gansota tlikOay. WEDNESDAY, ..3341i,CH 1/, 1888. FOR AUDITOR GENERAL: CHARLES E. BOYLE, of layette county. FOR SURVEYOR EFENERAL: Gen. WELLINGTON it ENT, orColumbla co TEMPORARY. CLUB RATES Believing that in the pending all impor tant political contest no agency can equal the newspaper press in efficiency, and be ing impressed with a conviction of The ne cessity of extending more widely the circu lation of sound Democratic journals, we have concluded to offer the WEEKLY IN TELLIGENCER, to new subscribers, for a limited period, at the following Very low rates: Single copies, 1 year $2.00 6 copies, 1 year 9.00 io ' 4 44 It 17.00 20 " " " 32.00 30 " " " ' 40 00 An extra copy will be sent with every club of 20 or 30. THE. WEEKLY INTEILIOENCER IS THE LARGEST AND CHEAPEST DEMOCRATIC JOURNAL PUBLISHED IN PENNSYLVANIA The rapid increase in Its circulation dur ing the past year shows that it is properly appreciated by the people. Wo ask every one of our readers to make an effort to add to our list. In no way can they do more to further the spread of political truth, or to combat error. Let Mere be an orguni:ed efrort made to pet op clubs. Tho terms which we offer are so very low that we do not propose to mako them per manent. The arrangement will only be a temporary one, and will not be extended beyond the first (lay of next April. Each subscriber will find his name and the date at which his subscription expires printed on the paper. Our 101113 are CASE IN ADVANCE. Money can bo cent by mail from any part of the county at our risk. Parties at a dis tance should Feld checks or post office or ders. Wo will send the IPrr•.lt LA' INTELLIO EN cER for ono month free of charge to auy one likely to become a permanent sub scriber. Any of our readers can have papers so sent, by writing to us. We will send as many as they see lit to order. To Our Exchanges We have transferred to our daily ex change list those papers which publish ed the short prospectus we sent them. Should any one have been overlooked we will immediately attend to their case on having our attention called to it. The State Convention The Democratic State Convention, which met in Harrisburg on Wednesday last/was one of the ablest bodies of that kind we ever saw assembled. The rep resentative men of the Democracy of Pennsylvania had been chosen to in. itiate the State and Presidential cam paign. Among the delegates were many men who arc not only known through out the State, but whose names are fa miliar to the whole country. It was evident that there was a determination among the members, conscientiously, to do in all things what they felt to be best for the interests of this much dis tressed and oppressed nation. While there was an active and eager rivalry among the friends of different candi dates, and while the contest for Dele gates at large to the National Conven tion •was especially exciting, swallow ing up to a great extent the rivalry for State candidates, we must say we never saw such a:general desire to choose the right men for the place and the times. All mere sectional and personal con siderations were laid aside, and the Con vention proceeded to the imr ortantwork before it with a temper and in a manner thatshowed that prudence and sagacity, which have given to the Democrap . of Pennsylvania so many triumphs / in the past, and which will undoubtdaly en able them to swell their majority of last fall to many thousands at the coming all-important Presidential election. The candidates put forward for Audi tor and Surveyor General are men of decided ability, of sterling integrity, of unsullied personal honor, and of popu lar manners. They are both young and both tine speakers. In the coming con test they will appear before the people of the State, and on the stump will well bear their part in the discussion of the momentous issues which are now ugh tilling the nation. Our candidate for Auditor General, Hon. Chas. E. Boyle, of Fayette county, is a civilian, and one of the ablest young men in Western Pennsylvania. For two years together he was the recog nized leader of the Democratic party on the floor of the lower House of our State Legislature, and he acquitted himself so ably as to give him a high reputation throughout the State. The West de manded his nomination, with a very good show of reason so far as the ques tion of locality was concerned. The nomination of Mr. Boyle is an ex cellent one. The candidate for Surveyor General, Gen. Wellington H. Ent, of Columbia county, is as gallant a soldier as ever went forth from Pennsylvania. He fought through the war against the Southern secessionists who sought to destroy the Union by force of arms, and is now as ready vigorously to do battle against the band of Northern traitors, who by preventing its restoration have kept him and his fellow-soldiers from seeing the fulfilment of the great work, for which they so freely shed their blood and periled their lives. 'Phe State ticket as it thus stands, being composed of a distinguished civilian and a dis tinguished soldier, cannot fail to lie elected by a very large majority. The platform of principles put for ward by the Convention is eminently sound and conservative. It is not made up of glittering gen eralities, but is a clear and distinct enunciation of the great political prin ciples which underlie the present all important contest. ft will commend itself to every right thinking man in Pennsylvania, and will win for us many votes from the Opposition. The Convention did its work well. The result is before the people of the State, and their voice will be heard in loud approval at the State election in October, and in the still more impor tant,Presidential election in November, declaring that Pennsylvania still stands firm for the restoration of the Union and the preservation of Constitutional lib erty. The New Hampshire Election Some telegraphic rumors in relation to the result of the New Hampshire •election will be found elsewhere. They are very meagre not to be relied upon. When the oils are closed and the full vote of the State counted, we shall ktiow the true result. THE Pittsburg Commercial, the lead ing Radical paper in Western Pennsyl vania, has sufficient regard for law and decency, we are glad to see, to lead it to protest against Ben. Wade's sitting as a Judge over Andrew Johnson. It says: The Constitutional provision subStituting the Chief Justice for the Vice President to preside over the Court on the ground that the:Vice President was an interested party, could not have meant that the Senator act ing as the Vice President might take his seat us a juror in the case. And it adds that " it would be little less than monstrous were Wade to reach the White House by a vote as juror on the trial of Mr. Johnson. THE negroes elected a Mayor in Mem phis the other day, and Forney's Press and Greeley's Tribune are crowing over it as a great Republican victory. They even forget to state that the negro ma jority of last year was greatly reduced. small favors are thankfully received. LAST August the public debt was $2,511,306,426 now it is $2,519,829,622. Let the tax ridden masses try to cypher out when it will be paid at that rate The IMneDirsey. The curtain , is grsdually, rising and we are beginning eAh: 64l iPth and extent of the MtdicalcotiTlracy* Washington. It Is becomlik3 terribly manifest that Congress not only inters s to degrade the Itsistitive hiarich oUtrie government, but seeks to usurp the au thority of the, people. Congress is ob viously taking measures to concentrate all power in its own hands, and place itself beyond the reach of the people. It is providing against the contingen cies of the Presidential election, in such a manner as TO DEFEAT THE WILL OF THE PEOPLE, if expressed against its course. This Congress—and by this we mean the present and previous two Con gresses, for they are substantially the same—commenced its revolutionary ca reer by excluding the Senators and Rep resentatives of ten States, for the ex press purpose of surmounting the con stitutional veto of the President. It strengthened its hand by expelling Dem ocratic Senators and Representatives from Northern States t and admitting ter ritories of insufficient population. Hav ing thus secured arbitrary power, it ex erted that power to disfranchise a large proportion of the constitutional voters of the excluded States, and enfranchise their negro population. This negro population were not legitimate voters in those States, and belong to an in ferior race, which has not been gener ally entrusted with the bidlot by the people of the North. Congress commit ted these acts for the purpose of scoring the votes of twenty Senators and fifty six Representatives against the will of their constituents, and counting sev enty-six votes in the Electoral Colleges against the voice of the people behind them. When this scheme is consummated, and Congress has thus stocked the Elec toral Colleges, the Senate and House of Representatives, it will be prepared to defy an ordinary popular majority in the North. An extraordinary majority will be required to overcome the spuri. ous electoral votes; an overwhelming majority will be required, in view of Radical gerrymanders, to overcome the votes of the spurious Representatives, and the votes of the spurious Senators cannot be overcome at all for four years. Congress will stand entrenched behind its own usurpations against the will of the people. But Congress anticipated that a tre mendous popular reaction might sub merge its fraudulent electoral votes and Representatives, and has cunningly guarded against such an accident, by transferring to the Senate the power of removing all civil officials, and vesting the absolute command of the army in the General; one of its own creatures, through whose hands it has enacted that all orders of the President must be transmitted. The Presidency is left an empty shell ; and while the people may perform the farce of an election, their chosen Executive will be powerless to remove a tax-gatherer without the con sent of the imperial Senate, or com mand a soldier without permission from the princely imperator. If the Presi dent should attempt to assert his au thority, the Imperator and army will be on hand to enforce submission to the laws. If, however, the President of the peo ple should hot be sustained by a suffi cient majority of lawful Representatives to overcome the fraudulent Southern votes -in the House, he may be more summarily dealt with, According to the precedent now making, he may be impeached and removed, and the Vice President of the people may share his fate; whereupon the Senate will select another nominal President to enact the pantomime of the place, while its vital functions are usurped by the Conscript Fathers, whose decrees will be enforced .by the General of the Army, scilicet, Imperator or Emperor. Wade's Right to sit as Judge The Senate of the United States Las been organized into a High Court of Im peachment for the trial of Andrew Johnson, upon the articles prepared and presented by the lower House of Con gress. The scene described elsewhere seems not to have been entirely want ing in solemnity. The gravity of the occasion evidently impressed even the more reckless of the Radicals who con stitute a majority of the Court. In the discussion of the important question as to whether Senator Wade, who is to succeed Mr. Johnson in case of his re moval, ',here were, to the credit of the Senate be it said, none of those out bursts of partisan passion which have marked the conduct of the case up to this point. 