special pro Vision that a 'government might hang one of its own citizens with out judge or jury, it would still be com petent for the American people to say, as they have said, that no such thing should ever be done here. That is my answer to the law of nations. But then they tell us that the laws of war must be treated as paramount. Here they becomemysterious. Dothey mean that code of public law which defines the duties of two belligerent parties to one another, and regulates the intercourse of neutrals with both? If yes, then it is simply a recurrence to the law of nations, which has nothing on earth to do with the subject. Do they mean that portion of our municipal code which defines our duties to the Government in war as well as in peace? Then they are speaking of the Consti tution and laws, which declare in plain words that the Government owes every citizen a fair legal trial, as much as the citizen owes obedience to the Govern ment. They are in search of an argu ment under difficulties. When they appeal to international law, it is silent ; and when they interrogate the law of the-land, the answer is an unequivocal . contradiction of their whole theory. The Attorney General tells us that all persons whom he and his associates choose to denounce for gidng aid to the rebellion, are to be treated as being themselves a part of the rebellion—they are public enemies, and therefore they may be punished without beiug found guilty by a competent court or a jury. This convenient rule would outlaw every citizen the moment he is charged with a political offense. But political offenders are precisely the class of per sons who most need the protection of a court and jury, for the prosecutions against them are most likely to be un founded both in fact and in law. Whether innocent or guilty, to accuse is to convict them before the ignorant and bigoted men who generally sit in military courts. But this Court de cided in the price roses that all who live in the enemy's territory are public enemies, without regard to their per sonal sentiments or conduct; and the converse of the proposition is equally true—that all who reside inside of our own territory are to tie treated as under the protection of the law. If they help the enemy they are criminals, but they cannot be punished without legal con viction. You have heard much (and you will hear more very soon) concerning the natural and inherent right of the Gov ernment to defend itself without regard to law. This is wholly fallacious. In a despotism the autocrat is unrestricted in the means he may use for the defense of his authority against the opposition of his own subjects or others; and that is precisely what makes him a despot. But in a limited monarchy the prince must confine himself to a legal defense of his government. If he goes beyond that, and commits aggressions on the rights of the people, he breaks the social compact, releases his subjects from all their obligations to him, ren ders himself liublelo be hurled from his throne, and dragged to the block or driven into exile. This principle was sternly enforced in the cases of Charles I and James 11. anti we have it an nounced on the highest official authori ty here that the Queen of England can not ring a little bell on hre table and cause a man by her arbitrary order to be arrested under any pretense whatever. If that be true there, how much more true must it be here, where we have .no personal sovereign and where our only government is the Constitution and laws. A violation of law on pretense of saving such a Government as ours is not self-preservation, but suicide. populi sup.enia lee—observe it is not satits reges; the safety of the peo ple, not the safety of the ruler is the supreme law. When those who hold the authority of the Government in their hands behave in such manner as to put the liberties and rights of the peo ple in jeopardy, the people may rise against them and overthrow them with out regard to that law which requires obedience to them. The maxim is re . volutionary and expresses simply the right to resist tyranny without regard to prescribed forms. It can never be used tostretch the powers of government against the people. If this Government of ours as no power to defend itself without violating its own laws, it carries the seeds of des truction iu its own bosom ; it is a poor, weak, blind, staggering thing, and the sooner it tumbles over the better. But it has a most efficient legal mode of pro tecting itself against all possible danger. It is clothed from head to foot in a com plete panoply of defensive armor. What are the perils which may threaten its existence? I am not able at this mo ment to think of more than these which I am about to mention : foreign inva sion, domestic insurrection, mutiny in the army and navy, corruption in the civil administration, and last but not least, criminal violations of its laws com mitted by individuals among the body of the people. Have we not a legal mode of defense against all these? Yes; military force repels invasion and sup presses insurrection ; you preserve dis cipline in the army and navy by means of courts-martial ; you preserve the purity of tile civil administration by impeaching dishonest magistrates ; and crimes are prevented and punished by the regular judicial authorities. You are not merely compelled to use these weapons against your enemies, because they and they only are justified by the law; you ought to use them because they are more efficient than any other, and less liable to be abused. There is another view of the subject which settles all controversy about it. No .human being in this country can exercise any kind of public authority which is not conferred by law; and un der the United States itmust be given by the express words of a written statute. Whatever is not so given is withheld, and the exercise of it is positively pro hibited. Courts-martial in the army and navy are authorized ; they are legal institutions; their jurisdiction is limit ed, and their whole code of procedure is regulated by act of Congress. Upon the civil courts all the jurisdiction they have or can have is bestowed by law, and if one of them goes beyond what is written its action is 7/Um ritcs and void. But a military commission is not a court-martial, and it is not a civil court. It is not governed by the law which is made for either, and it has no law of its own. Within the last five yearsi,we have seen, for the first time, self-con stituted tribunals not: only assuming power which the law did notgive them, but thrusting aside the regular courts to which the power was exclusivelygiven. What is the consequence? This ter rible authority is wholly undefined, and its