plogbutono. THE PROPOSED nazion - atsr a: PRESIDENT JOHNSON. i Action of the Home Judiciary Committee ' THREE ittEroeTa PRESENTED. Ito Majority of t he Committee Recent. , mend the House to Prefer Articles of Impeachment to the Sedate. . The report or the House Committee on the Judiciary, on the subjectof the impeachi went of the President, was, in accordanc with previous notice, made to that bod yesterday. The majority report, signed Messrs. toutwell, Thomas, Williams, Law twice and Churchill, concluding with a re t solution that the President be impeached: Messrs. Wilson and Woodbridge presented a minority report, recommending that tht whole subject be laid on the table, an Messrs. Eldridge and Marshall presented another reportcoinciding substant lel ly with the views expressed by Messrs. Wilson and Woodbridge. The reports are all extremely voluminous, and contain much irrelevant matter. We give below complete abstracts of majority and minority reports: MAJORITY REPORT WASHINGTON, Nov. 25. The Committee on the Judiciary, to whom was referred the resolution of the 7th of March last, authorizing them to inquire into the official conduct of Andrew Johnson, Vice President of the United States, dis charging the present duties of the office of President of the United States, and to report to this House whether in their opinion the said Andrew Johnson, while in said Office, has been guilty of acts which were designed or calculated to overthrow or corrupt the Government of the United States, or any department or office thereof, and whether the said Andrew Johnson has been guilty of any act, or has conspired with others to do acts which in the contemplation of the Constitution are high crimes and misde meanors, requiring the interfering of the constitutional power of this House— Respeetrully report: That lit the perform ance of the important task assigned tothein, they have spared no pains to make their investigation us complete us possible, not only by the examination of the public archives, but in lOilow lug every Indication that seemed to promise any additional light upon the real subject of inquiry, and they subinit herewith the result of that portion of their labors in the voluminous exhibit that accompanies thin report. The charges made, and to which the in vestigation of the committee have been es perlal ly dlrocuid, are usurpation or power and violation of law ; In the corrupt abuse appointing, portioning and veto [towers; in the corrupt inierferencen In elections, and generally in the commission of high oritnes and 1111K101111SGIOrS under the Con stitution ; and 'upon this recital It was charged with the more general duty of Inquiring into the official conduct of the President or the United States, and of re porting whether he had been guilty of uny acts which are designed or calculated to overthrow, subvert or corrupt the Govern ment of the United States, or which, In con templat ion of the Constitution, would con stitute a high crime or misdemeanor re quiring the interposition of the constitu tional power of the House. The report here says that the salient point Is usurpation of power, especially lit reference to the recoil struntlon of the it, , 1.1 status, and that -around tine all the "special acts of malad ministration will be found to gravitate and revolve," "It Inn fact of hintory, that tho obstinate and protracted ntruggle between the Exec utive and Leglnlative departmentn, miming out or um claim orb orethan kingly power, on the 0110 hand, and us strongly 17111in titlimi by the operation of t h e first rights of movereignty lodged with It by the peoploon the other, which han convoked this nation for the last two yearn, and prenonted a spec tack that has no example hero, and none In England mince the onto! . the Stuarts, began with the advent of the prement Chief Magis trale." At the (dust) of the war, says the report, the extraordinary mission of the Executive was fulfilled, and merely to hold the con quered territory until the Representatives of the nation should declare its will In rela tion to the rebels was all that remained for him to do. The civil governments in the rebel territory had boon swept away, while it people remained subdued but stifl . hostile, with a loyal element asking protection. "'rho duties and responsibilities of the teen who founded the Union of these States, and of those who assembled here in 1861 to con suit upon and provide the MMUS for sup pressing this great rebellion, were us noth. Mg In the comparison, and demanded certainly rot higher sagacity and no broader what( an than the task of bringing book the dismembered Staten tun' refusing those jarring and discordant elements into one harmonious whole. For this great work the supreme Executive of the tuition, even though he Mal been endowed by nature with the very highest of organizing faculties was obviously untitled by the very nature of his office." It Mr. Lincoln had survived, It is not to be doubted, from his habitual deference to the popular will, that although u citizen of a loyal State, and enjoying the public con. ffilence In the highest possible degree, he would have felt It to be his duty to convoke the Representatives of the people, to lay down his sword in their presence, and to refer,it to their enlightened Judgment and patriotic judgment to decide what was to be done with the territories and people that had been brought under the authority of the tffivernment by our mine. The bloody hand or treason, utaortunatulv, hurried him away in the very hour of nation's tri umph, ItuL if Mere wore reasons which could h lye 11111110 1/11.4 duty um Imperative one with Mtn, how powerfully were they robin treed by the double effect of the trage dy that not only deprived the nation of its trusted head,. but c ist the reigns or govern ment upon 11 101130014M01% Thu new President wee himself in the doubtful and delicate position or in ultlzuu of one or the revolting Mates, which were to be summoned for Jlllll{lllolll before the bar of the Amerlc inn people. It was perhaps but natural that ho should sympathize with the communi ties Irmo which he had mainly dlthired only on prudential reasons, or In tiler words, as to the wisdom of the revolt at Hunt particular juncture of allairs. If other arguments had not sufficed to convince him of the necessity ()I' referring MI these great questions to the only tribu nal on earth that had the power to decide them, It might to have been sufficient that 1111 owes alike his honors and his accidental powers to the genera's eonaleate of the loyal States. Ile expected, of course, that they would Midst, as tinny had a right to do, upon such eontlitionst as WOlllll nuuuru to 11111111, 11' not Indemnity for the past, at least the completest security in the future. !alumni, therefore of MU VOICIng the Con gress or the United States to deliberate upon the condition of the country, he seems to have made up hie mind to undertake that mighty task himself, to torestall the Jahr intent and Ille WIMIIeS Of (110 loyal people, and to neutralize the power to undo his work, by bringing in the rebel States them selves to participate In the deliberations upon any and all questions which [night be left fur settlement. To effect this object, he issues his Imperial proclamations, beginning with that of the 211 tit iii' May, in virtue, as lie says, of his double authority as President of the United States and Commander in Chief of the armies—declaring the governments of these States to have perished; creating, under tire denomination of provisional governors, civil offices unknown to the law; appoint ing to Ilnise ollittes men who were notoii misty disqualified, by reason of their par ticipating in the rebellion, from holding any office under title government, and yet allowed to hold the same and exercise the duties thereof, at salaries fixed by himself, and pail out of the contingent fund of one of the departments, in clear violation of the acts of July 2d, 1862, and February 9th, 1803. Declaring, moreover, that the gov vernmentof these States had been destroyed, he assumes IL to be his individual right, as being himself the State—rather the United States, to execute the guarantee of the Con stitution, by providing them with new ones, and accordingly directed his pretended gov ernors to call conventions of such of the people as It was his pleasure to indicate, to make constitutions for them on such terms acid with. such provisions as were agreeable to himself. Unprovided, however, of cour s e in the absence of Congress, with the necessary resources to meet the ex penses of these regulations, he not only directs the paymentora portiqn of them and of the contingent fund of the War Depart ment, but with a boldness unequalled even by Charles the First, when he, too, under took to reign without a Parliament, pro vides for a deficit by authorizing the seizure of property and the appropriation of money belonging to the Government, and directing his endeavors to levy taxes for the saute purpose front the subject people. [The further reading of the report was dispensed with, excepting the conclusion, which is as follows]: In accordance with the testimony here with submitted, and the view of tae law herein present, the Committee are of opinion that Andrew Johnson, President of the United States, is guilty of high crimes and misdemeanors requiring the' interposition of the constitutional powers of this House In that, upon the final surrender . of the rebel armies and the overthrow of the rebel government, the said Andrew Johnson, President of the United States, neglected to convene the Congress of the United States, that try Its act and authority legal and con stitutional measures might have been adopted fur the organization of legal and constitutional governments in the States then recently In rebellion. In that, In his preelarnation to the people of North Carolina on the 211th of May, 1865, assumed that he lAN! authority to decide whether the government of North Carolina and whether tiny other government that ,night be aid up therein was republican iu form and that In his olliee as President, It was his duty and within Ids power to guar antee to said people u republican form of govermeent eontrary to tie, Constitution, ' I /web provides that the Pfiliud Hisses shal l guarantee to every hint* In this Union a republican Corm nr surernmeni, and con trary oleo to e delitatrate eptnion of th e hupreme Overt, whkh declared that Con- 'greas e is v,ettted exclusively with the power w to decide hether,thAgoverninent ofa State is republican or not. , did thereafter reorganize and treat a plan or