'That the objection of Mr. Hendricks was well taken every candid man will admit. In all courts the slightest in. terest of one of the Judges in any cause, is deemed sufficient to disqualify him from presiding at its trial. 'When a lawyer is elected Judge he does not set any case in which he has been previ• ously employed as counsel. All such cases are tried by some neighboring Judge. There is . nothing about which the law has been more careful than this very matter. The Senate as conatituted cannot be regarded as a fair tri bunal in the cause now before it, even should Mr. Wade be declared disquali fied to take part iu the trial. There are very few of the Radical Senators who have not bitterly denounced Mr. John son beforehand. Expressions have fal len from the lips of most of them which would show sufficient bias to disqualify them from acting a. jurors in a court of Quarter Sessions. It is sufficiently out rageous to bring the President of the United States to trial before such a body as the Senate will be with Wade ex cluded. Deliberately to admit as one of judges the party who will occupy the office of the Executive on the re moval of Mr. Johnson, is to com mit the most glaring outrage of which we can possibly conceive. The Radicals of Lancaster County Vote Against Impeachment. On Saturday last the election for del egates to the Radical. National and State Conventions came off in this county. The contest was exceedingly animated, and a very large vote was polled. The most remarkable featureconnected with the affair is, that the faction which saw fit to rally their forces under a demand for impeachment were beaten. A ticket was set up which bore a flag at the head, and the words FOR DI PEACHMENT printed in staring job type at the bottom. That ticket was badly beaten. Only two out of eight delegates were elected by the impeach ment party, and they both succeeded through personal popularity alone. This defeat was the more remarkable, inas much as the Grand Army of the Re public was enlisted in support of the impeachment ticket. It was called "The Soldiers Ticket" in fact. This is looked upon by Democrats and a large proportion of the Republicans as a re buke to Thaddeus Stevens. The proba bilities are that he could not be again nominated for Congress without serious opposition if he were to live and ask it. CHASE has declined to proceed to try Jeff. Davis, whose case was fixed for the 26th inst., because he is engaged in try ing President Johnson. The crime charged against Davis is trying to take certain States out of the Union, that of President Johnson is trying to get them back into the Union. Strange that two men should be waiting to be tried by the same Judge on two such charges. One of them must be innocent. Which is it? STANTON continues to spend both night and day in the War Department, eating and sleeping there. He will not feel safe in leaving for a moment until President Johnson is removed. In case impeachment should fail, it is hard to coVeoture what will be Stanton's fate. THE LANCASTER Nyr -- ,REKEy INTELLIGENCER, WEDNESDAY, MARCH 11, 1868. Corruption. The gevernix , ient of theilpited States . , the most ei triffitgatii, corruikand oPpreelive goy ermnent the :World. The! cost of 1 5 1 90 1 t9 In otheFfrcountriesJa a trifle compared' with 'the a* loyalty in this. An idle and eteleas standing army of soldiers, commanded by insub ordinate officers with princely salaries, and an almost equally numerous army of corrupt civil officials are fattening upon the treasury and consuming the substance of the people. The public revenue is notoriously .plundered by those who are appointed to collect it, and opportunity to defraud the treas ury is sold or rented by officers of the government. Therotten place-holders, led by a trebly paid Congress, and fol lowed by the horde of partisanretsiners among whom the treasury booty is divided, devote every energy to securing their positions and prolonging their ill gotten gains. For this purpose they have deprived the President of the power of removing civil officers, for this purpose they have undertaken to sub vert our system of constitutional gov ernment*, and for this purpose they would welcome monarchy or empire, to confirm the tenure of their places. No republic has ever survived such depravity as pervades our whole frame of government. The public corruptions that destroyed the Democracies of Greece, Rome and , Carthage bear no more comparison to those which fester in our body politic, than their public burthens bear to those which grind the faces of our people. Where Roman pro consuls stole by thousands, many of our internal revenue officers plunder by millions. And as the Roman governors used the plunder of their provinces to corrupt the Roman populace, so the agents of our treasury employ a portion of their booty to purchase the suffrages of the American people. In this way they endeavor to make corruption per petuate itself; and if they can succeed in buying one half of our people with the proceeds of frauds committed upon all, the history of the Model Republic will soon be finished. It is to secure the fat drippings of the treasury that anarchy has been organ ized in the South, negro supremacy fas tened upon the country, the tenure-of office act passed, and the President impeached. The last movement has been a master stroke of policy on the part or the black Radicals, as well against the less advanced of their own party as against the Democracy. If Johnson be supplanted by Wade, the lattermay fill all the offices in the country with crea tures, whom neither a Democrat nor Grant could remove, without. the con sent of a Radical Senate. Thus the Senate will unmake one President, make another, and fasten the appointees of its own tool upon the country, whatever may be the result of the Presidential election! If this be the legitimate operation of our system of government, it is not worth preserving. To eme the corruptions of govern ment, and the consequent demoraliza tion of the people, and thereby save the republic, we must reduce the wants of the treasury and the streams of taxation that flow into it. By disbanding .the standing army, whose bayonets are onl y employed to support schemes of Radi cal misrule, by reducing the navy to the lowest scale adequate to the police ser vice of the seas, and by lopping off one half the civil expenses of government, we shall be enabled to remit all taxes, except customs, stamps and the excises on liquors and tobacco. Then may we disband the army of corrupt tax-gath erers, who, like Egyptian locusts, swarm over the laud, and eat out the substance of the people. The Delegates at Large The Democratic State Convention showed remarkably good judgment in its selection of Delegates at large to the National Convention. The members refused to recognize the claims of mere individual preference, and proceeded to choose representative men. Isaac E. Hiester, George W. Woodward, Wm. Bigler and Asa Packer, are names which fitly represent the dominant party in Pennsylvania. When we suggested the name of Hon. Isaac E. Hiester as a candidate, men from all sections of the State at once recognized his claims upon the party. Be is widely known as one of the ablest lawyers in Pennsylvania, and is only less widely known as a political leader, because he has never sought office, or thrust himself forward at State Con ventions and on similar occasions. Ile formerly represented this district as a Whig member of Congress, but has for years been one of the most steadfast Democrats in the State. He is a gentle man of the highest character in every respect, and is the full peer of his dis tinguished colleagues. The Democracy of the State showed their usual good vtise in very generally recognizing his c\-iims for support as soon as his name wilt; presented. Meeting of theCominittectriNewspapers. The meeting of the Committee on Newspapers, which was held on Satur day last, was largely attended, many of the most prominent and active Demo crats in the county being present. There was a laudable display of interest exhib• ited and a general disposition was mani fested to engage heartily in the ail im portant work of giving the most extend ed circulation to Democratic newspapers during the pending important political campaign. A plan forsecuring complete concert of action was agreed upon, and the editors present were directed to is sue a circular, setting forth the pro visions of said plan and the mode to be adopted in carrying it out. The circular will be forwarded to the different members of the Committee in a day or two. When it reaches them we