exercise is without any legal con trol. Undelegated power is always un limited. The field that lies outside of the Constitution and laws has no boun dary. Thierry, the French historian of England, says that when the crown and sceptre were offered to Cromwell, he hesitated for several days and answer ed : " Do not make me a king ; for then my hands will be tied up by the laws which define the duties of that office; but make me protector of the Common wealth and I can do what I please ; uo statute restraining and limiting the royal prerogative will apply to me." So these commissions have no legal origin and no legal name by which they are known among the children of men; no law applies to them; and they exercise all power for the paradox ical reason that none belongs to them rightfully. Ask the Attorney General what rules apply to military commissions in the exercise of their assumed authority over civilians. Come, Mr. Attorney, gird up tlry loins now like-a man ; I will de mand of thee, and thou shalt declare unto me if thou hast understanding." How is a military commission organ ized" What shall be the number and rank of its members? What offenses come within its jurisdiction? What is its code of procedure? How shall wit nesses be compelled to attend it? Is it perjury for a witness to swear falsely? What is the function of the judge advo cate? Does he tell the members how they must find, or does he only persuade them to convict? Is liepie agent of the Government, to command them what evidence they shall admil, and whatseu tence they shall pronounce; or does he always carry his point, right or wrong, by the mere force of eloquence and in genuity? What is the nature of their punishments? May they confiscate property and levy fines as well as im prisop and kill? In addition to strang ling their victim, may they also deny him the last consolations of religion, and refuse his family the melancholy privilege of giving him a decent grave? To none of these questions can the Attorney General make a reply, for there is no law on the subject. He will not attempt to " darken counsel by words without knowledge," and there fore, like Job, he can only lay his hand upon his mouth and keep silence. The power exercised through these piiiitory commissions is not only un regulated by law but it is incapable of being so regulated. What is itthat you claim, Mr. Attorney? I will give you a definition, the correctness of which you will not attempt to gainsay. You assert the right of the executive govern ment, without the intervention of the judiciary, to captyre, imprison, andkill any person to whom that, government or its paid dependents may choose to impute an offense. This in its very essence is despotic and lawless. It is never claimed or tolerated except by those governments which deny the restraints of all law. It has been exer cised by the great and small oppressors of mankind ever since the days of Nim rod. ' It operates in different ways; the tools it uses are not always the same; it hides its hideous features under many disguises; it assumes every variety of form; It can change shapes with Proteus for advan- tages, - And set the murderous Machlevel to school." But in all_ its mutations of outward ap• pearanCe it is still identical in princi ple,.object and origin. It is always the same great engine of despotism which Hamiltbn described it to be. Under the old French monarchy the favorite fashion of it was a lettre de cachet, signed , by the king, and this would consign the party to a loathsome dungeon until he died, forgotten by all the world. An imperial ukase will answer the same purpose in Russia. The most faithful subject of that ami able autocracy may lie down in the evening to dream of his future pros perity, and before daybreak he will find himself between two dragoons on his way to the mines of Siberia. In Turkey the verbal order of the Sultan or any of his powerful favorites will cause a man to be tied up in a sack and cast into the Bosphorus. Nero accused Peter and l'aul of spreading a "pestilent super stition," which they called the gospel. Ile heard their defense in person, and :sent, them to the cross. Afterwards ie tried the whole Christian Church in one body on a charge of setting fire to the city, and he convicted them, though lie knew not only that they were inno cent, but that he himselr had commit ted the crime. The judgment was fol lowed by instant execution; he let loose the torian guards upon men, women, and children, to drown, butcher and burn them. Herod saw fit, for good political reasons, closely affecting the permanence of his reign in Judea to punish certain possible traitors in Beth lehem by anticipation. This required the death of all the children in that city under two years of age. He issued his "general order;" and his provost marshal carried it out with so much alacrity and zeal, that in one day the whole laud was tilled with mourning awl lamentation. Macbeth understood the whole philo- sophy of the subject. He was an Un limited monarch. His power to punish for any offense or for no offense at all was as broad as that which the Attorney ;eueral claims for himself and his brother officers u oder the United States. But he was more cautious bow he used it. He had a dangerous rival, from whom he apprehended the most serious peril to the " life of his government." The necessity to get rid of him was plain enough, but he could not afford to shock the moral sense of the world by pleading political necessity for a murder. He must "Musk the business from the common eye." Accordingly he sent for two enter Prising gentlemen, whom he took into his service upon liberal pay—" made love to their assistance," and got them to deal with the accused party. He acted as his own judge advocate. He made a most elegantaud stirring speech to persuade his agents that Banquo was their oppressor, and had "held them so under fortune" that he ought to die for that alone. When they agreed that he was their enemy, then said the king— " So is he mine, and though I cold,/ With bco . efueed power sweep him 'rum my sigirt Aud -bid my will ay uuen it; yet 1 mmt vet, For certain friends, wno are both his and mine ‘Vhose loves I may not drop," For these, and " many weighty rea sons" besides, he thought it best to cununit the execution of his design to a subordinate agency. The commission thus organized in Ilinquo's case sat upon him that very night at a conve nient place beside the road where it was known he would be traveling; and they did precisely what the Attorney General says the military officers may do in this country—they took and killed him, because their employer at the head of the government wanted it done, and paid them for