government set up in _Mirth • erolina ,under . and in conformity to hie Own:advice and discretion as republican in form, and entirely restored tails functions .is a State, • nothwithstandineCongress is the brunth of the Giwernment in which,.by "the. Constitution, such power is exclusively vested, and notwithstanding Congress did refuse to , recognize such government as a legitimate government or as a government republican in form. In that way, by public proclamatlontand otherwise, he did, in the year 1885, write, solicit and convene in certain other States then secretly in rebellion, conventions of persons, many: of whom were known trai tors, who had been organized in an attempt to overthrow the clo vernmen tof the United States, and urged and directed such. ebb ventlons to frame Constitutions for such States, - • In that be thereupon assumed to accept, ratify and confirm certain so•called Con stitutions framed by such Illegal and trea sonable assemblies of persons, which Con stitutions were never submitted to the people of the respective States, nor ratified and confirmed by the United States, thus usurping and exercising powers vested by the Constitution in the Congress of the United States exclusively. In that he pardoned large numbers of public and riotous traitors with the design of receiving from them aid in such conven tions called by his advice and direction for the purpose of organizing and setting up such illegal governments in the States then recently in rebellion, prior to the annual meeting of Congress, with the intent thus to constrain Congress to accept, ratify and confirm such illegal and unconstitutional proceedings. In that he did within and for the States recently in rebellion create and establish, as a civil officer, the office of Provisional Governor so called, an office unknown to the Constitution or laws of the laud. In that he appointed to such office, so created in said States respectively, mon who were public and notorious traitors, he well knowing that they had been engaged in open, persistent and formidable efforts for the overthrow of the Government of the United States ; and well knowing, also, that these men could not enter upon the duties of said olilce without committing the crime of perjury or in violation of the laws of the country. In that he directed the Secretary of State to promise payment of money to said per sons so Illegally appointed UN salary or compensation for services to be performed In said office so illegally created, contrary to the provisions of the law of the United States, approved February 0, 1803, entitled au act making appropriation for the sup port of the tirmy of the United States, for the year ending the 20th of June, 1804, and 14ir a deficiency 01 the signal service for the year ending Juno 30th, 18(13. In that ho directed the Secretary of War to pay moneys to said persons for service performed in said office No illeg illy created, which moneys wore so paid under his direc tion, without authority of law, contrary to law, and in violation of the Constitution of the United States. In that tie deliberately dispensed with, and suspended the operation of a provision of a law of the United States, passed on the 2d day oi'Jaty , 1862, entitled ah act to pre scribe an oath at office, and for other pur poses. In that he appointed to ollittes created by the laws of the United States, persons who, as was well known to him had been engaged In the rebellion, who were guilty of the crime of treason, and who could not, without committing the crime of perjury, or otherwise violating criminally the said act of July 2d, 1862, enter upon the duties thereof, In that, without authority of law, and contrary to law, he used and applied property taken front the enemy in tune of war, 'for the payment of the ex penises and the support of the said IlitfLal and uncte int itutional governments so net up In the said States recently In rebellion, and thr a like purpose, and In violation of the Constitution and of his oath of office, he authorized and permitted a levy of taxes upon the people of said States, thus usurp ing anti exercising a power which, by the Constitution, is vested exclusively in the Congress of the United States. All of which acts was a unurpation of power contrary to the laws and Constitution of the United States, and in violation of his oath us Presi dent of the United States. In that the said Andrew Johnson, Presi dent of the United States, has, in messages to Congress and otherwise, publicly denied substantially the right of Congress to pro. vide for the pacification, government and restoration of said States it , he Union; and, in like manner, lie has asserted his exclusive right to provide governments therelbr, and to accept and proclaim the restoration of said States to the Union. All of which Is in derogation of the right ful nuthotlty of Congress, and calculated to subvert ' tne Government of the United States. In that, in accordance with said decla ration, he huts vetoed various bills passed by Congress for the pacification end gov ernment of the States lately in rebellion, and their speedy restoration to the Union; and upon the ground and for the reason that the said States had beet, restored to their pieces in the Union by his aforesaid Illegal and unconstitutionel proceedings; thus Interposing and using a constitutional Mower of the Mace he held, so as to prevent the restoration of the Union upon u COUSLl autionul busk In that he ham exorcised the power of removals from anti appointment to 1111100 for the purpose or maintaining etteettutily hln albresnel usurpation, and for Mu purpose of securing the recognition by Congress of the State governments no Illegally and uncen stibitionally set up In the S(11104 recently in rebellion. Such removals and moms having boon iittended and followed withgreat injury to the public service and with enormous 1000011 to the VU lOU 1.1 I'ol/110. In that, In the exorcise of the pardoning power, he issued an order for. Ow remtorit don of 193 ,nun belonging to West Virginia, who, upon the records or the War Depart ment, wore marked es deserters from the army In time of war, and this upon the representation of private and interested persons, and without previous Investigation by an officer of the War Deptirtment, and for the solo purpose of enabling such per -001114 tO vote In an election then preceding In meld Slate, anti with the expectation theL they would NO 0)110 1111 10 Mll 1111011 111111 ill 1210 011111 unconstitutional proceedings, he then well is now ing that the nien no restored, end by virtue 01'0111(11 restoration, would be un titled to a large mom or money from the 'l'reasury of the United Status. In that, by him message to the House of Representatives, on the 2211 of June, 1510, and by other pu bl le and iprl vale means, lie has attempted In proven Vtlw rid Mention of an amendment to the Constitution of the United States, proposed to the several States by the two Houses of Congress, agreeably to the Constitution of the United States, al though such proposed amendments pro vided among other things the validity of the public debt of the United States, and rendered the payment of any claim for slaves emancipated, or of any debt incurred in aid of the rebellion or insurrection against the United States impossible, either by the Governinent of the United States, by any of the States recently lu rebellion, he well knowing that the provisions inserted under and by Me direction in the said illegal con stitutions thr said States were Wholly inade quate to protect the loyal p opie thereof or the people of the loyal States against the peyment of claims on account of slaves ennincipated and of debts I neurrod by such States in all of rebellion, thus rendering It practicable and easy for those in authority In the aforesaid Illegal and unconstitutional governments set up to tax and oppress the loyal people of such States for the benefit of those who have been engaged in the attempt to overthrow the Government of the United States. In that lie lies made official and other public declarations and statements calcula ted and designed to impair the credit of the United States; to encourage persons recent • ly engaged in rebellion against its authori ty ; to distrust and resist the organization of the rebel States, so called, upon a Repub lican basis, and calculated and designed also to deprive the Congress of the United States of the twuridence of the people, as well in its patriotiem as in its constitutional right to exist, and to act as the department of the Government, which, under the Con stitution, possesses exclusive legislative power; and all of this with the intent of rendering Congress incapable of resisting either his rend usurpations of power ; or of providing and enforcing measures necessa ry for the pacilleation and restoration of the Union, and that 10 all this he has exercised the veto power, the Dower of removal and appointment, the pardoning power and other constitutional powers of his office, for the purpose of delaying, hindering,obstruct ing and preventing the restoration of the Union by constitutional means, and for the purpose of alienating from the Government and laws of the United. States those persons who had been engaged in the rebellion, and who, without aid, comfort and encourage meat thus by him given to them, would have resumed In good faith their allegiance to the Constitution, and all with the expec tation of conciliating them to himself per sonally, that he might thereby finally pro vent the restoration of the Union upon the basis of the laws passed by Congress. And further, that the said Andrew John son, President of the United States, trans ferred and surrendered, and authorized and directed, the transfer and surrender of rail way property of the value of many millions of dollars to persons who had been engaged in the rebellion, as to corporations, owned wholly, or In part, by such persons, he well knowing that In some instances, the rail ways had been constructed by the United States, and that In others that such rail ways or railway property bad been cap tured from the enemy in war, and after wards repaired atgreat cost by the United States, such transfers and surrenders being made without authority of law, and in vio lation of law. In that he directed and authorized the sale of large quantities of railway rolling stock and other railway property of the value of many millions of dollars, the property of the 'United States by purchase and construction, to corporations and par ties then known to Mtn to be unable to pay their debts then matured and due, and this