are sure they will all go to work at once. There must be no delay in this important matter. The times demand prompt, vigorous and systematic effort on the part of every true Democrat. The large attendance at the meeting of the Committee, the character of the men present, and the interest manifested by them assures us that the work entrusted to them will be done promptly and in a thorough manner. TILE Special Commission of the Rev enue has received from the British Chancellor of the Exchequer, a com plete exemplification by documents of the whole revenue system. The time was when we pitied the tax burthened EnglAhman, but, we would now be glad to exchange our heavy load for his lighter one. It is to be hoped thatsome improvement may be speedily made on our miserably contrived and wretchedly managed revenue system. It is possi ble those who have the matter in hand may borrow some ideas from the British system superior to the wretched ones of Radical conception. THE, Radicals of Maryland proved to be so strong at the last election in that State, failing to elect so much as a Con stable, that they. have come to the con clusion they can afford to divide their party. They split into two factions at the State Convention which met at Baltimore on Friday. One of the frag ments is led by Judge Bond, and the other by Ex-Senator Cresswell. We wish them both the fate of the Kil kenny cats, which they seem likely to realize. THE Memphis Avalanche says The colored race are growing sick of Rad icalism. We hear ot negroes deserting . Loyal. Leagues almost every day; as rata desert an old burning barn. The negro be-. gins to see that the professions of the Radicals are nothing but shallow demagoguery to dupe them out of their votes: The,negro cannot always be cajoled by shrewd Yan. kees, and cheated by worthless adventur ers. It will not be long before the negro' will hate the creatures who have used ldin as a tool for selfish purposes. i! ' , , Tht.ObJects of lopeac` hment. The dfsgtajting mockery , ot.justiee now in,proirreskat *lo4,llrHgton, where the eleOted Chief Maghdrate-of a free • • people ip.on beforwa partisan tri bunal, Aisciplined in eanens . to convict him for'an ad:which did not even vio late the terms of an unconstitutional law, has various objects. Some of these are: To silence the ringing.vetoes of the TRIBUNE OF THE PEOPLE, which en countered every act of legislatiie usur pation, and roused the country to a sense of danger. - To fill the offices of the country with the creatures of Congress, who will be kept in place by the tenure of-office act, against the will of the people. To debauch the Supreme Court of the United States, by appointing additional judges, who will be authorized by act of Congress for the purpose of sustain. lug its usurpations. To emasculate the office of President, so that its powers may be divided be tween a packed Senate and the General of the Army, In such a manner that the people cannot reach them. To establish a precedent for the re moval of any other President of the people who may stand in the way of a factious Congress. To effect these pur poses, the Senate has been drilled into a inachine that will accomplish a sure and speedy conviction. It has already chosen the successor of the President, and sworn him as a trier. It has adopt ed a set of rules for the trial, designed to stifle debate and gao• the defence, which would disgrace hie meanest criminal court in the la hese rules permit no discussion of Lions of evi dence, and allow but two counsel to speak for the defence, an hour and a half each ! The wrongs contemplated in the admission or rejection of evidence must not be ventilated at all; and the official head of forty millions of free men, and the champion of• the senti ments of more than half the people is to be allowed THREE HOURS for his de. fence! The country may well compare this programme with the trial of John H. Surratt, and wonder why an alleged assassin had so many more privileges than an accused President. The excuse for this indecent pressure is the importance of the time of Con gress. Does not Congress pay itself by the year, and most extravagantly, tco? If the trial is likely to impede legisla tion, why not transact the legislation first, and dispose of the trial afterwards? The President did not accomplish his purpose, and no harm has been done. Stanton is still In office, while Grant defies and insults the President, and the army obeys Grant. Surely the exigency does not require all public business to be suspended until the President is de ' spatched. A little patience and dignity might not be out of place even in the i trial of an impeachment. This deliberate degradation of the Presidency is not unlike that of the Roman consulship under the Empire, when the republican title of the office was retained to amuse the populace, un til the tyrant Caligula in derision caused his horse to be chosen consul. If the people of this country do not shake off their lethargy, the time may not be far distant when the horse of the General of the Army will be made President of the United States. Patting, Black Marks on Grant There is a one-legged soldier in Har risburg who, after fighting gallantly during the war and leaving part of his body behind him to enrich the soil of Virginia, returned to follow an honest occupation at which he works daily. In his shop he has the likeness of several distinguished Generals, and that of Grant all along occupied thechief place. But of late this one-legged soldier has had to put several marks of disapproba tion upon the former favorite. When one evidence after another was given that Grant was in accord with the Radi cals and ready to help them to establish negro supremacy in the South the maimed soldier made black marks upon ! the face of the General. One line was I traced after another, as events trans pired, until now the face of Grant is al- ! most as black as that of any member of , a Southern convention. That crippled private has a true appreciation of the cause for which he suffered. He did not fight to deliver one half the Union over to the domination of the negro, I and he appropriately expresses a feeling which prevails in the minds of a ma jority of his comrades when he puts a 1 black mark ou Grant's face every time ! he gives a new proof of his readiness to' support the infamous schemes of the revolutionary disunionists in Congress. The private soldiers who bore the brunt of the battle, will put black marks on Grant if he should consent to be the ! Radical candidate for President. Amalgamation The telegraph reports the following proceedings in the mongrel Constitu tional Convention of North Carolina: To-day the report of the Committee on Education passed its second reading by a strict party vote. It provides for the open ing of the University and all the other pub lic schools alike to blacks and whites. A conservative member moved to have uif ferent schools for whites and blacks, but it was voted down by the radicals. The re port compels all persons to send their chil dren to public schools for sixteen months, between the ages of rive and fifteen years, when they are not able to educate them otherwise. It coolers large powers upon the Superintendent of Public Instruction. This is a step in advance of the re jected Constitution of Alabama, which denied the ball'ot to all who would not "swear to accept the civil and political equality " of whites and blacks. It com pels the poor white man, who has no other means of educating his children, to send them to schools where they will be seated beside negroes and mulattoes. This is the entering wedge for Amalga mation. The children who are thus constrained to study and play together, will be industriously taught by the Yan kee schoolmasters to disregard the dif ferences the God of Nature has im pressed upon the races. The pure and innocent white girl will be instructed that it is a merit to love her ebony play fellow. And out of this intimacy in childhood will spring relations that will cover the South with a hybrid popula tion inferior even to the unmixed Afri cans. God help the South, if the North does not! Grant and the Negroes When General Hancock was appoint ed to the command of the military dis trict of Louisiana and Texas, he found in the Common Councilof New Orleans seven 9r eight negroes and mulattoes, who ha\oi been injected into that body by his predecessor. General Hancock is sued an order removing the sable city fathers who had been commissioned by the bayonet. This order has since been revoked, and the colored Councilmen reinstated by the Imperator, Grant. This action of the Emperor is most acceptable to the Radicals for two rea sons. It demonstrates his affection for the negro, and at the same time insults the Constitutional Commander-In- Chief, who has expressed his marked approval of General Hancock's course. Doubtless the General of the Army In tends to exercise the same power for life, under future Presidents. If the Democracy. ever succeed in electing a Preildent, , we trust he will take some m.easurestO ascertain whetber this is a Republic or an Empire. That is, if Congress does not remove him from office before he has an opportunity to do so. THE nomination of S. S. Cox to be Minister to Austria was rejected by the Senate on Friday. His nomination was then, on' motion of Mr. Sumner recommitted to the Committee on For eign affairs, so as to prevent President Johnson from naming any one else tor the position. ..%,Awskther Row Among the Radicals. Aalguger of news welpulph . article from thillaliCisssitii of the opolumbla Spy, reflecting4serlenigy aponleertain prominent mend)ers of* Repabliput party in this 04 1 4., _4(.1.f the tratbrorthe falsehood of.-the aissiii tions therein contained we know noth ing. The Spy may have good grounds for theaharges it makes, or it may not. It may be actuated by praiseworthy motives or influenced by other consid erations.' 