doing it out of the public treasury. But of all the persons that ever wielded this kind of power, the one who went most directly to the purpose and object of it was Lola Montez. She reduced it to the elementary principle. In 1848, when she was minister and mistress to the King of Bavaria, she dictated all the measures of the government. The times were troublesome. All over Germany the spirit of rebellion was rising ; every where the people wanted to see a first class revolution, like that which had just exploded In France. Many per sons in Bavaria disliked to be gov erned so absolutely by a lady of the character which Lola Montez bore, and some of them were rash enough to say so. Of course that was trea son, and she went about to punish it in the simplest of all possible ways. She bought herself a pack of English bull dogs, trained to tear the flesh, and man gle the limbs, and lap the life-blood ; and with these dogs at her heels, she marched up and down the streets of Munich with a most majestic tread, and with a sense of power which any judge advocate in America might envy. When she saw any person whom she chose to denounce for "thwarting the govern ment" or "using disloyal language," her obedient followers needed but asign to make them spring at the throat of their victim. It gives me unspeakable pleasure to tell you the sequel. The people rose in their strength, smashed down the whole machinery of oppres sion, and drove out into uttermostshame king, strumpet, dogs, and all. From that time to this neither man, woman, nor beast, has dared to worry or kill the people of Bavaria. All these are but so many different ways of using the arbitrary power to punish. The variety is merely in the means which a tyrannical government takes to destroy those whom it is bound to protect. Everywhere it is butanother construction, on the same principle, of that remorseless machine by which despotism wreaks its ven geance on those who offend it. In a civilized country it nearly always uses the military force, because that is the sharpest, and surest, as well as the best looking instrument that can be found for such a purpose. But in none of its forms can it be introduced into this country; we have no room for it; the ground here is all preoccupied by legal and free institutions. Between the officers who have a power like this and the people who are liable to become its victims, there crin be no relation except that of master and slave. The master may be kind and the slave may be contented in his bon dage ; but the man who can take your life, or restrain your liberty, or despoil you of your property at his discretion, either with is own hands or by means of a hired ov rseer, owns you and he can force you to serve him. All you are, and all y u have, including your wives and cl dren, are his property. If nay Ded and very good friend, the Atto ney General, had this right of domino 'on over me, I should not be very m ch frightened, for I should ex pect him to use it as moderately as any man in all the world; but still I should feel the necessity of being very discreet. He might change in a short time. The thirst for blood is an appetite which grows by what it feeds upon. We can not know him by present appearances. Robespierre resigned a country judge ship in early life, because he was too tender-hearted to pronounce sentence of death upon a convicted criminal. Cali gula passed for a most amiable young gentlemen before he was clothed with the imperial purple, and for about eight months afterwards. It was Trajan, think, who said, that absolute power would convert any man into hwild beast, whatever was the original benevo lence of his nature. If you decide that the Attorney General holds in his own hands or shares with others the power of life and death over us all, I mean to be very cautious in my intercourse with him; and I warn you, the judges whom I am now addressing, to do likewise. Trust not to the gentleness and kind ness which has always marked his be havior heretofore. Keep your distance ; be careful how you approach him ; for you know not-at what moment or by what a trifle you may rouse the sleeping tiger. Remember the injunction of Scripture: "Go not near to the man who bath power to kill; and if thou come unto him, see that thou make uo fault, lest he take away thy life present ly ; for thou goest among snares and walkest upon the battlements oUthe city." 'the right, of the executive govern 'ment to kill -and imprison citizens far political offenses hasl-not been priotti cony claimed In this country; 'except in cases where commissioned officers of the army were the instrument, used. Why should it be confined to them Why should not naval officers be permitted to share in it? What is the reason that common soldiers and seamen are ex cluded from all participation in the business? No law has bestowed the right upon army officers more than upon other persons. If men are to be hung up without that legal tali which the Constitution guarantees to them, why not employ commissions of clergy men, merchants, manufacturers, horse dealers, butchers, or drovers, to do it? It will not be pretended that military men are better qualified to decide ques tions of fact or law than other classes of people ; for it is known on the contrary that they are, as a general rule, least of all fitted to perform the duties that be long to a judge. The Attorney General thinks that a proceeding which takes away the lives of citizens without a constitutional trial is a most merciful dispensation. His idea of humanity us well as law is em bodied in the bureau of militaryjustice, with all its dark and bloody machinery. For that strange opinion he gives this curious reason: that 'the duty of the commander-in•chief is to kill, and unless he has this bureau and these com missions he must " butcher" in discriminately without mercy or justice. I admit that if the commander-in-chief or any other officer of the Government has the power of an Asiatic king, to butcher the people at pleasure, he ought to have somebody to aid him in select ing his victims, as %veil as to do the rough work of strangliw , 's and shooting. But if my learned friend will only con descend to cast an eye upon the Consti tution, lie will see at once that all the executive and Military officers are com pletely relieved by the provisions that the life of a citizen shall not be taken at all until alter legal conviction by a court and jury. You cannot help butsee that military commissions, if suflbred to go on, will be used for most pernicious purposes. I have criticized none of their past pro ceedings, nor made any allusion to their history in the last five years. !But what can be the meaning of this