without exacting from said corporations and parties any securities whatever. In that he directed end ordered subordi nate officers of the Government to postpone and delay the oollectioo of moneys dueatid payable to the United States on, account of such sales in apparent conformity to an order previously made by him; that the in terest upon certain bonds Issued Or guaran teed by the State`ot Tennessee in aid °Peer. lain railways then due and unpaid for a period of four years and more should be first paid outof the earnings of the roads in whose behalf said bonds were so issued or guaran teed in that, in conformity to Such order and direction, the collection of moneys payable and then due to the United States was de• layed and postponed, and the interest on such bonds, of which he himself was a large holder, was paid according to the terms of his own order, thus corruptly using his office to defraud and wrong the people of the United States for his own personal advan tage. In that he has not only returned to claimants thereof large amounts of cotton and other abandoned property that had been seized and taken by the agents of the Treasury in couffirmity to law, but has paid and directed the payment of the actual pro ceeds of sales made thereof, and this in violation of a law of the United States which orders and requires the payment into the treasury of the United States of all moneys receiver from such sales, and provides for loyal claimantsa sufficient and easy remedy in the Court of Claims, and in manifest violation also of the spirit and meaning -of the Constitution, wherein it is declared that no money shall be drawn from the treasury but in consequence of appropriations made by law; and further in that the said Andrew Johnson, President of the United States, authorized the use of the army of the United States for the dispersion of a peaceful and lawful assembly of citizens of Louisiana, and this by virtue of a despatch addressed to a person who was not an officer of the army, but who was a public and uotorious traitor, and all with the intent to deprive the loyal citizens of Louisiana of every opportunity to frame a State govern ment, republican in form, and with the intent further to continue in places of trust and emolument persons who had been engaged in an attempt to overthrow tile Government of the-United States, expecting thus to conciliate such ersons to himself, and secure their aid in support of his afore said unco.pstliutional designs. All of which omissions of duty, usurpations of power, violations of his oath of office of the lawn and of the Constitution of the United States by the said Andrew Johnson, President of the United States, have retarded the public prosperity, lessened the public revenues, disordered the business and finances of the country, encouraged insubordination in the people of the States recently In rebel lion, fostered sentiments of hostility be tween different classes of citizens, revived and kept alive the spirit 01 the rebellion, humiliated the nation, dishonored republi can Institutions, obstructed the restoration of said States to the Union, and delayed and postponed the penceitil and fraternal re organization of tile Government of the United States. The committee therefore report the accompanying resolution, and recommend its passage. Signed, George S. Boutwell, Francis Thomas, Thomas Wil liams, William Lawrence and John C. Churchill. Resolution providing for the Inyeachntentof the President of the United ASTates : Resolved, 'root, Andrew Johnson, Presi dent of the United Stutem, bu impeached of high crimes and misdemeanors. l'ho Minority Ittport VIEWS OF MESSRS. WILMON AND WOOD Representatives James F. Wilson and Frederick H. ‘Votalbridge handed in a re port dissenting from the conclusions urn' veil at by a majority of the committee. They Hit y That on the third day of June, 18137, It was declared, by 'a solunin vote in the com mittee, that from the testimony then before thorn It did not appear that the President of United Status was guilty of such high crimes and misdemeanors as culled for an exercise of the impeachment power of this House. The vote stood, yeas 5, nays 4. On the 21st inst., this action of the com mittee was reversed, and a vole of 5 to 4 de dared in favor of recommiinding to the House an impeachment of the President. Forty-eight hours have not yet elapsed since we were informed of the character of the report which represents this changed attitude of the committee. Thu recentness of this event compels a general treatment of some features ut the case as it ix present• ed by the majority, which otherwise would have been treated of more in detail. The report of the majority resolves alt presump tions against the President, closes the door against all doubts, affirms facts as estab lished by the testimony, in support of which there is not a particle of evidence beldre us which would be received by any court In the land. We dissent from all of this, and from the temper and spirit of the report. The cool and unbiassed judgment of the future, when the excitement. in the midst of which we live shall have passed away will not fail to discover that the political bitterness of the present time has in no in considerable degree given tone to the docu ment which we decline to approve. Dissenting us we do trout the report of the committee ho Ii as to the law of the case and by the conclusions drawn from the facts developed by the testimony, a due re gard lor the body which imposed on us the high mid transcendently important duty involved in an investigation of the charges preferred against. the President, Impels uc to present at length our views of the sub ject which has been committed to us by a most solemn vole of the House of Repre sentatives, In approaching this duty we feel that the spirit of iho partisan should be laid aside, and thas the instimas of the Ite• public, as they are 11101111111'011 by its Clonnti• tution and laws, alone should guide Its; and we most, deeply regret that In this re gard we cannot approve the report of our (*leagues who constitute a majority of the committee. While wu would not charge them with tt design to net the port of parti sans In this grave proceeding, we neverthe less feel pained by the tone, temper end spirit of their report. But regrets will not answer the demands of the present grave and commanding occasion. and we there fore respond to them by presenting to the House the results of a (Jerald, deliberate, and, as wo hope, it conscientious investiga tion of the ca., borore us. Messrs. Wilson and Woodbridge then proceeded to discuss t he uonstit inbound q nos lion with regard to impeachment, showing, by relbretteu to legal authorities, that tut impottolunent (militia be supported by any act filch fells short of an indictable oriole or misdemeanor. English precedents are refurud to at length, and copious extracts are made front thu testimony before the committee In order to refute the reasoning and conclusion of the majority. They conclude as fellows: A great dual of the matter contained in the volume of testimony reported to the House is of no value whatever, Much of it is mere hearsay, opinions of witnesses, and no little amount of it utterly Irrele vant to the case. Comparatively, n small amount of it could be used on a trial of this case before the Senate. All of the testi mony relating to the failure to try, and ad mission to bull of Jefferson Davis, the as sassination of President Lincoln, the diary of J. Wilkes Booth, his place of burial, the practice of pardon brokerage, the alleged correspondence of the President with Jef ferson Davis, may be interesting to a read er, but is not of the slightest Importance so tar as a determination 01 this case is concern ed. Still, much of this irrelevant matter has been interwoven into the report of the majority, and has served to heighten its color and deepen its tone. Strike out the stage effort of this irrele vant mutter, nod the prominence giVOll to the Tudors, the Si mats anti ittliael Burns, and much of the play will disappear; settle down upon the real evidence in the case that which will establish In view of the at tending circumstances a substantial crime, by making plain the elements which con stitute it, and the case in many respects dwarfs into a political contest. In approach ing a conclusion we do not tail to recognize the stand-points from which the case can be viewed—the legal and the political. Viewing It from the latter, the case is a success. The President hos disappointed the hopes and expectations of those who placed him in power. He has destroyed their confidence and joined hands with their enemies. He has proved false to the express and implied conditions which underlie his elevation to power, and in view of the case deserves the censure and condemnation of every well-disposed citizen or the Republic. While we acquit him of impeachable critnes, we pronounce him guilty of many wrongs. His contest with Congress has delayed re construction and inflicted vast injury upon the people of the rebel States. He has been blind to the nec ssities of the times and to the demands of a progressive civilization. Judge him politically, we must condemn him, but the day of political impeachments would be a sad one for this country. Po Iti cal unfitness and incapacity must be fixed at the ballot-box, not in the high court of impeachment. We therefore declare that the case before us presented by the testi mony and measured by the law, does not declare such crimes and misdemeanors with the meaning of the Constitution as requires the interposition of the constitu tional powers of this House, and recom mend the adoption of the following resolu tion : Resolved, That the Committee on the Judiciary be discharged from the further consideration of the proposed impeachment of the President of the United States, and that the subject be laid upon the table. JAMES P. WILSON. FREDERICK E. WOODBRIDGE. Report or the Democratic Members of the Judiciary Committee. The undersigned, agreeing with our asso ciates of the minority c.f the committee in their views of the law, and in the conclu sions that the evidence before the committee presents no case for the impeachment of the President, might, if they had stopped there, been content simply to have joined in the report which they have submitted. But they, as well as the majority, having felt it their duty to go further, and express their censure and condemnation of the President, we feel that it is due to ourselves and to the position we occupy to present as briefly as possible a few additional remarks for the