'We hazard no opinion the subject. It is a fight to which we are strangers as yet, and of which weknow nothing beyond what we publish. We shall wait for further developments be! fore making up or expressing an opin ion in regard to thismatter. There hi a fierce fight now going on between the contending factions of the Republican party in this county, and each is accusing the other of all kinds of rascality. If one-half of what either side says of the other be true the organ ization is thoroughly corrupt through out, and neither wing of it is fit to be trusted by the people. The same thing which is going on here is in process throughout the coun try. Whenever a squabble takes place among the Radicals over the spoils of office, charges of rascality, fraud and corruption are openly made. The truth is the leaders of the party, according to their own showing, have but one object in view. From Congress down they are all alike eager to secure the spoils of office. That is the one bond which binds the corrupt and conflicting ele ments together. Because a restora tion of the Union would de prive them of the opportunity to fatten on public plunder it is kept divided. Because they dare not trust the vote of white men in the coming Presidential election, they have transferred all power in ten States to a horde of degraded barbarian negroes. Because the man who was made Presi dent of the United States by their votes has too much honesty and patriotism to be the pliant tool of the corrupt and traitorous leaders of their party, they propose to remove , him from office through the agency of a mock trial, I upon charges which they before pro nounced insufficient to justify impeach ' went or censure. With the hope of beguiling the masses of the North to vote with them once more, they have nominated General Grant for President, and he has already been forced to act the part of a cheat and a liar to please them. No party was ever so completely rotten, so thoroughly corrupt, so reek- I less In its plundering of the public trea sury, so vile and untrustworthy in all respects as the Republican party of this country is to-day. Honest men every where are deserting its ranks, and its speedy downfall is assured. We believe this because we still have faith in the intelligence, the honesty, and the pa ' triotism of the people. Bullying the Senate Old Thad. Stevens, who has so long bullied the Lower House of Congress, tried his hand on the Senate the other day. He has lost his physical power, his voice is almost gone, and even his intellect is less vigorous than it once was ; but his malignity and his venge ful disposition are as strong to-day as ever they were. Though trembling on the very brink of the grave he is ready "to throw conscience to the Devil," as he advised his political associates to do in the buck-shot war in this State. The N. 11r. Times, well known as a leading Republican journal, thusspeaks of one of his latest and most audacious acts : It is mortifying to the public sense of honor and the public feeling of justice to read the bullying and domineering lan guage which Mr. Stevens addressed to Senators on Monday from his place in the House. Referring to the coining trial be fore the Senate, Stevens exclaimed: "Now, then, let him who can, expect to, get out on the only ground left. if my article is adopted. Let him hope, who dares to hope, that so high a body as that Senate will betray its trust, will forget its own acts, will tread back its own action, will disgrace itself in the face of the nation. Point me out one who dares to do it, and you show me one who dares to be regarded as infamous by posterity." Again referring to Senators, he cried : "Let me see, continued Mr. Stevens, shaking his finger above his head, the re• creant who dares to tread back upon his steps, and vote on the other side." In a party view, the Senate is very strong ly Republican. The party majority is more than sufficient to convict Mr. Johnson by the requisite two-thirds vote. The majority, too, are very strongly prejudiced against the accused, personally and politically; and on nine of the charges upon which he is to be tried, may be said to have prejudged the merits of the case by their repeated declara tions of the constitutionality, validity, and inviolapility of the Tenure of Office taw. But we are unwilling to believe that Sen ators will be moved still farther in the same direction by the insulting and infamous words addressed to them by Mr. Stevens as the leader of the impeachment movement in the House. Men of cool heads and just judgments have had occasion to be ashamed more than once at the displays of unreason and folly in the House ; but this of Mr. Stevens is rather the most disgraceful that has yet appeared. If we could believe that such language would push Senators on to a conviction not otherwise approved of by their sense of justice, we should feel that the confidence of the country in the Senate and the Republican party would soon be utterly overthrown. Mr. Stevens will laugh at the utter ance of the Times, and will sneeringly denounce it as pitiable cowardice. He is perfectly unrestrained by any regard for law, and knows not what is implied by reverence for the Constitution. We shall soon see how far the Senate are influenced by similar sentiments. The Two Forneys There are two Forneys, both editing radical newspapers, and both of them, we are sorry to say, belonging to Penn sylvania. The greater rascal of the two, John W., thedirty wretch who is known as the author of the infamous Jamison letter, he of the Philadelphia Press, has transferred the scene of his operations to Washington, where his position as Clerk of the United States Senate en ables him to get his grasping paws into the National Treasury. The other For ney has not reached a position where thieving can be done on so extended a scale. He is State Librarian and editor of the State Guard. The Telegraph, another Radical paper published at Harrisburg, thus shows up the way iu which this second and less distinguish ed Forney provides for himself, at the expense of the tax-payers of Pennsyl vania. It says :,, The present Librarian, Wein Forney, has spent over fifty thousand dollars in lining up a room that responsible parties would have fitted up in better style for half the money, and he now enjoys the salary of that office without rendering the State the least service—the duties of the office being discharged by an assistant—and in addition to the salary, some three thbusand dollars aro unnecessarily appropriated. Co mm en tis unnecessary, Two greater leeches than these two Forneys were never allowed to fasten upon National or State treasury. THE Washington correspondent of the N. Y. Herald says : The withdrawal of Mr. Hendricks' objec tion to Mr. Wade as a member of the court of impeachment was made with a view of renewing it at another stage of the trial. It was thought beet to discuss it at this stage, and take the vote after the President is summoned to appear. The argument showed the character of Ben Wade's claim to act, but the point against his admission at this time has no such force as it will have when the accused comes upon the scene and records his objection. There was a tacit understanding between the democrats that, to prevent the republicans from committing themselves, it would be better policy to waive the objection to Mr. Wade's admis sion and let it be renewed at a more oppor tune time. In this move the democrats are flattered there is as much of strategy as wisdom. THE argument in the McArdle case will at once be resumed, and a decision is expected in a couple of weeks. For ney seems to be apprehensive that the entire bottom will be thereby knocked out of the reconstruction tub. The year 1808 will exhibit two wonderful events—the trial of Jefferson Davis for in sisting that the Southern States were out of the Union, and the trial of Andrew Johnson for insisting that they are in the Union. Pr lees the Demeerstle Members of the House of MepreseMatives. :ilaiititense on, Monday. Mr. Eldridgo roaW.and midi..! I ariet:ftft. meted by ; forty fiviOneaalers of thOloose of Reproaenta.; Uwe to a cominiudiation ii onrtham. to ttie Honesi and tci;ask that it be read. • It. is • of in terms pnliNixt my opinioni• The SpaikerThe gentleman may con eider that a protest is privileged, but the digest shows that it is not so considered in parliamentary law. Mr. Eldridge—Then I ask *unanimous consent to present the communication from forty-five members of. the House, and on that I propose to Submit a mothin. • Numerous objections were made on the Republican rode of the Hone°. • Mr."Elfiridge=Theia I ask Coneent tohave the communication printed in the Globe. Numerous objections were made. Mr. Farnsworth, of Illinola, made the point of order that under the order of the House= proposition should be entertained, but that the House proceed to vote on the articles of impeachment. The Speaker sustained the point of order. The following is a copy of the protest sought to be presented : The undersigned members of the Fortieth Congress of the United States, representing directly or in principle more than one-half of the whole people of the United States, do hereby, in the name of law and justice and in behalf of those they represent, most sol emnly protest against the tyranny and in justice practised by the inajority of the Horse in violating the sacrMi rights of free debate and unconstrained deliberation upon the greatest question ever brought before an American Congress. The rules of the House, made for the pro tection of minorities, and by a strict adher ence to which the weaker party can only be protected from those irregularities and abuses which the 'wantonness of power is but too often apt to suggest to large and suc cessful majorities, have been, during this entire Congress, in violation of their true spirit and intent, wantonly and unprecs dentedly suspended and set aside, not upon a particular and pressing matter, but upon all pending subjects of legislation, so that by this reckless and arbitrary suspension of the rules. and the wanton abuse of the previous question, the rights of the minori ty have been utterly disregarded. The House of Representatives have ceased to be a