effort to maintain them among us? Certainly not to punish actual guilt. All theends of true justice are attained by the prompt, speedy, impartial trial which the courts are bound to give. Is there any danger that crime will be winked upon by the judges? Does anybody pretend that courts anti juries have less ability to decide upon facts and law than the men who sit in military tribunals? The counsel in this cause will not insult you by even hinting snob au opinion. What righteous or just purpose, then, can they serve? None whatever. But while they are utterly powerless to do even a shadow of good, they will be omnipotent to trample upon inno cence, to gag the truth, to silence patri otism, and crush the liberties of the country. They will always be organized to convict, and the conviction will fol low the accusation as surely as night follows the day. The Government, of course, will accuse none before such a commission except those whom it pre determines to ruin and destroy. The accuser can choose the judges; and will certainly select those who are known to be the most ignorant, the most un principled, and the most ready to do whatever may please the power which gives them pay, promotion, and plun der. The willing witness can be found as easily as the superserviceable judge. The treacherous spy, and the base informer —those loathsome wretches who ,lo their lying by the job-- will stock such a market, with abun dant perjury, for the authorities that employ them will be bound to protect ffs well as reward them. A cor rupt and tyrannical government, with such an engine at its command, will shock the world with the enormity of its orioles. Plied as it may be by the arts of a malignant priesthood, and urged on by the madness of a raving crowd, it will be worse than the popish plot, or the French revolution—it will be a combination of both, with Fouquier Tinville on the bench, and Titus Oates in the witness's box. You can save us from this horrible fate. You alone can " deliver us from the body of this death.' To that fearful extent is the destiny o this nation in your hands. The Congress of the clergy and laity coin. posed of the proposed new Diocese of the Episcopal Church assembled in Christ Church on the afternoon of Tue4day, and adjourned on the evening of yesterday. There was a full attendance of both clergy and laity, and the proceedings have been full of interest. The conclusion reached, were in favor of our immediate division, and the line adopted, leaves Philadelphia; Bucks, Montgomery, Chester and Delaware counties in one diocese. and the rest of Penn east of the A 'l. , alieny Mountains in the oilier. These qut,Li, , lls were adopted unanimously, as was also a resolution pledging liberally to support the new diocese. The services on Tuesday and yesterday were rendered very impressive, not only by the it usual array of clergy, but also by the carefully prepared and elaborate music of the celebrated choir of the Church. Lu ther's grand choral " Ein l'este burg - was especially MTh,' The sermon, c. ere by the Rev. Mr. Lett cock, of Harrisburg, and the Rev. Dr. Morn htn•t of Lancaster, and were able and elo Anent discourses.—Heading Times. )allastown has recently been the scene of one of the most appalling and distressing accidents imaginable. A youth, about 18 years of age, by the name of Smith Ayres, went down into a well which is about 60 feet deep, owned by Joshua Peeling, for the purpose of getting a well-bucket which bad fallen down. lie was let down by means of a rope. He hail been in the well but probably live minutes, when he told them to "hoist." They had raised him but a short di,tance when the wall caved in, and the pour fellow was doomed to die beneath that frightful mass of stones and earth. This occurred about halfpast one o'clock, on Monday afternoon, February Ilth. After the wall had caved in he was heard to say "for Gods sake take me out." The alarm was instantly given, and the people of the vicinity assembled and did every thing that could ue done to rescue the un fortunate youth. After having taken out stones to the depth of about twenty feet, the ground began to cave in, adding new terror to the dreadful scene, and causing great danger to those at work in the well. A frame was constructed and lowered, fur the purpose of keeping the ground front caving in. Thriiimhout the night and the day following the most intense excitement prevailed, until half past 3 o'clock in the afternoon, when the body of the youth, who, ui kours before, had entered the well full of life, was brought out of that frightful place, cold and lifeless.— York Gazette. Bloody Garments Discovered On Tuesday morning Mrs. Smith, residing at No. 683 Penn street, in the Fifth ward, discovered in the sink at the rear of her residence, a bundle of clothing concealed. The package was brought to light, and with in it were discovered two chemises, torn and bloody, evincing marks of a fearful strug- . gle for existence on the part of the owner or owners, a fine hat for a lady, to which was attached a veil, another fine lace veil, and likewise a man's shirt. All the articles were more or less bloody, and all appeared as though they had been the property of persons of refinement it not of wealth, being made of the finest materials, and the female garments being ornamented with inserting and edging. It is fared that some foul crime has been committed, the perpetra tor of which has made way with his victim or victims, and here concealed the evidences of his guilt. The garments all bear witness to the struggles of the owners, being torn and covered with blood. On of thechemises, which is torn about the breast and sleeves, bears the impress of a bloody hand. A pillowcase was likewise found covered with gore. We hope to see this mystery speedily unraveled.—Pittsburg Post. Distressing Disaster—Steamer Blown Bp, MEMPHIS, Feb. 20.