consideration 'alba Heusi:tend orthe coun trydutvingidetermined that the evidence does not showihat .ffili_President has been guilty of any acts or crime for which, ender our Constitution and laws . , be can or ought to be Impeached, This &inclusion, as it seems to us, 'is the determination, Of the whole question , sub mitted by the owie to the committee.. „It is the commission by.the President of an impeachable offence only that can subject him to out. official jurisdiction, orjustify us as a committee of the House of Representa tivea, or were the House itself as such In challenging ,hts official acts. As the report Of the majority does not charge the President with any actrecogniz ed by any statute or law of the land as a crime or misdemeanor, we can but regard the charges preferred as a political or par tisan demonstration, tending and intended to bring him into odium and contempt among the people. As an unjustifiable attempt to excite their suspicions—" Sparere vocal in vulgum ambipaus"—we utterly deny the right of the committee, or any member thereof as such, to do this. As citizens, politicians, we may criticise, find fault with, and condemn the entire ad ministration of the President, but as a com mittee of this House, considering the charge referred to it as members of Congress, act ing officially, we have no each right, power or jurisdiction. The Executive is one of the co-ordinate departments of Government invested with certain defined constitutional powers and prerogatives, over which the Legislature has no control, and with the constitutional exercise of which the legisla tive department has no right to Interfere. The original source of all executive and legislative power is the same, the people— the warrant and measure of these powers the same—the Constitution. In his consti• tutional and legislative sphere in the exer cise end conduct of his department, the President is as free to act and as independ ent as the Congress, while acting within the bounds prescribed for it by the Constitu tion. He is no more accountable or respon sible to Congress than Congress is to him. Congress has no more authority to censure and condemn him than he has to censure end condemn Congress. His discretion exercised within the bounds of the Constitution, Is no more subject to the animadversion or reproof of Congress, than are the constitutional and discretiona ry acts of Congress to his. Neither Con gress or the President has any power or authority not derived from and found in the Constitution. The only question with reference to which the committee were au thorized to inquire,wus vvlietner the charges against the President were true, and con stituted un offence or offences, subjecting him to impeachment. Certainly If this is not the only question referred to the com mittee, it Is the only one which the com mittee, us has investigated. The political purpose by the acts of the President has not for ono moment, engaged the attention of the committee—we most certainly have uo other motive or interest than to servo our country and do our duty —the matters referred to us, have never once; in the taking of testimony, on the ex amination of witnesses, supposed that any question other than the impeachment was properly before us—the impeachment of the President, the chief officer of this great republic—the bare inquiry with a view to ascertain whether he had committed any offence for which he ought or might be put upon trial before the most august tribunal of the world, impressed us from the begin• 'ling with most solemn awe. We eudeuVored, In the Investigation, to exclude from our minds every question of more politics, and us far as possible to be uninfluenced by party bias. We were ad monished lhat, In some sense, the nation, the people—ln the person of their Executive head—were on trial before the world, and that personal animosity and party politics should be inflexibl,y and scrupulously for gotten and ignored. For any cause to have shrunk from u full and careful inventigatton of the great ques- tion of impeachment wan cowardice; to have pursued it in the spirit of party—to have degraded it into a mere investigation of political policy with reference to partisan success would nave been meanness, and would have disgraced the nation itself by scandalizing the nation's constitutional head. We repeat, therefore, that the investiga tion of the committee was, so fur as we took part in it, with the sole view to ascertain whether the President under the charge preferred against him, was guilty of any impeachable offence. Not only so, but with the belief that it was the only question we were authorized or expected to inquire into. Not a witness was called or examined with any view to proving a case, for merely cen suring or condemning the political action of the President. No suggestion was made, or Intimation given by the maprity of the committee, till the resolution 01 censure was offbred, that there was any purpose of considering us a committee any but thequestion of impeach ment, nor was there then, as we understand it, any purpose of reporting such resolu tions in the House for its official action. We think, therefore, that we are warranted In saying, that although much testimony, irrelevant, illegal, and experimental, was taken, much that had no bearing upon the question of impeachment, and much [mire that was not testimony in any case, or fur any purpose; that none was taken without any view, except the impeachment; and hence we insist that it the committee h..d the right and Jurisdiction, which we deny, to Inquire into the political and discretion ary acts of the President, with a view to his condemnation, that it has nut in any legi timate and proper manner investigated, or attempted to consider that sit bleat, We do not impugn the personal motives of any member of the committee who differs with us. Our intercourse upon the coin MlL illl/1 hIA3111)1W011ifit; IOU! 010 courtesy with which we have been treated, unifornd and uninterrupted. We entertain none hut the must kindly personal feelings toward every member, but candor nud at sense of duty compel us to declare that we can find no warrant or OXCLIBI/ for this travelling out nidu or beyond (110 tOlbJoet with which the committee was charged, to immure and condemn the President, except in the pre judice and zeal of overheated partisimisni. The President needs, and COO ask no de fence from us, upon party grOUllliti, Or upon any other than those which spring from official obligation and duty. lie was not the President of our choice acid wax nut i elected by our votes, Nor n it necessary that we shall agree with him, or justify and approve all that he ham done. Neither do we fool called urn+ to review the great 11111,01 Or testimony taken by the committee to show that his censure and condemnation are not warranted icy it, though taken as it has been, and unehullunged us it was, In that record we do not, however, be• lieve the unbiased, the unprejudiced mind, Will be able in the testimony to discover anyj list or reasonable cause for condemning or impugning the motives by which ho was actuated, Indeed, differing with him In opinion, as we have, as to the policy and propriety of many things he hits done, and many more that he hits left undone, we feel compelled to declare that the proofs before us will not warrant a charge that he was in any instance controlled by motives other than those pure and patriotic. His greatest offence we apprehend will be found to be that he has not been able or willing to follow those who elected him to his office in their mud assaults upon and departure from the constitutional govern ment of the Fathers of the Republic, and that, standing where most of his party pro• fessed to stand when they elevated him to his present exalted position, he has dared to differ with the majority of Congress upon great and vital questions. He bus believed in the continuing and binding obligations of the Constitution, that the suppression of the rebellion against the Union was the preservation of tide Union and the States comprising it, and that when the rebellion was put down the Stales were all and equally entitled to representation in the Congress of the United States. Planting himself firmly and immovably upon this position, he has inourred the fierce and malignant hatred and opposition of all those who claim by virtue of the alleged conquest of the territory and the subjuga tion of the people of the lately rebellious States, the power and right to dictate to them the Constitution and laws they shall live under, and the liberties they shall be permitted to enjoy. In this ditlerence be tween Congress and the President, and tide desire of each for the adoption by the coun try of their respective views is, we suspect, to be found not only the cause for move ment to impeach the President, but of his censure and condemnation. Out of it has grown the embittered feeling and violent hatred of the President by his former friends. The majority of Congress and of the com mittee have entertained and been prepared to declare at all times, in Congress and out of it, even more strongly than is expressed in their report, the:same censure and con demnation. This opinion was not formed upon any testimony taken before the com mittee, or upon any facts elicited by Its in vestigations. It was a political opinion growing out of a difference of views upon political questions. It was the opinion with which the majority of the committee entered upon the investigation. It was that which inspired and stimulated all its inquiries and examinations. But notwithstanding these pre-existing opinions and prejudices, the minority of the committee have been compelled to find, after the fullest examination and the moat protracted deliberation, that the President had committed no offence for which under our laws lie can or ought to be impeached, and hence none, as we insist, subjecting him to the official jurisdiction of the com mittee or the House. The censure and condemnation of the President either by the majority or minority, is without our juris diction, not justified by the facts, or becom ing one department of the Government towards the other, calculated to bring re proach upon the committee, the House, and the nation. We cannot ignore the fact that time has been spent and testimony taken by the com mittee endeavoring to ascertain it the Presi dent, in his official capacity, has spoken censoriously or condemnatory of Congress, with a view to his impeachnient. There fore, can it be more becoming in a commit tee of this House or in the House itself; to go beyond its