deliberative body, and the minority have been compelled to vote upon the most im portant questions without any proper or reasonable time for debate or considera tion. To such an extent has this danger ous and oppressive practice obtained, that measures affecting vitally the whole coun try, and the dearest interests of our consti tuents—tending, as we believe, to the sub version of our republican form of govern ment, in their very nature demanding of the people's representatives the most careful examination and scrutiny—have been hur ried through the forms of legislation without being printed, without one word of debate, or ouo moment's consideration—without, indeed, the opportunity for the undersigned to protest, except in violation of the then operating order, enforced by the majority as the order of the House. These alarming abuses of power might not seem to demand this formal protest if we were not forced to tho belief that a de termination exists with the majority to revolutionize this government by destroy ing the other co-ordinate branches, and vesting all the powers of the government in Congress. In the steps taken to depose the President of the United States, we are ad monished that there is no and to those op pressive measures to cripple the power and silence the voice of the minority. The resolution was rushed through the House under the operation of the previous question referring the matter to the Com mittee on Reconstruction. The committee, in hot haste, sitting when the House was iu session, in violation of ono of its express rules, considered, and by a strict party vote adopted and presented it again to the House for its action, and then was exhibited one of the most extraordinary spectacles ever witnessed in a deliberative parliamentary body. Members were allowed, sonic thirty min utes, some twenty, some ten, some live, and some one minute only, to discuss the most momentous questions ever presented in Congress. Many could not even get one minute under the arbitrary rule of the ma jority; and more than half of those even of the party voting to enforce the previous question, who desired to be heard, were permitted only to print speeches in the Globe, after the question upon the resolu tion was decided, and which were never delivered in the House. No comment can demonstrate more completely than the facts themselves the viciousness and illegality of such proceedings. But this wanton and excessive use of the power of the majority does not stop here. While the committee were in session upon the further proceedings to remove the Pre sident, and in anticipation of its action under the operation of the previous ques tion without debate, in violation of an ex press rule, new special and most extraor dinary rules for the conduct of this proceed ing, changing, without previous notice, the standing rules of the House, were adopted to further limit debate, and more complete ly to place the minority in the power and at the mercy of the majority. Thus, while the majority of Congress is warring upon the other co.ordinate depart• meets, the Executive and the Judicial, en deavoring to subjugate and bring them both under the will and control of Congress, the minority of the House of Representa tives are steadily and surely being stripped of all power, and their constituents de prived of all representative voice . in the councils of the nation. We do, therefore, most solemnly protest against the indeco rous and undignified haste with which the majority of this House inaugurated, pre sented and rushed through, by a strict party vote, in plain and palpable violation of one of the standing rules of the House, a resolution demanding the impeachment of the Chief Magistrate of the people for al leged high crimes and misdemeanors in office, when the gravity of the charge, the character of the high office against which the attack was directed, and the unforeseen and tremendous consequences which might result therefrom to the peace and prosperi ty of the people, called for the exercise of the calmest and wisest judgment, the most unprejudiced and impartial deliberation on the part of those who had such proceedings in charge. We do also most solemnly protest against this thrice repeated attempt to degrade and break down one of the co-ordinate branches of the government, through the spirit of party hatred and vengeance against the per son who, by the Constitution, is in the rightful and conscientious discharge of its functions, thus consuming the precious time which ought to be faithfully devoted to an earnest effort to relieve the pressing wants of the people, a restoration of a torn and distracted country to union and good order, and lightening the burden of taxation which is pressing down all the energies of trade and commerce to the point of univer sal bankruptcy and ruin. We do again most solemnly protest against, and profoundly deprecate and de plore any and all attempts to array in hos tile antagonism to each other, any of the departments of the government upon the mere question of the constitutionality or construction of a law of Congress, the pro per jurisdiction and final adjudication of which belong exclusively to the Judicial tribunal, and we hereby warn the people of the United States that the public liberty and the existence of free institutions are in volved in this suicidal struggle, and that they are in imminent peril of utter over throw. We do further must solemnly protest against that wild and radical spirit of inno vation upon the early and well-settled prac tice of the Government—a practice estab • lished by the men who framed the Consti tution, and who best understood its spirit and meaning—which put the Chief Magis trate of the Republic, the representative of the dignity and power of the people, at the mercy of one of his subordinates, assuming to bo the Secretary of War, in violation of his own pronounced convictions of the law, and who has the unblushing effrontery to place himself in the unwarranted position of communicating directly with Congress, in utter contempt of the authority of his superior, and with the deliberate purpose of resisting his authority. The undersigned, therefore, in itheir character of representatives of the people, being deprived by the despotic power of an inexorable majority of the high privileges of debate, that great instrument in the dis covery of truth, and the most cherished heritage of a free people, do hereby solemnly and earnestly protest against these infrac tions of the rights of the people, and res pectfully ask that this their protest may be spread upon the journal of the House. Chas A. Eldridge, Julius Hotchkiss, P. Van Trump, - Samuel B. Axtell, Gee. W. Woodward, W.E. Nibblack, W. Mungen, Wm. S. Holman, Stephen Taber, Demos Barnes, Geo.M. Adams, lA. J. Glossbrenner, Geo. W. Morgan, Lawrence Getz, S. S. Marshall, B. M.Boyer D. M. Vananken, • Stevenson Archer, Thos. Laurens Jones, Albert G. Burr, W. H. Barnum, • James A. Johnson, John A. Nicholson, Jas. B.Beck, E. A Holbrook, Asa P. Grover, F. stone, J. M. Humphrey, Chas. E. Phelps,. John Fox, James M. Cavanaugh, John V. d. Prnyn, Chas. Haight, Samuel J. Randall, Lewis W. Ross, James Brooks, L. S. Trimble, H. McCullough. R. D. Hubbard, J. P. Knott, J. B. Galladay, OMB. Sitgreaves, John W: Chanter, M. C. Kerr. James R. McCormack. Election of a United States Senator In Maryland. On Friday the Maryland Legislature elected Hon. George Vickers, of Kent county, to represent that State in the United States Senate, in place of Mr. Thomas, whom the Radical majority refused to admit to a seat. Speaking of Mr. Vickers, the Baltimore Sun says: That a judicious selection has been made in this case for United States Senator can hardly be questioned. Mr. Vickers is a man or sound conservatism in politics, temperate in tone and action, and is known as an able lawyer and a gentleman of re fined courtesy. He was originally a Whig, but has acted for some years with the Dem ocratic party. He has never, however, sought political preferment, but was chosen State Senator from Kent county, and served in the last Legislature, bat declined a re election last fall. Though not aspiring to be an orator, Mr. Vickers is yei a very good speaker and debater. He resides at Ches tertown, is about sixty-five years of age, and is universally respected by men of all parties. No man in Maryland will sup pose him not worthy to enter into the United States Senate. TKPEAKftilliNtrif : • 4 53' Shea lhonageos or, xmpemow i t at the Bearer the ate-see edema. f l, ..Viracurzterro4MlFeh 1888, The secePd the Itdpetiehment pro eeM4l 8 8 , 'VI/eh taw beam:My, farce or drama, as Mture circa astatexe shall decide, came off hi the - Senate %ember , this after noon. The House Managers presented their articles of impeachment against the Presi dent. There was a large audience, and every seat and available place in the gallery were crowded by interested spectators, gathered together in anticipation of the solemn presentment of the indictment of the Grand Jury of the Nation to the Highest Court of the country. Opposite the Precedent's desk eight cush iimed'artilehainf'were placed, in front of the first semi-circle of seats, for the Mana gers on the part of the House, and•beldnd the last semi-circle were the places allotted the members of the House who should be in attendance on the occasion. The vast audience which had poured into the galler ies upon the opening of the doors of the Se. nate sat withthe greatest patience for hours awaiting the arrival of the procession which was to escort the Managers from the House to the Senate. The only events of a peculiarly interest ing character that attracted the attention of the spectators was the presentation by Mr. Wade of a communication from Chief Jus tice Chase wherein he gives his views con cerning the proper organization of the Senate as a High Court of Impeachment and the correct proceedings to be taken therein. As this was considered a sort of judicial protest against the action of the Senate in adopting beforehand the regula tions for the government of the court with