—The Avalanche of this morning says: The David White left New Orleans on Thursday night for Louis ville, with one hundred passengers and five hundred tons of freight for Nashville and Louisville. She exploded her larboard boiler Sunday noon, near Columbia, 225 miles south of here. The forward part of the boat was literally torn to atoms. Many passengers and officers were blown up one hundred feet in the air, with fragments and debris of the boat. The scene is described as heart rending. The clothes were blown off some of the officers. Captian Kinney was blown up one hundred feet, and landed in the river much bruised and scalded. Captain Shaw, the clerk, reports the loss of passengers at sixty-five. Manp names are unknown, as the books were thrown over board and could not be tound. The boat is a complete wreck. Part of the boiler ex ploded upwards, and part downwards, tear ing the hull wide open. The engineers and and firemen on watch were blown down with the hull. The steamer Peter Balen picked up the survivors. The Emerald and Pauline Carroll brought them here. %amour WEDNESDAY, FOIAIIARY 27, 1867 Military Despotism, In the cant phrase of smart Repub licans, we are making history 'very fast. After refusing representation to one third of the people of the country, our rulers at Washington are about to make another experiment in Democratic in stitutions by the establishment of Mili tary Despotism 4u the South. Nine States are to be divided into five mili tary districts, each governed by an officer "not below the rank of Briga dier General," whose duty it shall be "to protect all persons in their rights of person and property, to suppress in surrection, disorder and violence, and to punish or cause to be punished all disturbers of the public peace and crim inals; and to this end he may allow local civil tribunals to take jurisdiction of and try offenders, or, when in his judgment it may he necessary for the trial of offenders, he shall have power to organize military committees or tri bunals for that purpose." Who shall ascertain and determine rights of per son and property, elsewhere the most delicate function of the law? The Brigadier General, by means of a mili tary committee. Who shall decide what is insurrection and disorder, and by whom they have been committed? The Brigadier General, through a military tribunal. Who shall enact the laws under which men are to be punished as criminals? The Brigadier General. Who shall try men on the specific and well defined (!) charge of being crim inals? The Brigadier General and a drum head court martial. In each dis trict, the Brigadier General is to be leg islator, judge, sheriff and executioner, —au absolute, irresponsible military tyrant. True, his military majesty may gra ciously condescend to " allow" judges to sit and juries to act, but all this is at his sovereign will and pleasure. If the Brigadier General or any of his subor dinates should covet the estate or effects of a planter, how promptly a court martial might dispossess the proprietor. If the latter should resist or protest, the same officer and tribunal might " sup press ,disorder," and "punish the dis turber of the public peace" by trans portation or execution. If the press should dare to expose the outrage of the satrap, an application of the same rem edy would quickly silence complaint. Or if a citizen should venture on re monstrance, freedom of speech would speedily share the fate of freedom of the press. It may be said that such deeds as these are not contemplated and cannot be committed. No theory of government ever intends wrong, but bad men per vert the theory, seize the opportunity and perpetrate the wrong. Monarchy was designed to be a mild, beneficent and patriarchal system; but the baser passions of human nature perverted it into an engine of terrible oppression. And how can it be said that fearful out rages will not be committed under this military system, when thousands of subaltern officers are Vested with impe rial powers and scattered over half a continent? The eye and arm of the Brigadier General, were lie as pure as Butler is foul, could not reach them all. Nor is the jurisdiction of the Briga dier General and his subordinates con fined to any particular class of persons. Conceding for the sakeof argument that rebels are outlaws and felons, the loyal ists and negroes of the South are, never theless, entitled to the rights of Ameri can freemen. Yet over these the mili tary power of the satrap is supreme, and their rights of person and property are adjudicated by courts martial, with out escape or appeal. A rare system, forsooth, for the ‘ education of negroes in the duties of American citizenship! And if the loyal freeman of the North ventures, either temporarily or perma nently, to cross the Southern frontier, he leaves his freedom behind, aud be comes the subject of the Brigadier whose district he enters. A Northern freeman crosses the Potomac, and is falsely ac cused of crime, perhaps murder or theft. He invokes the protection of the law and claims his constitutional right of trial by jury. The Brigadier responds by detailing a court martial, the sub altern becomes accuser and judge, and without law or even a decent hearing, the freeman is sacrificed and a tile of soldiers seals his doom. A system that will permit the perpetration of such an outrage on a free citizen of the land is not only a disgrace to Republican insti tutions but a blot upon the' civilization of the age. There is no fit place for it between • Turkey—and the United States. " Russia In America." "Russia in America" has heretofore comprised a small strip of territory in the North-western part of this conti nent, inhabited by a few trappers who take the animals that abound there for the sake of their furs. The possession of this unimportant portion of America by the Great Despotism that throws its long and dark shadow from the gulf of Finland to Behring's Straits, has never given uneasiness to the people of this country. It has never been apprehend ed that Russia would make any attempt to extend her authority beyond the small strip of territory she occupied in the northwest, nor that, from having her as our neighbor, we should become so fatally enamoured of her institutions as to transplant them to our own soil. While we have been living in fancied security. Russia, through her Radical agents in the Congress of the United States, has stolen a march on us and car ried her institutions into the very heart of our country. "Russia in America" is henceforth to extend from the Poto mac to the Rio Grande. Ten States, lately in this Union, have been taken out from under the protecting wings of the "American Eagle" and placed be neath the bloody paws of the "Northern Bear." Virginia, " the mother of States and of Statesmen," on whose noble bosom Washington, Jefferson, Henry and Madison were nurtured, is hence forth to be a province of the New Sibe ria, and her citizensare to hold their lib erty and their property at the breath of SOME Cossack who has watered his steed in the Merrimac and,appeased his own hunger at the onion beds of Wethers field. Georgia, who went through the fires of the RevolutiOn arm-in-arm with Pennsylvania, is not to be governed by the Constitution which both of them agreed to at the close of that struggle, but by the Sabre of a Dragoon who is to be detailed to dispense Russian jus tice within her limits. All through the South, the harsh and heavy tread of the military satrap is to take the place of the noiseless step of the officer of the law, and the judge on the bench is to be superseded by the corporal on the drum head. RO . II up the map of the American Union and put the Russian knout in the talons of the Eagle. “Hagerstown Mall.” The Hagerstown Mail, which was burnt out several weeks ago, reappeared in an enlarged form on Friday last. It looks so well and is so ably edited, both in its general and local departments, and its selections are so judiciously wade, that we can see no room for fur ther improvement in it. The World Moving. aye Clip the following interesting item : - from one of our leading Republican ex- C j/es • • FRIEDERICK DOLTGLASS.