his duty as a civil officer to prevent such a proceeding. D. A. Vast:ix, B. Jomsisms. Messrs- Vason and Johnson, and Mr. Clark, a Northern man, who came South since the war, certify to the good character of the parties who have made sworn state ments of the affair, which, with Vason and Johnson's report, were- laid before both houses and determined their decision in re lation to the Governor's message and their refusal to ask the President for aid to main tain order. The Late Edwin A. Stevens' Will The late Edwin A. Stevens' will has been opened. His real estate in Hoboken and Weehawken is estimated to be worth from $20,000,000 to $27,000.000; and altogether it is supposed that be was worth upward of $50,000,000. This immense property, ex cept a moiety, is bequeathed to the testator's immediate family (wife and children). The public bequests are: The two public school houses in Hoboken, built and maintained by Mr. Stevens, which he has bequeathed to his executors in trust for the City of Ho boken so long as the city shall use them for educational purposes. In addition to this, Mr. Stevens directs his executors to appro priate $150,000 for the erection of au insti tution of learning on the block bounded by Hudson River, Fifth and Sixth Sta., (next north of Hudson Square). He then provides the perpetual endowment of $500,000 for the maintenance of the institution. The will directs the completion of the Stevens Bat tery at an expense not exceeding $lOO.OOO, andwhen completed it is to be presented to the State of New Jersey. If the State should decline to accept the gift, the executors si r e to sell it and . add theproceeds .to .the residuary estate. The the, ap pointed in the will are M.rs. Martha B.Stev ens (the widow), Saknuel B. Dodd (Mrs. Stevens' brother), and Mr: William B. Ship pen, the long-treated and faithful agent of the deceas millionaire. A ss,oool7otted States revenue stamp was required on re cording the will in the Surrogate's Offloe.- 2.T. Y. Tribune, Sept: 21. , ' . .IMTS HUM= ADVIIMIKEinarrik 112 a year pelt guars of ten lines; $0 per year far each Ade =tonal square. EXAM /CM= ADIEIRM:=6I, lOMari UMW, t h e til "; sl24 OT at Oc i r " Ca 11 , 41P 0Pi t sertlori. ' • • • •-• . • GIERZBAL ADITLATISENG 7 cents a line for the first, and 4 cents fbr etch atInSOSLUOPVISSaf,' Lion. OPECLU. Nortasit Itus!irted In L 5001 02 POWIPI cents LS can per 11110. • • ' • • • • Smut. Nartactinet.. ttliultZird deaths, 10 amts Per Line tor Mat" On' and 6 cents for ewer, stibileiment Insertton. . . .., • Licown AND oriliqtrfOxlClCh • ' Executors' ...0t1eee„.—......... 4 *-- Mc' Administrators' n0t1ag,....._ ' ggern i Assignees' n0Uce5,.................ThLc5,in Auditors' n0tice5.......... Other ^Nottces,” ten Linea, iiii . W atm. three time5,.........---- "" A Negro Plead tint Attempts to &lavish hits ('let and then . _murders Her— He Is Caught and Ellulteg• IFrom the itt. Louis Timm 1/sth.l A most atrocities murder was committed on Friday, at Pond's store, on the Man chester road, about twenty-five miles from this city. Mr. Hildebrandt, who keeps tho Pond store, is a strong believer in the doc trines of negro suffrage-and , negro equality, and to order to put these themes Into.prac- Deal execution, employed a negro named Jordan to do the work around the farm. To obliterate all lines of distinction, he per mitted the negro Meat at the same table and fraternize with the family. Among the members of the household wags maid, Miss Amenia Drienhofer. Jordan . •presuming upon the liberty permitted him, uod believ ing that equality meant a right to do overy and anything his more bestial nature might suggest, on Saturday morning followed the young woman into the wash-house and made an indecentroposal to her which she indignantly refused , ordering him out of the building. Not content with the re buff, he attempted to carry out his design by force. She resisted and drove him out, locking the door upon him. As he left the room he declared hswould kill-her. Deem ing this but an idle throat she paid no further attention to it, but In alber moments alto was horrified by seeing him at the kitchen window with u gun in his hand, which he immediately discharged. The bullet entered her back and passed through the bowels. He immediately dropped the gun and ran fur the woods. He