Jurisdiction and censure and condemn the President, than for him to censtirela'nd mindelonCOngreits? rsnottl e, ''impropriety of the One as apparent as the other? • If one is inmeachable, is' not the; other wrong? What would be thought of the Supreme Court, if after having, been , compelled in a caseproperlypendingbefOre' 'it to deelde an act of Congress constitution al,' it should; because it did not agree'torthe• -propriety or policy of the enactment, de-i dare its severe censure and condemnation, of the Congress for having passed it? ' Vlriio would hesitate to pronounce this an Objec-, tionable and even an unwarrantable inter-, ference:with the rights and duties of Con gress by the Supreme Court, calculated to disturb the harmony of our governmental, system and to bring into unhappy if not; fatal e , on, the co-ordinate departments?, Such is the attempt to reprove or censure' the PreSident for acts or wrongs not amount ing to offences, subjecting him to the legal, jurisdiction oldie House of Representatives. Such 'an act would, it seems to us, be ; sheer impudence; an act on the part of the court justly meriting °Whiny and reproach. Such interferences by one department of the Government with the others without authority of law, must and will, most as suredly, break off that harmony which should at all times characterize their rela tions and intercourse. The end cannot but be foreseen; the antagonism will ultimate ly produce enmity, open hostility and ag gressions, which must result in the destruc tion of one or more depertm-nts, and, as a consequence, destroy our system of gov ern ment. Altogether, with all due respect to the ma jority of the committee, we cannot regard the charges made against the President as a serious attempt to procure his impeach ment without dwelling upon their utter failure to point to the commission of a single act that is recognized by the laws of our country as a high crime or misdemeanor. The inconsistency of the majority cannot fail to challenge the attention of the coun-. try. Acts fur which Mr. Lincoln was unanimously applauded are deemed high crimes iu Mr, Johnson. For every act so gravely condemned the President had the sanction and approval of his Cabinet, and yet, while he is arraigned before the world as a criminal of the deepest dye, they are not only not impeached, but are recognized us especial favorites of the party for im peachment. The latter have even gone so far as to unite di the passage of an extraor dinar) , and unprecedented law to prevent the President from removing these officers from the places which they hold. Mr. Stanton, the late Secretary or War, gave his emphatic approval of the acts for winch the President is arraigned, and yet the ex• Secretary Is a favorite and popular martyr, and the whole country Is vexed with clamor for Ills restoration to power and place. The President Is held crimlnal• ly responsible for the acts of subordinates of which he did not even have the slightest notice or knowledge, and yet those bring• Dig him to trial onset n statute depriving him of all control over these same subor dinates, and they are deemed worthy ofthe especial protection of Congress. The President' has used every means within his power to bring the great state prisoner, Jefferson Davis, to a speedy trial, and yet ho has been denounced throughout the land for procrastinating and preventing the trial, while judges and prosecuting officers, having entire control of the matter, have been deemed worthy of the most honored plaudits. Were inconsistencies more glaring and Inexplicable than these? and can we possi bly be mistaken when we assert that, how ever honest may be the majority of the committee, the verdict of the country and 01 posterity will be that the crime of the Premident'consistm, not in violations, but in refusals to violate the law; in being unable to keep puce with the party of progress, in tire rapidly ad cunning movements or to stop outside of and above the Constitution in the administration of the Government; In preferring the Constitution of his coun try to the (Whitton or an unscrupulous par• tisan cabal ; in bravely daring to meet the maledictions of those who have arrived at the accomplishment of a most wicked and dangerous revolution, rather than to en counter the reproaches of his own con science, and the curses of posterity through all dine? If the subject were not to() grave and serious a one for mirth, some or the grounds of impeachment, presented by the majority, would certainly be sufficiently arousing. The President is gravely arraigned for arraying himself against the loyal people of the country in vetoing the miscalled re construction acts of Congress, when, with out dwelling upon the constitutional right and duty of the President in the premises, Congress Itself has for these same acts Just received most withering and indignant condemnation end rebuke of the entire people from Maine to California. Thu impeachers, forgetting that they have been themselves impeached, and that the verdict of the tribunal of last resort has already been rendered against them, still persist In trifling with the peace, safety, and prosperity of the country, by precipi tating upon it thisrdangerous question at a time so critical as this. It is wicked thus to trifle whh the interests of a nation and disregard the voice of a great people, when spoken as In this case, CO emphatically in favor of the preservation of our CODStit.U tional form of government, and the rights and libel ties established by our revolu tionary fathers. We will not attempt to add anything to the able and, as we believe, unanswerable argument Just presented by the chairman of our committee upon the law orimpettch tnent. Had not experience taught IN the wonderful diversity of human Judgment ittid conclusions, we should find It (flint:tilt to believe that there could, upon the ques tions KllbUtit.lo to us, possibly be two opinlonmaniong candid and Intelligent men. 1111m1 bigotry and unbridled partisan rage, it Is true, can hee no crime In the most meritorious actions, and men governed by those unhallowed passions do not hesitate to drag to the stake of torture of the in quisition all who will not conform to their wretched creeds and miserable dogmas. They substitute their own crude, and often crazy, theories for truth and Justice, and, under• pain of the severest penalties, de mand of all uteri to boy,' down and worship the Idol they have erected. That:theli'own Judgmento may ho fallible, or that, other men, differing from them, may Ito equally wise and honoot with thetnmul vett, doom not occur to their mipflm, and they will, without hemitation, quemtlon the Justine oven or the Almighty II the ways of Provi dence do not conform to their own (truth) theories, Thim claw, of men ham constituted a considerable portion of mankind In all agem, and in none have they boon more numoroum than In our own. They have punished the bigotm and pormuoutorm of all intem, and their pathway through the long line or histoiw, from its carpel dawn to the prement tlmo, ham boon marked with carnage and demolution. With such men, no argument based upon the Constitution and established laws can have any avail. They uro too pure and immaculate to be fettered by the restraints of constitutional or written laws. They are a law unto thomselvom, and both men and gods must conform to their views and theories, and receive their bitterest maledic tions. But our people will never submit to have their Chief Magistrate arraigned for vial for offences unknown to the laws, and which exist only in the excited brains of her political enemies. It would be a precedent disastrous in Its consequences and subversive of our politi cal institutions. We cannot doubt that the evidence herewith this day submitted will be received with ono universal burst of in dignation by the American people. If they retain any pride in their country and its institutions they will Ninth to find that the Chief Officer of their Government has for ton months been subjected to the scrutiny of a secret star chamber. en inquisition tun otrallelvd in its character in the annals of civilization. A drag-net has been put to catch every malicious whisper throughout the land, and all the vile vermin who had gossip or slan der to retail, hearsay or otherwise, have been permitted to appear nod place it upon record for the delectation of mankind.— Spies have been sent over the land to hear something which might blacken the name and character of the Chief Magistrate of our country. Unwhipped knaves have given information of fabulous letters and documents that, like the cynic fatuus, eter nally eluded the grasp of their pursuers, and the chase ever resulted only in aiding tic depletion of the public treasury, That most notorious character, Gen. La fayette C. Caker, chief of the detective force, even had the effrontery to insult the Ameri can people by placing! his spies within the very walls of the Executive Mansion. The privacy of the Presidetit'a home, his private life and habits, and most secret thoughts, have not been deemed sacred or exempt from invasion. The members ()I' his household have been examined, and their chief prosecutor has not hesit'mted to dive into loathsome dun geons, and consort with convicted felons, for the purpose of accomplishing the object of arraigning the President on a charge of infamous crime. When we consider all these facts, and that the investigation has been a secret and ex parte one, that it was so persistent and untiring, and carried on at a time of most unparalleledparty excitement, when the masses of the dominant party were lashed into a wild frenzy, and led to believe that the President was guilty of treason; when thousands all over the land really thought that it would be a righteous act to get him out of the way, by any means, fair or foul; and when he has been hunted down by par tisan malice, as no man was ever hunted and hounded down before, ft is really won derful that so little has been elicited that tends in the slightest degree to tarnish the fair fame of the President. The American People ought to congratulate themselves for the sake of the reputation of their country, that the failure has been so emphatic and so complete. In what we have said of the character of the evidence taken before us, and the means used to procure it, we must not be under stood as reflecting upon the action of the committee or any member thereof. Such an interpretation of our remarks would do great injustice to us and to them. Whether such latitude should have been given in the examination of witnesses we will not now inquire. In an investigation before a committee it would be difficult end perhaps impossible-to confine the evidence to such as would be deemed admlssable be. fere a court, of justiee indeed, it ! may, be I Questioned whether it Would be proper so to . restrict it, and:it is, perhaps , better , for . the; President thet- - those who: were, managing! 