--Frederick,Dding laszOn Monday last, was treated with dis tinguished honors at Lansing, the capital of Michigan. By a formal vote of the Hone of Assembly, he was invited to a seat on the floor, where be received the compliments of the members. Some twenty-five years ago he made a lecturing tour in those regions, and was received with honors of a different sort—trolleys of brickbats and showers of rotten eggs. The world moves. It has become a fashion with Re publican papers, whenever they publish anything to show that the negro is rapidly rising to social equality with the white man, to wind up with the im portant announcement that " the world moves." John Hickman slaps a coal-black negro on the back and calls him " brother " at a public meeting in Chester county, and forthwith we are informed by the Radical press that "the world moves." John W. Forney, despising the negro iu his heart, but willing to do anything to please his radical masters in the Senate, and prevent them from muster ing him out of the "bread and butter brigade," receives and entertains a party of negroes at his residence in Washington, and again we are in form• ed that "the world moves." The Radical Legislature of Pennsyl vania passes an act compelling conduc tors on railroads to put big, greasy, stinking negro wenches on the same seat with white women, and thereupon Republican papers again triumphantly announce, the fact that " the world moves." The Legislature of Michigan, gener ally supposed to be composed of white men, invites the negro Fred. Douglass to a seat on the floor, where, throned like a king, " he receives the compli ments of the members," and of course "the world moves" again. Joshua commanded the sun to stand still and it obeyed him. The Negro commands the world to move, and ac cording to all Radical authority it moves at his bidding. But the honors paid to negroes are riot the only evidences we have that the world is moving. Murder, robbery, arson, rape, and crimes of every grade and hue, prevail to an extent never before heard of in the history of mankind. " The world moves." The Penitentiaries of Illinois, Ohio, New York and other States, have twice ,as many inmates as they had five years ago, and those of Pennsylvania (at Philadelphia and Pittsburg) are crowd , ed to such an extent that it is now pro posed to erect a third, to be located at Harrisburg. " The world moves." Traitors who reviled the Constantly all their lives, and worked and prayed for the overthrow of the Union, now rank among the "purest patriots" in all the land. "The world moves." The Pennsylvania Legislature, the elect of the "pure and loyal sentiment" of the old Keystone, is denounced as thoroughly corrupt and debauched by a majority of the ltepublican papers of the State, and among them the very journal from which we clip the above tem about Fred. Douglass. But the Republicans will re-elect these corrupt members, and the journals who de nounce them will assist them back to the seats they disgrace. " The world moves." Verily, the world does move, but whither is it tending? So far, at least, as this portion of it is concerned, its course is downward, and the fact that it "moves" is far from matter for congratulation. To "move" is one thing; to move in the right •dir•cetion is another, and may be a very different thing. Let all honest and good men give this subject their earnest consider ation. A Cotton Claim General hick Taylor's sudden conversion to Unionism is now accounted for by the fact that he is interested in a two million cotton claim against the Government. It wouldn't be the first case of cotton conver sion in which Richard has been engaged during the past live years. Perhaps he finds himself going down in the world more rapidly Ma n is agreeable, and he thinks he can "bale" out his sinking fortunes. The above is clipped from one of the leading Republican papers of Pennsyl vania, the editor of which may know even more than he has chosen to tell about Dick Taylor's cotton operations. We heard several years ago, (and it came from a high Republican source,) a story about certain cotton transactions which General Dick Taylor was con nected with on the one side, and Gen. N. P. Banks on the other. The story ran that Banks, then in command at New Orleans, entered into a "strictly private" arrangement with Taylor, who was at the head of a Con federate force of considerable strength up the Red River. Banks wanted cot ton, (for Butler had left him no spoons to steal,) and Taylor was in great need of greenbacks and bacon. The arrange ment was, that Taylor should collect all the cotton in his section at a certain point on Red River, on the pretence of taking it under the protection of his army. At the right time, Banks was to advance in superior force, and Tay lor was to fall back precipitately, leav ing the cotton to be gobbled up by Banks, who had his agents ready to ship it to New England and sell it on private account. The cotton safely on board of the vessels waiting to receive it, Taylor, reinforced, was to surprise Banks' camp, and the latter was to re treat in such haste as to leave his well filled military chest and a large stock of bacon to fall into the hands of the former. This arrangement, which promised to operate so advantageously to the " high contracting parties," was utterly spoiled by the inconsiderate action of the officer in command of General Banks' ad vance guard, who either had not been let into the secret or was dissatisfied with the arrangement and determined to break it up. This officer, instead of merely following up a reconnoitering party sent out by Taylor •on the ap proach of Banks, pitched into it with shot, shell and sabre, and sent it bleed ing and shattered back upon its main body. Taylor, taking this for Indisputa ble evidence of treachery and violation of contract on the part of Banks, turn ed vengefully upon him with his whole force, and gave him that terrible thrash ing which has linked the name of "Red River" with one of the most stupend ous Federal disasters in the field. If this is the cotton