out asking the views of the high-official who is to preside, it had somewhat the same effect upon the Senators that an exploding topedo would have in a school of porpoises. There were at once a tremendous ebullition and excitement and a general laying to gether of heads, which nodded and shook and bobbed in the most mysterious man ner. Finally, seeing that the damage could not be tat once repaired, the communica tion was ordered to the Committee on Reg ulations of the Senate. Among the audi ence the communication created a buzz that lasted some time and considerably relieved the tedium of the morning hours. Subse quently four nobletchiettains from the far West stalked in the Senate in all the brilli ancy of paint and beads, and stolidly glanced over the scene. At one o'clock the rumor ran around that the Managers had reached the Senate and occasioned a brief Rutter, which died away I to an oppressive stillness when the doors were thrown open and the Managers ap poured followed by a crowd of Congress men, the Speaker and Clerk of the House of Representatives and a host of petty officials. The proceedings of the Senate were at once suspended and the Sergeant -at-Arms in a loud, clear voice announced " the Managers of Impeachment on the part of the House of Representatives." President Wade arose from the chair and said : "The Man agers of the House will please come for ' ward and take the seats assigned to them." The Sergeant-at-Arms thereupon ushered in the Managers. Mr. Bingham was in front, arm in arm with Mr. Boutwell, and followed by Messrs. Wilson and Williams, Mr. Thad. Stevens walked alone and lean lug in a feeble manner upon his cane. The procession moved down the middle aisle to the open space in front of the President's desk and took their seats. Mr. Dawes, al though not one of the Managers, took his ' seat with thorn. Upon motion of Senator Hendricks, Speaker Colfax was invited to take a seat by Vice President Wade, and Senator Grimes escorted hiruto his place. The balance of the procession ' made up of the Repulican members of the House, took their places behind the Senators' seats and remained standing. Only three Democratic members were present on the boor. When silence had been restored and the doors of the Senate closed to prevent any movement of spectators to disturb the cere mony, Mr. Bingham and all the members of . the committee arose, save Mr. Stevens,who remained in his seat throughout, and in a clear voice said:—" The Managers of the House of Representatives to present articles of impeachment against Andrew Johnson, President of the United States, appear be j fore the Senate of the United States to pre sent the charges against Andrew - Johnson, President of the United States." President Wade—. The Sergeant -at-arms will proclaim." Thereupon the Sergeant • at-Arms shouted out: "Hear ye! hear ye! hear ye! All per sons are commanded to keep silence ou pain of imprisonment, while the House of Representatives is exhibiting to the Senate of the United States articles of impeach ment against Andrew Johnson, President of the United States." Mr. Bingham then rose and began the reading of the articles. During the reading perfect silence reigned throughout the chamber, and all the Senators gave the closest attention to the various articles dis played on the part of the House. At the conclusion of the reading, which occupied thirty minutes, Mr. Wade said : " The Senate will take due order and cog nizance of the articles of impeachment, of which due notice will be given by the Senate to the House of Representatives." The members of the House then withdrew in irregular order, the spectators took a long breath hurried out of the Chamber and the business of the Senate went on in its usual manner. Protest of the Chlef Justice to the Senate The following is the communication of Chief Justice Chase to the Senate, relative to impeachment: To the Senate of the United States—lnas much as the sole power to try impeach ments is vested by the Constitution in the Senate, and it is made the duty of the Chief Justice to preside when the President is on trial, I take the liberty of submitting, very respectfully, some observations in respect to the proper mode of proceedings upon the impeachment which; has been preferred against the President now in office. That when the Senate sits for the trial of an im peachment its acts as a court is unques tionable; that for the trial of an impeach ment of the President, this court must be constituted of the members of the [Senate, with the Chief Justice to preside, seems also unquestionable. The Federalist, regarded as the highest contemporary authority on the construc tion of thti Constitution, and in the sixty fourth number on the function of the Senate, •'sitting in their judicial capacity as a court for the trial of impeachment," are examined. In the paragraph explain ing the reasons for not uniting the Su preme Court with the Senate in the forma tion of the Court of Impeachment, it is observed that, to a certain extent, the benefits of that union will be obtained from making the Chief Justice of the Su preme Court the President of the Court of Impeachment, as is proper in the plan of convention, while the inconveniences of an entire incorporation of the former into the latter will be substantially a3.-olded. This was perhaps prudent. This authority seems to leave no doubt upon either of the propositions just stated, and the state ment of these will serve to introduce the question upon which to state the result of my tefiections to the Senate—namely, at what period in the case of an impeachment of the President should the courts of im peachment be organized under oath as di rected by the Constitution. It will readily suggest itself to any one who reflects upon the abilities and learn ing in law which distinguish so many Se nators that, besides the reason assigned in the Federalist, there must be still another for the provisions requiring the Chief Jus tice to preside in the Court of Impeach ment. Under the Constitution, in the case of a vacancy in the office of President, the Vice President succeeds; and it was doubt les thought prudent and befitting that the next successor should not preside in the proceeding through which the vacancy might be created. It isnot doubted that the Senate, while sitting in its ordinary capacity, must ne cessarily receive from the House of Repre sentatives some notice of its intention to impeach the President at its bar; lint it does not seem to me an unwarranted opinion, in view of the Constitutional provision, that the organization of the Senate as a Court of Impeachment, under the Constitution, should not precede an actual announce ment of the impeachment on the part of the House, and it may, perhaps, be thought a not less unwarranted opinion that the articles should only be presented to the Court of Impeachment, that no summons or other process should.issue except from the organized court, and that the rules for the government of the proceedings of such court should be framed only by the court Itself. I have found myself unable to come to any other conclusions than these. I can as sign no reason for requiring the Senate to. organize as a court under any other than its ordinary presiding officer, for the latter proceedings upon an impeachment of the President, which does not seem to me to ap ply equally to the earlier. I am informed that the Senate has proceeded upon other views, and it is not my purpose to contest what its superior wisdom may have directed. All good citizens will fervently pray, that no occasion may ever arise when the grave proceedings now in progress will be cited es a precedent; but it is not impossible that such an occasion may come. - " Inasmuch, therefore, as the Constitution has charged the Chief Justice with an im portant function on l ihe trial of an impeach: . ment of the President, it has seemed to me fitting and obligatory, where he is unable to concur in the views of the Senate concern ing matters essential to the trial, that his respectful dissent should appear. S. P. CHASE, Chief Justice of the United States. Orguntration of the High Court of Im peaclunent. WASHINGTON, March 5. The Senate was opened, as usual, with prayer by the Chaplain, Reverend Doctor Gray, who beseeched, that the Senate might be prepared for the discharge of the duties and high trusts committed to their caste; that God would preside over all their delib erations; that all partizan zeal, all selfish motives, all sectional prejudices should bow to the supremacy of the law and the supreme rule of right; that the decision to be reached by this Court should be such as will be approved and ratified in the high court of Heaven, and to which all the peo ple would say Amen. The morning hour was taken up with rather unimportant business, until the question came up for excluding the public from the galleries during the impeachment trial, and admitting only a limited number by tickets. Mr. Anthony while speakingon this ques tion, was out short by the expiration of the morning hour, and the appearance of the Chief Justice and attendants at the door. The President pro tem said: The morn ing hour having expired, nil legislative and executive business of the Senate is ordered to tease,' for the purpose of proceeding to business connected with the ; impeachment ofthe President of the United States. The chsdr is vacated for that purpose. The Chief Justice then advanced up the aisle, 'clad •in his official robe, =dated by Mr. Pomeroy, Chairman of the committee appointed for thatprupcitemith Judge Nel son, of the Supreme Court,' on his right— Messrs. Buckalew and Wilson, the other members of the committee, bringing up the rear—with members of the House, who stood behind the bar of the Senate. The Chief Justice, having ascended to the President's chair, said in a measured and impressive voice: " Senators, in obedience to notice, I hav e appeared to join with you in forming a Court of Impeachment for the trial of the President of the United States, and I am now ready to take the oath." The following oath