1 41 , Praseqigon frign Ontrilde Wete n romPt , ed,to firesent i anYthing that theymight call 'or_aursider .etadence s as the world can thus better. ,oampretiend,how utterly dealt ' trite of foundation, is ail this clamor that has Peea , " The frst witnea , exa m ined w as as Gen. i f rfayette Baker—late chief ,Of the detec tive police—tuid although examined on oath time and 'again, and. on ,various occasions,' it is doubtful Whether he has in any one' thing told the truth, even by accident. In every important statement, he is oontradlc-, ted by witnesses of unquestioned credibility, and there can be no doubt that to his many • previous outrages, entitling him to an un enviable immortality, he has added that of wilful and deliberate perjury, and we are glad to know that no one member of the! committee deems any statement made by him as worthy of the slightest credit. What a blush of shame will tinge die cheek of the American student in future ages when he reads that this miserable wretch for years held, as it were, in the hollow of his hand the liberties of the American people. That, clothed with power by a reckless ad ministration, and with his hordes of un principled tools and spies, penetrating the land everywhere, with uncounted thous ands of the people's money placed in his hands for his vile purposes, that creature not only had the power to arrest without crime or writ, and imprison without limit, any citizen of the Republic, but that he ac tually did so arrest thousands all over the land, and filled the prisons all over the country with the victims of his malice, or that of his master. This whole system, such an outrage upon the Constitution and every principle of free government, so anti American and anti republican, has, with its originators and supporters, already, thank God, been damned to eternal infamy ; and It is pleasant to reflect, that not only thesystem, but its unscrupulous agent, will go down to posterity loaded with intlitny, and followed by the curses of millions. It sometimes happens that the adminis tration of the Most dangerous usurpation is placed lu the hands of meo so respectable for character and talent as to disarm sus picion, and conciliate even those whose lib erties are endangered. We have reason to be thankful to au ever kind and merciful Providence that this worst feature of the worst of despotisms, when the attempt was made in un unhappy war to transplant it to our free American soil, was placed for its administration in Ilia hands of a class of men so destitute of manhood and character as to arouse the undying Nom and indigna tion of the entire people. And as these infamous outrages were not sanction ed by any precedent in our own coun try, it is hoped and believed that they will never, throughout all time, be deemed worthy of Imitation. It is not our purpose DOW to attempt an analysis or discussion of the evidence taken before us, or to point out the gross absurdities and inconsisten cies of a very large portion of it. It will be read and considered by the American peo ple, and we cannot doubt what their ver dict will be when those, who have lir n at tempting to load with disgrace and inoully the Chief Magistrate of our country, shall stand pilloried in the undying scorn and indignation of a great people, He, niter passing through his fiery ordeal,we have no hesitation in predicting, will have and re tain all over the hind, even to a greater ex tent then heretofore, the respect and confi dence of his countrymen. S. S. MARMITALL, CHAR. A, ELnitinug. General GranVes 'Feint y Before 1110 Reconstruction Committee. The testimony of General Grant before the Reconstruction Committee has been published. We make the following ex tracts : I have seen the President very freqn-ut I y In reference to the condition of eniltrs in the Rebel States, When I was ask, d to at a Cabinet mooting, it was beiniuse seine question was u in which, te , Generabor the Army, r wit uterested. lam not awere of any interviee with the Predil mi on amnesty. I have occasionally ri e, an ii,und ed a person for amnesty. twilight myself at that time that there wns uo rcas m why because n person had risen to rank of a General he should be ex, to • d irom rim nesty any more than one who had failed to reach that rank. I spoke on that point. I did not see touch reason for the 820,000 clause. These are the only two points that I remember to have spoken of at the time. I afterward, however, told him that I thought he was :ouch nearer right on the $50,000 clause than I was. I was present when the proclamation was read in Cabinet, but my views were not asked, I never gave any opinion to the President that it would be better at that time to issue a proclama tion of general amnesty, I frequently had to intercede for General Leo and other paroled officers, on the ground that their parole, so long as they obeyed the laws of the United States, pro tected them from arrest and trial. The President at that time occupied exactly the same grounds, viz: That they should be tote d and punished. He wanted to know when the time would come that they should be punished. I told him nets() long as they obeyed the la wsand complied with the stip ulation. Mill was the ground I took. Q. Dud you not also insist that that up plied as well to the common soldier? A. Of course ; it applied to every one who took the parole, but that matter was not can vestied except in case of come it' the leaders; I claimed that In aurrondering their armies and arms they had done what they could not ell of them have been compelled to do, portion of them could have escaped, but they surrendered in considerution of the fact that they were to be exempt from trial so long nn they eOlll . OlllllO to theobligetions they had taken; and they were entitled to that, Q. You looked on that In the nature of iv parole, and held that they could only be tried when they violated that parole? A, Yes ; that was the view I took of the ques tion, Q. That is your view still? A. Yes, Sir; unquestionably. Q. Did vou understand that to apply to Gen. Leek A. Certainly. Q. That was your undormtunding of the arrungement which you made with General Lee? A. That was my understanding of en urrungement which I gave voluntarily. Gen. Lee's army was the first to surrender, and I believed that with such tennis ell the Rubel armies would surrender, and that we would thus avoid bosh winteking end a con tinuation of the war in a way that we would make very little progress with, having no organized armies to meet. Q. You considered that the like terms wore given by , Gen. Sharman to the armies which surrendered to him? A. Yes, Sao; and to all the armies that surrendered aftr that. Q. And you hold that so long its they kept their parole of honor,.and obeyed the laws, they were nit subject to be tried by courts? A. That is my opinion, I will state here that I stn not quite cer tain whether I am being tried or who is being tried by the questions asked. Mr. Eldridge.—l nut not trying anybody. 11111 inquiring as to the President's procla mation, and to the views he entertained. Did you give these views to the President? Gen. Grant.—l have stated those views to the President frequently anti as I have said, he disagreed with trio in those views, lie insisted on It that the leaders must be pun ished, and wanted to know when the time would come that those persons could be tried. I told him when they violated their parole. Q. Did you consider that that applied to Jeff. Davis? A. No, sir, he did not take any parole. Q He did :lot surrender? A. No, sir. It applied to no person who was captured, only to those who were , paroled. Q. Did the President insist that General Lee should be tried for treason. A. lie contended for it. Q. And you claimed to him that the pa role which Gen. Lee had given would be violated in such a trial? A. I did. I in sisted on it that Gen. Lee would not have surrendered his arm,y and given up all their arms if he supposed that after surrender ing he was going to be tried for treason and hanged. I thought we got a very good equivalent for the lives of a few leaders getting all their areas and getting them selves under control, bound by their oaths to obey the laws. That was the considera tion which I insisted upon we had received. Q. Did the President argue that question with you? A. There was not much argu ment about it. It was merely assertion. Q. After you had expressed your opinion about it, did he coincide with you? A. No, sir, not then. He afterward got to agree- . ing with me on that subject. I neVer claim ed that the parole gave these prisoners any political right whatever. I thought that that was a mutter entirely with Congress, over which I had no control ; that, simply us Gene, al-in-chief, commanding thearmy, I had a right to stipulate for the surrender on terms which protected their lives. That Is all I claimed, The parole gave them pro tection and exemption from punishment for all offenses not in violation of the rules of civilized warfare, so long as their parole was kept. Q. Did you not advise the President that it was proper and right he should grant amnesty? A. I do not think I said any thing on that subject; I only looked on the proclamation as one which he was deter mined to issue, and as a thing susceptible of amendment or improvement. Q. Did you not give your opinion at all that amnesty ought to be granted to those people to any extent? A. I know that I was In favor of some proclamation of the sort, and perhaps I may have said so; it was necessary to do something to establish governments and civil law there; I wanted to see that done, but do not think I ever pretended to dictate what ought to bedone. Q. Did you not advise? A. I don't think I ever did. I have given my opinion, per haps, as to what has been done, but I do not think I advised any course myself, any more than that I was very anxious to see something done to restore civil govern ments in those States. I originated no plan, andsUggested no plan for Civil Government; I only gave my views on measures after they had been originated ; I simply , expressed an anxiety that something should be done to give some sort of control down there; there were no Governments there when the warwas over, and I wanted to see some Government es