transaction out of which Dick Taylor's " two million cot ton claim against the Government" has grown, and which is alleged to account for his "sudden conversion to Union ism," might it not be well for the Rad icals in Congress to inquire whether General Banks, who is now a member of the House, has any pecuniary interest in it ? Toadies Rewarded Not long ago Mr. Walter, of the Lon don Times, was in Washington, when Forney got up a banquet which was at tended by many prominent Republi cans. This country throughout the war, had no worse enemy than Walter; but it was said he had undergone a change, and he was toadied to extensively—and the toadies have got what they deserve. Walter has gone back, and the Times is filled with abuse, wherein Forney and others who toadied, are particularly named, in contrast to Andrew John son. Judge Black's Argument. We publish to-day the' argument of Judge Black before the- Supreme CAtartof the United States in what is known is the "Indiana Conspiracy, Case." We trust Lt will be published by every conservative newspaper the United States and no more appropriate. 1 time for its publication'cionld be found than the present. Every word of it is applicable to the infamous military gov ernment bill of Thaddeus Stevens, under which just such unconstitutional and murder-breeding military commissions as Judge Black crushed in this great argument are to be set up in ten Sover eign States of this once glorious Union. Judge Black's pre-eminent powers of mind, and his ability to express his thoughts in language of amazing force are admirably set forth in the following article from the Maryland Prince Geor gian : Judge Maelig Speech at the Eighth of January Celebration. An eminent gentleman—lawyer, orator and scholar—writes " I send you Black's last and best. Every uceeediug occasion when his mind and heart are both roused, fills me with higher admiration of his genius. His power of words without his power of thinking would be a great oratory." There is much good criticism in these few words. We print thespeech in another column. A cunning pattern of excelling art it is. But we don't agree that it is his best. For there are superlative things in the oration for Milligan that car ied the Supreme Court unanimously—Lincoln- Judges and all--and saved the Constitution• We say oration; because it rose above law argument. lie is great even in mere dic tion. ii may well be called "power of words ;" and Is, Indeed, the genius of the orator. " Great as thou art In all the power of words," is Pope's poetical homage to Mansfield. Mirubeau says "words lire things," and Webster repeats it, as coming from a mas ter of human e,loquence. Fine examples of this power of expression, which carries ir resistibly the reason and feelings together, may be found in the few remains we have of Chatham.: We quote a few of them,— not for their eloquence only, but for their wisdom and truth—never of more yalue than now —in this epoch of political judges, and political preachers; of chicane in silk, and casuistry in lawn. That despotism In America would be fatal to liberty in England: "America, if she fall, will fall like the strong man. She will embrace the pillars of the temple, and pull down the Constitution with her." On the legal inviolability of every habi tation In England from arbitrary power, searches and seizures: "A wretched hovel it may be; decayed and roofless; the storms may beat through it; but the King of Eng land, with all his power, dare not cross the threshold of the ruined tenement." Or when he spurred die House of Lords to stand up, us their ancestors had, fur the laws and liberty of England: "The iron- Ba rous of Magna Charta were not the silken Barons of a Court. But three words of their barbarous Esti n—nullus fiber homo— are worth all the classics." In this excellence, this facility of putting the best thoughts in the best words, none of our speakers (spud Black. Ile rises with such ease to the 1 . glit of a great argument ; and uo smoke 01, eures his fire. His intel lect has the "clear Bahl," as Bacon calls it. What can be better, fur simple energy and congineing truth, than his brushing away the judicial twaddle that finds "doubtful constitutional construction" in the prohibi tion to put an accused to death without judge or jury? "No one can make any mistake about it, if he has sense enough to know his right hand from his left. It is as plain as anything in the ten command ments; as simple as any sentence in the Lord's prayer; as ally moral precept in the child's primer." Or his warning of the fate of Titus Oates, " to Mr. Holt, Mr. Con over, and the .other officers, agents, spies, delators and witnesses of the Military Bu reau." Or his denunciation of the "toad spotted traitors, who would subvert all the . legal defences of life , and liberty, and put human rights ut the mercy of mobs, mur derers, kidnappers, military commissions, and bureaus of military justice." How fine, and yet how simple, is the de fense of trial by jury, in the oration for Milligan. "I do not assert that ihe jury-trial is an infallible mode of ascertaining truth. Like everything human, it has its imperfections. I only say that it is the best protection for innocence, and the surest mode of punishing guilt, that has yet been discovered. It has borne the test of ,a longer experience, and borne it better, than any other legal institu tion that ever existed among men. England owes more of her freedom, her grandeur and prosperity to that than all other causes put together. It has had the approbation not only of thosewho lived under it, but of great thinkers who looked at it calmly iron' a distance, and judged it impartially. Mon tesquieu and De Toequeyille speak of it with an admiration as rapturous as Coke and Blackstone. With the present century the most enlightened states of Continental Europe have transplanted it into their countries; and no people ever adopted it once, and were afterwards willing to part with it. - 1 n the following execration of military commissions, the facts are as tersely and accurately stated as the argument is forcibly and eloquently drawn: " While they ar6 utterly powerless to do auy good, they are omnipotent to trample upon innocence, to gag truth, to silence pa triotism, and crush the liberties of a coun try. They may always be organized to convict. The governMent will, of course, accuse no one before a military commission but whom it predetermines to ruin and de- stroy. The acct‘ser can choose the judges, and will certainly select the most ignorant, the most unprincipled, the most ready to please the power which gives them pay, promotion and plunder. The willing wit ness Will be found as easily as the super