was then administer ed to the Chief Justice by Judge Nelson : " I do solemnly swear that in all things appertaining to the trial of the impeachment of Andrew Johnson President of the Uni ted States, I will do impartial Justice, ac cording to the Constitution and laws, so help me God." The Chief Justice then said—Senators, the oath will now be administered to the Sena tors as they will be called by the Secretary in succession: The Secretary called the roll, each Sena tor advancing in turn and taking the oath prescribed in the rules as given above. The only Senators absent were Doolittle of Wis consin, Patterson of New Hampshire, Sauls bury of Delaware, and Edmunds of Ver mont. OBJECTION TO WADE'S BEING SWORN AS ONE OP THE JUDGES When the name of senator Wade was called, Mr. Hendricks'rose and put the question to be presiding officer, whether the Senator from Ohio, being the person who would succeed to the Presidential office, was en titled to sit as a judge in the case. Mr. Sherman argued that the Constitu tion itself settled that question. It provided that the presiding officer should not preside on the trial of the President, but being silent as to his right to be a member of the Court, it followed by implication that he had the right' to be a member of the Court as each State was entitled to be represented by two Senators. The Senate had already seen a Senator who was related to the President by mar riage take oath, and he could see no differ ence between interest on the ground of of and the interest which the Senator from Ohio might bo supposed to have. Be sides the Senator from Ohio was only the presiding officer of the Senate pro temporc, and might or miglAt not continue as such to the close to these proceedings. He, there fore, hoped that the oath would be admin istered to the Senator from Ohio. Mr. Johnson, of Maryland, assimilated this ease to nn ordinary judicial proceed ing, and reminded the Senate that uojudge would be allowed to sit in a case where he bolds n direct interest. Was it right, he said, to subject a Se.pator to such a great temptation, the whole Executive power of the nation, with twenty-rive thousand dol lars a year. He submitted, therefore, that it was due to the cause of impartial justice that such a precedent should not be estab lished as would bring the Senate in disre pute. Why was it that the Chief Justice now presided? It was because the fathers of the Republic thought that he who was to be entitled to benefits should not be per mitted over to preside whore he could only vote in case of a tie vote. He did not know that the question could be decided at once; it was a grave and importantquestion, and would be so considered by the country; and he submitted whether it was not proper to postpone its decision till to-morrow, in order particularly that the precedents of the English House of Lords might be exam ined. He moved, therefore, that the ques tion be postponed till tomorrow. Mr. Davis, of Kentucky, argued that the question was to bo decided on principle, and that principle,was to bo found in the Constitution. It was thought the man who was to succeed the President In case or re moval from office should net take part in the trial of the President. If the caseof Mr. Wade did not come within the letter of the Constitution it did come clearly within its principle and meaning. Mr. Morrill, of Maine, argued that there was no party before the court to make the objection, and that it did not lie in the mouth of one Senator to raise an objection against a fellow-Senator. When the party appeared here then objection could be made and argued; but not here and now. It seemed to him that there was nooption and no discretion butto administer the oath to all Senators. Mr. Hendricks, of Indiana, argued that it was inherent in a court to judge of its own qualification, and it was not for a Sen ator to present the question. It was for the Court itself to determine whether a member claiming a seat in the Court was entitled to it; therefore the question was not immaturely made. The suggestion of Senator Howard that Senator Wade might not continue to be President of the Senate was no answer to the objection. When be should case to be the presiding officer of the Senate he could bo sworn in, but now at this time, he was incompetent. In the case of Senator Stockton, of New Jersey, the question had been decided. There it was held that the Senator, being interested in the result of the vote, had no right to vote. One of the standard:rules of the Senate itself was that no Senator should vote wherehe had an interest In the result of the vote, but in his judgment the consti tutional ground was even higher than the question of interest. The Vice President was not allowed by the Constitution to keep order in the Senate during an impeach ment trial. He hoped he need not disclaim any personal feeling in the matter. He made the point now because he thought the Con stitution itself had settled it that no man should help to deprive the President of his office when that man himself was to fill the office. Ho hoped that, in view of the im portance of the question, the motion made by the Senator from Maryland would pre vail. The discussion was continued, and with out reaching a conclusion, the Senate ad journed. Second Pays's Proceedings of the High Court of Impeachment. WASHINGTON, MarcliG At 1 o'clock to-day the Senate suspended its ordinary business and Chief Justice Chase took the chair as the presiding officer of the " Court of Impeachment." The journal of the proceedings of yesterday having been read, Mr. Dixon, who had the floor upon the adjournment yesterday, rose to speak to the question of permitting Mr. Wade to be sworn as a trier in the im peachment against the President. The Jacobins, by preconcert, bad arranged that Howard should make a point of order upon further debate, under the twenty third rule adopted by the Senate, and insist that the question should be decided by the Chief Justice without discussion, which he (How ard) did. The Chief Justice required the point of -Order to be reduced to writing, and after that had been done, and the same read by the Secretary, he (the Chief Jus tice) decided that the rules adopted by the Senate for the government of the " High Court of Impeachment" were not then in force, inasmuch as the court had not been organized, Debate was, therefore, allowa ble. From this aecision Messrs. Drake and Howard appealed, and the Chief Jus tice submitted the question to the Senate.— His decision was sustained, on a call of the yeas and nays, by 24 to 20. At this poiht the impeachers became almost furious. Mr. Dixon attempted to proceed with his re marks, but was again called to order by Conuess, Stewart, and others. The Chief Justice decided that he might speak on the question—confining himself to the point of order raised by Howard. This increased the wrath of the Jacobins, and while Sum ner, Drake, and Howard were consulting with regard to the situation, Mr. Hendricks obtained the floor, and after speaking a few minutes in opposition to Wade's right to be sworn, but preferring to have the ques tion decided hereafter, withdrew his ob jection to allowing Wade to take the oath, and accordingly that gentleman presented himself at the President's desk and was sworn. The oath was then ad- ministered to the remaining Senators pres ent. and the Chief Justice formally an nounced the organization of the " High Court of IMpeachment." On motion of Howard, the House was notified thereof, I and soon after Messrs. Bingham, Boutwell, Butler, Williams, Wilson, and Logan, managers on the part of that body, ap peared at the bar of the Senate andwere escorted to seats immediately in front of the Secretary's desk. Mr. Bingham, on behalf of the managers, demanded that the President be milled to answer the impeach ment preferred against him, and then, on motion of Howard, a summons, returnable on Friday next, the 13th instant, was or dered to be issued to the President of the United States, to appear at the bar of the Senate, or High Court of Impeach men, at one o'clock on that day. The Court then, at two o'clock and fifty minutes, ad journed until the 13th Inst., the Senate re suming its ordinary legislative character. During the proceedings to-day about two dozen House Jacobins were present. The galleries were even more densely crowded than on yesterday. The predominant sen timent therein may be inferred from the fact that when the decision of the Chief Justice, as stated above, was sus tabled by the Senate, a pretty loud round of applause was given in the gentle men's-gallery. It was, however, soon checked by.the officers in attendance; The impeachers are evidently dissatisfied with the course of Chief Justice Chase, thus far. His announcement, to-day, that he did not consider the rules. adopted by the Senate proper for the government of the Court of Impeachment was very unpalatable to them. They, however, readopted them as a "Court," thus removing - the objection. The question will arise hereafter, as to whether or not the Chief Justice' shall de cide points of law, and evidence that may come up during the trial. Under the rules already adopted, such decisions are reserved to the majority of the members of the Court, but propositions may, and probably will, be made to amend those rules, so as to give the presiding officer the same right to rule on the law and evidence as is now al lowed' the presiding officers of the two houses, in regard to motions, questions of. order, dm., dm. It is thought that the Pres ident's counsel when they appear on his behalf, on Friday next, will ask for at least two weeks to prepare the defense. This, if granted, will postpone the trial until the 20th of the present month. The Supreme Court will adjourn about the Ist of .April, and then the Chief Justice will be relieved from attendance on that tribunaL • The probability, therefore, is, that he willnot be disposed to enter upon the trial of the pend ing impeachment until the close of the pres ent term of the Court. Tho Impeachment Summons WABICINGTON, March 8. Al. 