tablished, and wanted to see it done quick ly ; I did not pretend to say how it sbould :be done. or ,in what form. . . Did' ou: you certain Generals .of.the Confederate, army to the President for , pardon who, fell: within exemptions? A.. Yes, Sir • I recommended Gen. Long street,.l think, a year and a half ago, and, although I cannot recollect the name of anybody, else, I think I recommended sev eral others. General Grant testified to having recom mended other prominent rebels as proper objects for Executive clemency. Q. Have you heard him at any time make any remark or suggestion concerning the legality of Congress, with the Southern members excluded? A. He alluded to that subject frequently on his tour to Chicago and back last summer. His speeches were generally reported with considerable accu racy; cannot recollect what he said except it general terms, but I read his speeches at the time, and they were reported with con siderable accuracy. Ido not recollect hav ing heard him say anything private on that subject especially. I never heard him al lude to the Executive Department of the Government. I never heard him make any remark looking to the controversy between the Executive and Congress. Q. Were you present when this North Carolina proclamation was read in Cabinet ? A. I would not becertain, but am of opinion that the first time I heard it read was in the presence of the President and the Secretary of War only. Q. Did you assent to that plan ? A. I did not dissent from It; it was a civil matter, and although I was anxious to have some thing done, I did not intend to dictate a plan; I du not think I expressed any opinion about it at the time ; I looked upon it us simply a temporary measure until Congress should meet and settle the whole question, and that it did not make much difference how it was done, so that there was a form ofgovernmeut there ; I think I was present at the time by an invitation of either the President or the Secretary of War; I supposed I was free to express my views; I supposed the ob ject was that I should express my views, it' I could suggest any change; I do not think I was asked my views ; know that if I had been asked the question, I would have assented to that or almost anything else that would have given stable Government there; In reference to the opin ion I gave the President on the Amnesty Proclamation, I think I have testified pretty fully; told the President I disagreed with him on the clause Aixcluding Volunteer Generals, and us to the $20,000 clause; I do not say anything as to the rest of It, whether it was too lenient or too stringent; can state what I thought about it, but not what I said about it; I know that immediately after the close of the liebE Ilion there was a very fine feeling manifested in the South, and I thought we ought to take advantage of It as soon as possible, but since that there has been an evident change there. I may have expressed my views to the President. Ido not recollect particularly. Ido not suppose t hut there were any persons engaged in that consultation who thought oi what was being done at that time as being lasting any lon ger than until Congress would meet and either ratify that or establish sonic other form of government. I know it never crossed my mind that what was being done was anything more titan temporary. 1 un derstood this to be the view of the Presi dent and,ofevery body else. I did not know of any difference of opinion on the subject. Ile was very anxious to have Congress ratify his views. Mr. Lincoln prior to his assassination had inaallaratcci a policy in tended to restore those governments. teas present once before his murder when a plan WWI read. The plan adopted by Mr. John son was substantially the plan which had been inaugurated by Mr. Lincoln, as tile basis for has future action. I do not know that It wee verbatim the same. I think the very paper which I heard read twice while Mr. Lincoln was President was the one whieh was carried right through. Q. What paper was that ? A. The North Carolina proclamation. Q. You stated that the North Carolina proclamation was a continuation of the pro %fret submitted by Mr. Lincoln; I wish to inquire a you whether you ever compared them, to ascertain whether they were the same or not? A. No, Sir; I never com pared them ; I took them to be the very, sumo paper; they were substantially the same, it not the very same. For the lotelllgoncer The Lille Teachers' hint Unto Eut von :—I am glad that the Impro prieties mid perversions of the 'Feathers' Institute have come under the drippings of your vigorous pen. I beseech you go on, the cause of pu bl le instruction will be greatly benefited by exposing, and if you please denouncing its excresencies. The law pro viding Ibr these gatherings, also defines their purpose. They, the teachers, are "to 1004U:11bl° together and organize themselves Into a Teachers' Institute, to be devoted to the improvement of teachers In the science and art of education:" "said Institute to by presided over by the County Superin tendent, or by some one designated by him, and subject in Its general management to his control." For the purpose of raising the "sinews of war," the County Superin tendent "shall ascertain the exact number of teacher, who were in attendance and the length ol tine. each attended, and upon presentatloo of a certlfleate, ut the ulosu of the 140/011011 oroach annual Institute, melting forth these facts, and signed by hint, to the treasurer of the proper county, he is hereby authorized anti required to pa l ) , immediate -13% out or an y , money In the County Trean• my not otherwise appropriated, to the County Superintendent one dollar tor every three days spent by teachers or the county 111 utlundnnco ut the Institute for that year, or as much of It It may he needed, such money to be expended by the County Su. lerintendent in procuring the services of ecturers and instructors for the Institute, and 111 providing for the 1100011111111 y appar atus, books and stationary lbr carrying on its work," Such are some of the main pro visions of the Act of Assembly of April fah, 114117, supposed to have been drafted by 5(1110 Se perintendon t Wickersham, • Sl:minium' an lire the piddle mehoolm, to which they ere 1001 int to be auxiliary, by common purse, It must bo plain to filo Conitnonomt lindermtlinding, (hat partisan and secterliormultiectm and utterances, nay, every mutter that can 11l the relliotont do wt.() impair the harmony of its proceedings should be t.seititled. I (lave no doubt that when properly conducted these lostituten are tirOweintlblo of a grvid 111110111 a Or good, but It lo equally plain that when perverted It [natters little whether by ignorance or design, front the object which called them into existence, their abolition unit not come too soon, Comparison In mode mid manner of teach ing, by means of class drills, short speeches, and explanations, by which the superior tact or ability of one may inure to the ben. elit of the rest. With a free interchange of sentiment on the "science find art of education" should, in my humble judgment, mime their attention to the ex clusion of all foreign matters. Now giving them the benefit of the most enlarged con struction, It seems to me, in looking over the proceedings, there were many things said and done which were wholly indefen sible. Without adverting to the Improprie ties, which called tbrth your able protest I may ask what possible connexion can be seen in the "science and art of teaching reading, writing, orthography, geography, grammar, arithmetic—history of the United States, which are the studies recognized by law, as esscntial to our Common School sys tem—and the propriety of raising ways and means to build soldiers' monuments? Do riot for a moment suppose that I object in the least to a public enterprise at once so patriotic and public spirited. My objection lies in dragging such things where they have no business, thereby injuring and per verting the objects and purposes of such gatherings us the Teachers' Institute; and here let me tell you, I for oneenter my pro test against the policy—nay, against the right of making our Common Schools the rendezvous of all the begging schemes of which the present age is so prolific. The objections are so serious and numerous that it is surprising these impositions are toler ated by the School Board. The fact that our teachers necessarily become the agents, very often involuntarily—and thereby take up at least some of that time, the whole of which belongs to the public tier educational purposes, is a reason why this great abuse should no longer be allowed. Moreover they are generally intended as a device to draw money out of the pockets of many parents who can idly afford it, by the im portunities of children, whose innocent zeal is roused bye spirit of rivalry adroitly put in motion by the leading managers. For tolerating such improprieties, as well us others, clearly of a partisan character, there is blame somewhere. _ . I do not charge Mr. Evans with an in• tentionul disregard of Gin official duties— responsibilities thrown upon him by the law to which I have referred, the proper discharge of which are difficult and often unpleasant. Some al lowance should be made for errors of judgment. But inasmuch as the very ex istence of these Institutes demands the ex ercise of this duty; to see that nothing objectionable takes place. It should not be withheld, although by it, he might even offend so great a personage as State Super intendent Wickersham. Teachers will cease to attend these annual meetings, if their own feelings and the feel ings of their parents and friends are to be disregarded in conducting the proceedings, and unless Mr. Evans will give assurances against a repetition of these improprieties, the School Board of this city should wb h draw their permission to teachers, hereafter to attend them. The Democratic party now, as heretofore, has been the unwavering friend of our Com mon School System. True, the party may not support the creation of centralizing educational Bureaus, supported ostensibly for educaloual purposes, but really as a means to carry out Radical dogmas; nor is the party in favor of a forced system of public instruction. To an earnest sup port of an enlightened system of Common Schools, the Democratic party joins alively regard for the rights and liberties of the citizen. A. zealous defender of both was found many years ago, In that great man and souna.Demoorat, Governor Wolf, who •did morafor Dommon Schools of Penn sylvania than any other mortal eittuir.llsl - or dead. Lately, it has become faahlon able for Radical, charlatans to arrogate to themselves and their party not only all the patriotism, but all the intelligence of the country. So Jar has this been carried, tai to accuse the Democratic party with opposi tion to education. It seems time, therefore, "to vindicate the truth of history "—by showing the falsity of such assumptions. A few words about Professor Wickersham, and I shall close. No one denies his right , to hold and avow hispolitical preferences —the objection lies to th 3 time, the occasion and the manner of doing so. Taking into view the friendly and intimate relations the State Superintendent should sustain to all teachers subject to his jurisdiction, it is very evident nothing should be done ou his part to Impair those relations. I doubt very much whether a Democratic teacher, who heard the Superintendent's bitter tirade at the Radical meeting at the Court Housejust before the election, abusing the party that numbered in its ranks the Professor's earli est and most devoted friends, would have left that meeting retaining that high regard for his superior, so necessary for the good of the schools. I have nu motives of hos tility to Professor Wickersham, or any one else who participated in the late Teachers' Institute. My desire is to prevent them from being buried lower than !lades, by coutinlug their proceedings to the legiti mate objects for which they were author- Med. JUSTICE. 