wasurrested, and on preliminary examination was held to answer, and was sent to Glencoe station to be conveyed to the Jail in tins county. The excitement around the depot was in tense, and fearing violence, the negro was returned to Pond's store for safe keeping. In the afternoon the crowd broke in and seized Jordan, whom they conveyed to a clump of trees, where they hung him with out further parley. It is expected that that the Suez canal will be opened for vessels of the largest size in the course of October next, Its depth is ai feet, its width from 180 to 800 feet. Its cost will be about 580,000,000, and it will shorten the navigation between Europe and India by about one-half. It belongs to a French Joint stock company. I s construc tion is due mainly to the genlous, energy, and persistence of Mr. Ferdinand Do Lug sups, who as a grandson of the Marquis of Lafayette, has a special claim upon the regard of Americans. Much of the excava tion has been done by machinery, and where heavy masonry has been requisite to guard the canal against the Influx of sand !rum the Mediterranean, vast blocks of artincial stone have been mimulmitured tor the purpose of sand and hydraulic lime. About '20,000 Europeans have been employ ed on the work, and are Bottled In new towns along the line. A vast number of Arabs have also worked at it irregularly. It has lately been visited by:Qsn. Charles W. Darling, Engineer-in-Chief Of the State of New York, who speaks of thetenterpriso with admiration, and regards it as certain to he successful. Nootiand'o Otrtnas NitttrO. °OCEAN WS ULLMAN LITTERS. MOORLAND'S GERMAN TONIC The Great Romidles for all Dlsetutes of the LIVER, STOMACH, OR DIGESTIVE ORGANS. 1100FLAND'S GERMAN BITTERS Is composed of the pure Mines (or, as they are medicinally tanned, u .ittracts, of Roots, Herbs, and Burks, making a prepara tion, highly concentrated, and entirely fres from alcoholic adniLsture of any kind. 1300FLAND , s GERMAN TONIC, Is a combination of all the Ingredients of the Bitters, with the purast quality of Santa Orin• Rum, Orange, ac., making one of the most pleasant and agreeable remedies ever offered to the public. Those prefrrring a Medicine free from Alec. bone admixture, will use " - - - • HOOF LAND'S GERMAN BITTERS. Those who have no, objection to the combi nation of the Bitters. as stated, will Use ILOOFLAND'S GERMAN TONIC. They are both equally good, and contain the same medicinal virtues, the chola° between the two being a mere matter of taste, the Tonic being the moat palatable. The domach, !ram a variety of causes, such as indigestion, Dyspepsia, Nervous Debility, etc., Is very apt , o have its funationsderanged. rh e Liver, sympsthizing as closely as It does with the kJ Stomach, then be comes affected, the result of which is that the patient suffers from several or more of the fol. owing diseases: Constipation, Flatulence, Inward Plies, Ful ness of Blood to the Heal, Acidity of the Stomadb, Nausea, Heartburn, Disgust for Food, Fulness of Weigh In the btomach, Sour Eructations, Sinking or Fluttering at the Pit of the Stomach Swimming of the Head, Hurried or' Difficult Breath- • • ing Fluttering at 7 the Heart, Choking or Suffocating Sensations when in a Lying Posture, Dlm: nese of Vision, Dots or Webs be fore the Sight, Dull Pain In the Head, Deficiency of Perspiration, Yellowness of the Skin and Eyes, Pain In the side, Bank, Chest, Limbs, etc., Sudden Flushes of Heat, Burning in the Flesh, Constant imaginings of Evil, and Great Depression of spirits. • The sufferer from these diseases should ex reins the greatest caution in tae selection of a remedy for his case, pnrchasing ends that which he is assured fl from his investiga do.s and Inquiries ki possesses true merit, is skilfully compounded, Is tree from led uflous Ingredients, and has established far itself a e utation for the cure of these diseases. In this connection we would submit Gloat Well 'known-remedies— 11.00FLAND'S GERMAN BITTERS HOOFLAND'S GERMAN TONIC. PREPARED BY Dr. C. M. JACKSON, =M! Twenty-two years &ince they were first tu trodu d Into tials country from tiet many, dur log which time they have undoubtedly pet , to med morn cures, and benefited suffering uumaulty to a greater extant, than any other remedies known to the public, Thee- remedies will