9 o'clock last evening the Sergeant at-Arms of the Senate called at the White House to serve upon the President the following writ of summons in the impeach ment: The United dates of America, es. : The Senate of tho United States, sitting as a High Court of Impeachtnent, to An drew Johnson, greeting: Whereas the House of Representatives of the United States of America did, on the 4th day of March, exhibit to the Senate articles of impeachment against you, the said Andrew Johnson, in the words fol lowing: [Here the articles were Inserted.] And demand that you, the said Andrew Johnson, should be put to answer the no • cnsations as set forth in said articles, and that such proceedings, examinations, trials and Judgments might be thereupon had ns are agreeable to law and Justice. You, the said Andrew Johnson, aro there fore hereby summoned to bo and appear before the Senate of the United States of America, sitting as a High Cotirt of Im peachment, at their chamber in the city of Washington, on the 13th day of March, then and there to answer the said articles of impeachment, and then and there abide by, obey, and perform such orders, direc tions, and judgments as the Senate of the United States, sitting as aforesaid, shall make in the promises according to the Con stitution and laws of the United States. Hereof you are not to fail. Witness Salmon P. Chase, and presiding office of said Senate sitting as such High Court of Impeachment, at the city of Wash ington, this 6th day of March, in the year of our Lord, 1868, and of the independence of the United States tho ninety-second. Form of precept to be endorsed on said writ of summons: The United States of America, ss. : The proceedings were very brief. Upon the announcement. of the ushers that the officer of the Senate desired to sea Mr. Johnson, the latter directed Mr. Brown, the Sergeant-at-Arms, to bo admitted.— After the usual civil salutation, Mr. Brown said—" Mr. President, I have here a pack age which I am ordered by the Semite of the United States to deliver to you," at the same time handing a sealed envel ope or package containing writ, ge.— Mr. Johnson replied—" Very well, sir, it shall have my attention." Mr. Brown— " Good evening, Mr. President." Mr. John son—" Good evening, Mr. Brown," and Mr. Brown withdrew. Shortly afterwards the President opened the package, and found therein the writ, Including a copy of the ar ticles of impeachment Sc., substantially us anticipated in this despatch in Saturday's paper. Then and Now The N. Y. Irortd, in an able article on impeachment, thus shows up the Incon sistency of the Radicals In Congress: The substance of the controversy is, whether the President hits a right to choose his Cabinet. Mr. Johnson, in holding that he has, is not innovating upon the estab lished practice, nor acting upon a now in terpretation of the Constitution. All minds not carried away by passion will decide that It is monstrous to proceed to such ex tremities against Mr. Johnson for en act In which he imitates a long lino of Ilustrious predecessors. A great proportion of the very Senators who are to condemn him are on record as personally committed to the right, nay, to the duty, of a President, ac cording to the theory of our Government, to make his Cabinet a unit by displacing members who do not agree with him. In 1864, when the Republicans wanted Mr. Blair put out of the Cabinet, the following paper was presented to Pt esident Lincoln: The theory of our Government, the early and uniform practical construction thereof, is that the President should be aided by a Cttbinet council agreeing with hiss in political principle and general policy, and that all important melts • uses and appointments should be the result el their combined wisdom and deliberation. The most obvious and necessary condition or things, without which no administration can sec• teed we and the public believe does nut exist, and therefore such selections and chenges Its its members should be made as will secure to the country unity of purpose and action In all material and essential respects, snore especial ly in the present crisis of public affairs. The Cabinet should be exclusively composed of statesmen who are Me cordial, resolute, us waver ing supporters of the principles and purposes above mentioned. This paper was signed by tho following Republican Senators, among whom will be found a large number who are certain to vote for conviction. They are about to punish in Mr. Johnson us a crime what they urged upon Mr. Lincoln as a duly. These are the names of the signers : Charles Sumner, } Massachusetts Henry Wilson, • • Bcnj. F. Wade,' oh , John Sherman, '°' Preston King, Ira Harris, New York, David Wilmot, t pefins Edgar Cowan, ) y va o le. L. N. M. Morrill, 1 Malt,,'. W. P. Fessenden, j Jamus Dixon, Connecticut L. S. Foster, , Solomon Foot, V } ermont, JacobCollamer, David R. Clara, I Now Hampshire. John P. Hale, 11. B. Anthony, Rhode Island. Zacharlah Chandler. 0. H. Browning, Illinois. Lyman Trumbull, James Harlan, lowa. James W. Grimes , S. C. Pomeroy, Kansas. J. R. T. 0. Howe, Doolittle, Wiscomthi. A great part of these signers will unite in passing sentence on Mr. Johnson, and will thus demonstrate to the world that Leis the victim of malicious persecution by reckless and desperate partisan enemies. These un scrupulous partisans hold ono doctrine when they wish to gota member of the Cabinet out, and they fae right about and hold the exactly opposite doctrine when they desire to keep a Cabinet officer in. The rights of the Presidential office have not changed since 1864, unless the Constitution is a loaf of bread or a shoulder of mutton Just El L S the changing whimsies or party ne cessities of the Republicans may for the moment require. Public Debt Statement The monthly debt statement has just been promulgated : Debt Bearing COin Intere.a. Febru,y. ifarea. Five per cent. Ro $207.730,W0 00 $82,781100 on Si per cent. Bonds of 1847 sod 1060. St.x per cent. Bonds of last. filx per cent. Five- Twenty Bonds. 1,2418,489,8.50 00 4107,231.0 W 00 Navy Pension Fund. 13,0:91,(09 90 13000,000 in 1:162==!Eilli21!1!1 Total. 41,612.363,011 he 11,626,1(41,9W su Debt Bearing Currency interest, February. Marc!.. dlx per cent. Bonds, 01,470,01") 00 122,470,0uu ou Three-year compound Interest,Notes. 46,244,740 10 46,214,7 W W Three-year Seven-Thlr- Th re tye per . Notes. 214,753.8 W Oe 202,W1,10) W cent. Cent Llcates. 1'1,040,C00 00 25,1:74,000 OU Total. $305,706,033 m 17,251.1 oat a/ Matured Debt not Prevented for Payment. Tb ree-year Seven-Tblr. ty not. duo Augttet 15, mg. 11,742,050 On 11,510.54.1 Compound Inter ea t note,, matured June 10, July 15. August 15, October IS, and De cember 16, 1007. 6.900.:190 GO 0,103,000 Donds,Taxes,ludemul ty. . . 2.5G,PY) m ?LO,OOO 00 Tremor; Notes, Acts July I, 1861,aud prior thereto. Bondi, April 15, 1842. Treasury sot., 'March .4 M. Temporary ans. Certificates o M f Indebt edness. 102,311 Cl 159 Gel Cl 0,000 Cu 6,0(X) 00 716,192 00 016,192 00 2,474,825 3,1 1,P00,110 UI To WI. 'l2, 2 21 ,lal lU 810.00,153 C 4 U. 8.370f<8. Fr.CLloual Curreuc ter41:..C,'747 o°l4 certificate, of d " uunif 29,610,W 00 '-'5,099,361 018,124,845 51 01065,054 51 Tol.l debt. V,6L5,114,01 ru .2,648,37;,079 91 A3IOI IN 11C rltwbu4Y. r.C1,491.1112 70 000,623 374 75 25,578,160 61 21.764,0 V. a; Total L 24140,313 31 e 128,37,457 11 Amount or debt lens cash In Treasury. $::::127,31.5,373 19 $ . 1.519,i129,d21.1 The foregoing la a correct statement of the noble. debt as appears from the books and Treasurer's re. turns In the Department on the let of March, thIS. 11U011 McCULLOCH. Secretary of the Treasury. Gen. Howard and MM bureau The (=respondent of the Baltimore Sun makes the following statement in regard to the relations of Gen. Howard to the negro question: Many of the Radical Republicans herb are disturbed on account of Gen. Howard and his "advanced Ideas" relative to the colored people, ,tc. It will be remembered that some time ago a difficulty accurred in the congregation of the Now Congre gational church in this city, relating to the admission of colored members, during which controversy a portion of the con gregation, led by General Howard, ad vocated actual social equality and even amalgamation, and the other wing, led by Rev. Mr. Boynton, the pastor, opposed it In view of General Howard's outspoken using the bureau for political ends. Thu manner in which the Freedmen's Bureau is conducted in the Border States is not very well understood by any except those who are in the ring that is operat ing it for the most Radical political purposes. In view of all these circum stances the effort to continue the bureals, does not meet with much favor among Coal servative Republicans, especially as Gen. Howard's position is being made known and commended by a certain class of papers in the special interest of the colored people. The parties interested In the continuance of the bureau have deemed it necessary, under this state of affairs, to deny that General Howard ever endorsed amalgamation, but investigation has shown that the report is true, oven to the declaration that he him self would marry a black woman if he were single and the affection was mutual. Con servative Republicons aro thoroughly dis gusted, and the Radicals are making every endeavor to cover the matter up. Internal Revenue Receipts. The total internal revenue receipts since the beginning of We present year are report ed as making the magnificent sum of 1134,- 8313,013, and the reserve of gold in the Treas ury is - one hundred millions. One would • think 'hat with such resources under a peace blishment there ought to be an in:mense 'inn:plus at the ,end of the year after meeting all bur current' , obligations. and a relieving reduction of the national debt upon this surplus fund through ; some • judicious measures of legislation, or a re. lieving reduction of these internal revenue taxes. From presant appearances, hOwever, • no relief either way need be expeeted frets this Oongress.—New York Herald. 13111EIM
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