4tai estate. 9§Tocii lAKM, FUR NALE.—rwo Fl NE stuck gal Ins near Columbus, Ohio, nue of and the outer 500 Acres highly improved and ill every way deslrsble; call DO bub-divided if rcquired Flue roadsauci pleasant. neighbor huou ; choice lauds and buildings, farms easy. Apply lo N rank dark, Strasburg, Lancaster county, Pa., who will give all desired Informa tion. unv B 1lw• 44 DOR SALE. TWO HUNDRED AND THIRTY ACRES OR PRIME LIMES TONE LAND, In Clark county, Va., half miles from a Railroad Depot; good Ito pruvmneule; Well fUlleed uud wuWretl abundance of good timber and so arranged as to divide well Into two farms. 1 have oleo other farm property for male, all of which will be mold low, the MO, t brim/ to make a division of the estate. Those in search of land lu this section Might do well to give me a 0.411 before purclnuoug elsewhere. eur further luforma• Lion cull on or address '1 HOS. N. LUPION N'tuotioravr, (Will) ill agent tor 11.,ir5.) Jo 18 lltlAUw) VALUABLE MILL PFIOPERTY A PItIVA MALE,—Tho uuderslgued offer to sell at private gala their valuable UltlsT AND NA% M ILLv , which have beau thorough ly repaired reeelltly o having a I age run of ctoo torn; with nu I'I•FIVE AwitNA 01.' LAND thereto lo•louging Also, an adjoining farm of about SIX! Y••1' ALIRE,..4, Well Unproved, will all necessary buildlugs, belonging to J. P. Hutton. Theme propertiou aro situated In Dilution, township, Laneluder county', on the road lead. lug from Liberty Square to conow lug , Fur nace, and will be sold together ur separately, on aecomodating Wrung. For any parLlcalarti tu regard to said proper-. ties all On or atigrl.BB J. F. Hutton, real ilug thereon, Liberty tuquare, U. J. P. RurroN,. JUILN ItRAN oat. 2 Bmw• 301 VMALTA lILE REAL ESTATE IN 1.011- DOUN COUN l Y, V I °trots for male the farm on which I rtgilde, containing 21.104 ALi II Eli, lying near the Trap, in Loudotin county, on the road leading front igniciternvllle to Upperville, one mile mouthennt of the Blue Ridge Immo. Min, Lou miles from Piedmont, on the :11.1/. It, and fountain Innen from Iffirceilville on Ihe Loutiouu numb liamonffire Railroad. The land Ix oi line quality, Nell watered and wooded,. there Is a hainien.nie rsTuNE DWELLINU HOUSE on the mewlin', and other out.hounen. The location In beautiful and remnikably healthy,. the greater poi lion of the land I. under good Mona fencing: IL hag also a good Apple and Peach Orchard. I would Invite the munition of persons wlnffing to paraffinic, laud In Lou claim, to LIM' very denirutdo farm, aug 2.lltffintlw A. B. CARTER. VALICA HEE FAITH AT PRIVATE MA I.E. —The undersigned will sell that desirable and well known farm known an" Tlf 1.; OA EL BALTON FARM," a iuuLed In 1 at lain , gal township, Lancaster county, Oa the road It:mi lli/ iron] Maylown to Mount Joy, adjoin nag lands of Christian Ntrailey, Akin Martin, Jae. Markley, James B. Clark and others, CONTAININO AtINE.4 of first-rate limestone Itnd , under excelli ht fences, and Inn high ...tate of cultivation, will 15 new two-storied FRAME having eight dile rooms, new Swhorer BUM, slid othel illlprOVelllellin thereon. Also, a large 111111• water (Intern, supplying the house and barn with water, and a w• 11 of wider In the middle of the farm. HMI Farm is inT excelled by any In tile county for fen& ty of soil find proximi ty to churebes,•chools, stores, mills and mar ket for produce 01 all kinds, being near tee town of Maytown and about !.; mile from the Pennsylvania Hall out and Can .1 It is rinu• Bled lu a wealthy and healthful neighborhood, and 18 well worth examination by persons de-. xlrina real estate, before purchasing else— where. Price, SRO per Acre. Possension and an Indisputable title se:II be given on the lot day of April next. Persons desiring any iniormation will pleurae cull un or address the undersigned. WM. um.trENTER, AO fur Owners, nor V2t 47 No. VE. Orange , Lane'r. 111RUSTEEN. NA LE OF VA LUA HI.E HEA I. ItsTATK—LIy virtue of u deoree of tn. Glrcult. Court for Waalltington county, Hitting am a Court, of It:tatty, tun u utlorulg peg, Truetuo, will otter at, public Halt., In front of illo cool t Huume, In HugormLown, Md., at II ::'clood, A. M., on TUESI:AY, the 1011 t day of DEUI.M HER next, all the following valuablo real chute, to wlt: A large and productive farm, containing about 113.5 ACRID: 1 OF LAND, of which about .10 'wren In good Umber land Nathan about 11A !WIEN mann 01 Ifunerntowii, on 1.110 Manor road. The 11111/1 . 0V(11110111 /I ()II 1.11116 tarot are a large two.nlory intone Hooch east DWELWINt... HOWIE, with ith ex tenni ve back building Ili wood repair, a very largo hank Darn, tt /11111:11 T 1.111111(. 111111/10, wtd other hecen• nary oto•htilllllings, two never.failihw wenn of water, a nee orchard 01 choice Apple treen, ulna, a Ilea Orchard, ) variety ~! oilier choice Intl L. Thin hold In wider a mach- Illti mtitte of milli vellon, aim yieldn largo croon. Thln tarot will he flrnt offered ill the entirely, and if not mold w.II be enured In neparitio traula —the Itrnt. (10111.11111111 1111,0111) 00 AURES, with all the lailldingx thereon, and Diu other containing ale)ut 131 A(110 , 4, wlLIi n propor Inns at Llintlor land, Waving It well of Water to enoll 'llia limning On the uutlr tart In In mood rtinalr, More Imlntr about. I% 1111110 (It .tuning uu llio pruw- INum—Lila crape 110 W Vrt). lug .0n 1110 farm are noturvutl front 'mho. Tonna of xulu um promerlhi d by thocloorou Ontothird oi Ulu mircilluilo motley in 11.11(1 011 the day of mile, or Ulu ratilivation thurrof, 11111 i lhu balanno In two equal 1114 immix, of 0110 and two yearii (rum lbm day of male, with In tumid, thuruini from Lho day ul male; the purriiiiintr or puroliamors to alvil I hoir nutux for t h e duloriml pay munthi, wlth hoc:Linty to bo approvud by the Truidno, and upon Lliu payment of the w bolo of Lim paroliano money a mood Mind will MI ulvtia therefor. ILLMEILT WAMON, C. M. letrrititicii, Auct. Truxtuo. R EAL ESTATE FOR SALE IN DELA WARN BY JAMILM Ruul ENtato Agent at CLAYTON, DEL. Over 00,000 .Aerem or Cho rimed Mack and Truck Lands In America. The climate Is mild and he a lthy. Churches and Schools uumurous. Lands biIOWLI fro° of charge, cep Itl LAND FOR DALE! IN WEST VIRGINIA PROPERTIES OF EVERY DELSWItHnION CLARE, LOUDON AND JEFFERSON COUNTIES, For male Very Cheap by RICHARDSON & WALTON, Real e Agents, Charlestown, Jefferson co., Mika Virginia. 11,1_ Send for Circular. nov 27.3tu A GOOD VIRGINIA FARM FOR SALE,. A The subscriber otr.,rs for sale privately, his Farm containing about Itls t ACRES, aboutacres el-ared, the balance well timber ed. Thin farm la situated to Augusta county, Va., on Middle river, and rune to the public road leading from Spring 11111 to Staunton, about 7 miles from Staunton. There In a very comfortable DwELLI NO, with good outhouses and a tolerable Barn on the place; a good meadow, un orchard, and a well of excelleut water the yard. 1 ho laud Is of the very best quality, produc ing good crops of all kinds of grain and grass. There Is a good limo kiln dnd an Inexhausti ble quarry of superior Ilme Stone on It. Any one wishing to buy a good small farm should cull and examine fur themselves. ROBKRT VANLFAR Long Glade, August co , Va. ADJOURNED HALE OF A VALUABLE FARM.—On SATURDAY, NOVEMBER 30th, Mg, the undersigned Adiniulstratrix of the Estate of John Win anis, deceased, In pur suance of an alias Order of the Orphans' Court of Lancaster county, will expose to public sale, on the premises, the following Heal Estate of said deceased, to wit: All that Valuable Farm or Plantation, situ ate to Bart township, In said county, on the road leading from Georgetown I o Mount Pleas ant, one mile west of the former place, adjoin ing lands now or late of John Draueicer, Samuel Ernst, Skipwith Howett and ot.,ers, containing 95 ACRE; AND 150 PERCHES on which are erected a Two-Story WE ATHER. BOARDED HOUSE, tour rooms on a floor, with Out-H itchen and Bake Oven attache I, large Frame Bunk Barn, 62 by 40 feet, with ample Stabling for Horses and Cattle, Wagon Shed, Carriage House, Corn Crib, Spring House and other out. buildings. The laud is of ex• cellent quality, lately well limed, With about live aunts In heavy Timber, and well Iv., tared y running streams, The premises are well located, near churches, mills, schools, stores anij poet-offices, and are supposed to cont.'in large mineral deposits—shafts having been sunk, and opper and nickel ore found in the immediate vicinity • also, the right to fish In tn. adjoining mill dam is expressly reserved to this property. Testy.—One-third of the purchase money to be secured at interest for the life of the widow, and paid at her decease. One-third to be paid on the let of April next, when deed will he made; and the remaining one-third to be secured by mortgage on tue premises, to be paid April Ist, 1889, with Interest from April 1, 184:91. Sale to commence at one o'clock, P. M., on said day, when attendance will be given and conditions of sale made known by ELIZABETH WILLIAMS. Gro. WHITSON, Atla. no 6 MEal oUND,--YESTEBDAY, Is THIS CITY. F a small SOH OF MONEY, which the owner can have by calling at Wirelike. /Ws
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