effectually care LlinCr Complaintjaundice, Dyseepulaq Chronic) or Nervous Diarrnma 12 Disease of the Kid neys, and all Diseases arising from a Disor dered Liver, Stomach or intestines. DEBILITY, Resulting from any Cense whatever pito •TRATION OF THE SYNTEN, Induced by S -vero Labor, Hard ships, Exposure, Fevers, Re. There w no medicine extant equal to these remedies In such cases. A tone and vigor is Imparted to the whole system, the appetite. Is strengthened, foot is enjoyed, the stomach; d;gests promptly, the blood Is purified, the complexion becomes sound and healthy, the yellow tinge is eradicated from the eyes, a bloom is given to the cheeks, and the weak and nervous invalid becomes a strong and healthy being. PERSONS ADVANCED IN LIFE, • - - - - - And feeling the hand of time weighing,heaVL ly upon them, with all Re ittendunt Ws, will [lnd in the use of this BITTERS, or the TONIC. xn ehmer that will instil new life into their vein., restore In a nif assure the energy and , ardor of more youthful days, build up their shrunken forms, and give health anal UKx to their remaining years. NOTICE. , It is a well-established fact that fully one hall of the ;emaie portion of our population are seldom in the en r Joy men t of - good health; or, to use La their own expression .• never feel well." Thuy are lauguld, devoid of all energy, extremely nervous, and have no To t tt it iUs class of persons the BITTEIB, or the TUNIC, Is especially recommended. WEAK AND DELICATE CHILDREN, Are made strong by the use of either of these remedies. They will cure every case of MAR, Afshitis Without fall. Thousands of certificates have accumulated in the hands of the proprietor, but space will allow of the publication of but few. Those, it will be obeer eo, are men of note and of such standing that they must be believed. TESTIMONIALS. HON. ONO. W. WOODWARD, Chie././nrticr of ilve eupreste Court of Pa., wrlteS: 51uxeD 18, 1887. I find Hootland's Herman Bitters' Is agood torde, useful In ills- A eases of tho digestive organs, and of great 21,. benefit In cases or debility, and want of nervous action In tne system. Yonli, truly, Om. W. WOODWARD', HON. JAMES THOMPSON. Judge of the duprente (burg of Penn:taw:mkt. phlkltiphics, April 214,, 18W. . I corunder • lloolland's Dorman Ditto a' a valuable medicine In case of attacks of Indians. thin or Dyspepsia. I can certify this from my experienced it. Vows, with respect, Jexas /110.112110 N." Petal REV. JOSEPH H. KENNARD. D. Pi Pastor of the Tenth Baptist Church, Philadelphia, Dr. Jackson--Dear Wir: I have been irequent ly requested to oorineot my name with reeom.; mendations of different kinds of medicines, but regarding the practice as out of my appro. plate sphere, I have in all cases declined; but with a clear proof in kr earl one instances and particularly In 1.11 my own family, M. the usefulness of Dr. tiuolland's German Bit ters, I depart for once from my usual'ixourse, to express my full conviction that, for genera/ deblaty of the system, and especially for Liver Complaint, a is a safe and valuatilepreparalien. In some cases It may fall; but asuaLly,L dont.; not, it will be very beneficial to those who stif fer from the above causes, loon, very ren ettull trl y, J. H. lixthab, Eighth, below tastes Bt. FROM Ray. E. D. FENDALL. aratant Editor Civilians Chronicle, Phdade/p/da I have derived decided benefit from the use of Iloodiand's German Bitters, and feel It my privilege to recommend them as a moat value- Me tonic, to all woo are suffering from general debt ty or from diseases arising from derange ment of the liver. Yours truly, E. D. Fres. Daus CAUTION Hoofiand's German Remedies are counter ren'xi Is on th . JACKSONathat the signature of • C. M. s D wrapper of each hot.. tie. AIL others are counterfeit. Principal Office and Manufactory at the Gem. man Medicine Store, No. ell Altaa. streeti, Philadelphia. Pa. CHARLES M. EVAN% Proprietor Formerly C. M. Jaexaorr & Co. PRICES , Hoolland'a German Bare, per b0t11e,....gL00 tudidoten -.„ 5,00 Efoortand's German Tonle; put op le quart but ties, SLED per bottle:or a half doom fin NA ifer Do not lomat to examine well the ertlele you buy, la or.,z to get the genuine. .• • • For LTII - toy and Dealer* in litpWn• canon everiw • Jan ttarlisOw..
Significant historical Pennsylvania newspapers