serviceable judge. The treacherous spy and the base informer—those loathsome wretches who do their lying by the job— will stock a market with abundant perjury, for the authorities that employ them will be bound to protect, as well as to reward them. A corrupt and tyrannical government, with such an engine at its command, will shock the world with the enormity of its crimes." Getting Alarmed The Evening Leader, a new Radical newspaper published in Washington, seems to be considerably exercised in reference to the election which took place yesterday in Georgetown, District of Columbia, and which is the first that has taken place in the District since Congress vested the negroes therein with the right of suffrage. It says; "If the negro element should come to the polls and cast their first vote in a body for the Republican ticket, the news of it will go North as an earnest that the colored peo ple know their friends from their enemies, and can be trusted to discrintinate between them at the ballot-box. I f, on the other hand, a large number of negro votes should be cast for the Democratic party, the effect will be disheartening to the friends of the colored race everywhere. So it seems that the Republicans are not quite sure that they can countupon their negro friends as allies, but fear that they may desert in a body to the Democracy. In this case " the friends of the colored race" will be "disheart ened," and negro suffrage will doubtless lose its savour in Republican eyes. It will convince them beyond question that the negro is not capable of exer cising the rights of self-government. It is a rather bold and shameless avow al, however, for the Leader to indicate thus clearly that the Radicals favor negro suffrage only because they expect to reap negro votes. , Colored man, say they, vote with us, and you are a free and intelligent citizen ; if you vote against us, you 'will prove yourself to be but a brute, and your new-born priv ileges shall be taken from you. The Republicans are evidently in favor of a qualified negro' suffrage—qualified, that is, with a condition that the negro shall vote right. Their fears that the negroes will eventually, as they grow in intelligence in their new condition of freedom, vote the Democratic ticket, are undoubtedly well founded. We an ticipate no other result. A drunken man drove his horse and buggy on the railroad track at Dayton. He met the passenger train, and was knocked headlong to the bottom of the embankment, his horse being killed and himself taken up for dead. After some time, however, he revived, and it was found that be was not seriously injured. The Dragoon Bill for the South. 7/ The National Intelligences and the Washington Repablic4n, papers that never were in any genie -organs or sup porters of the Deinocratic party, strong ly condemn the Radical Dragoon Bill for the Government of the South. The Intelligencer was the organ of the Whig party from its formation until its disso lution, and It opposed the attempted secession of the Southern States with all its might. The Republican was started as the organ of President Lincoln, and it maintained that relation till the close of his life. These facts, which are too well known to be disputed, ought to induce Republicans who may have some disposition to view public affairs dispassionately, to read and reflect upon what these papers say. (From the National Intetligencer.l At a late hour on Wednesday night the reconstructiOn bill passed the Senate, with the odious House amendments included— amendments that should have palsied the hands that penned them, as they will black en in after days the character of those who pushed them forward to a successful con summation. We know that the better sort of Republicans desired at heart that that form of embittered proscriptiveness should not be forced upon them ; but the behests of fanaticism and mercenariness were all powerful, as is seen by the apparently de spairing vole against the bill. (Fro m the Washington Republican.l If the President approves of the measure lie will make himself a military despot over ten States of the Federal Union. He cannot sign it with honor. It sets aside the Constitution and Supreme Court of the United States, disregards all civil authori ties and laws, and confers absolute power, unlimited and Uncontrolled by men, upon the President. We believe him to be too much of a patriot to accept the boon thus offered him. At the same time we sincerely hope and believe that he will return the bill with his objections, and throw the re sponsibility of having enacted such a inoe strous law von its authors. Such a thing in a man's" pocket; would certainly wake him feel uncomforWle. Sound Resolutions In the State Senate, ou Tuesday last, Hon. Wm. A. Wallace offered the fol lowing resolutions: Re.roh•ed, First, 'chat the Constitution, and the laws of the United States wade in pursuance thereof, are the supreme law of the land, and extend over and bind every citizen of the Republic in every portion thereof. Second, That the privilege of the, writ of habeas corpus ought not to be suspended when the courts are open unit civil law in full force. _ Third, That no person shall be held to answer for a crime unless on h presentment or indictment of a grand jury, nor be de prived of life, liberty or property without due process of law. Fourth, That peace exists ; that the right of trial by jury should remain inviolate in every part of the Republic, and the military power should now, in all cases, be in strict subordination to the civil power. Ten years ago, these resolutions would have been passed unanimously in both branches of our Legislature, but on Tuesday last they were " shelved" by being referred to the Committee on Federal Relations, the Republicans vot ing to refer them and the Democrats voting against a reference. Corruptlonlsts Punished The law against legislative bribery and corruption is being executed with wholesome vigor in NeW Jersey. A month or two ago a member of the Leg islature of that State was convicted of bribery and corruption and sent to prison, where he is still confined. On Tuesday last, at Trenton, Barclay Haines, who had pleaded guilty to the charge of offering a bribe to a member of the Legislature, with a view to affect his official conduct, .was sentenced to pay a fine of one thousand dollars and the costs of prosecution. In passing sentence, the Court indulged in the fol lowing just reflections upon the offence of the prisoner: You have pleaded guilty to the charge of offering a bribe to a member of the Legis lature, with a view to affect his official con duct. Such an act is made highly penal by the laws of this State. The extent of the punishment as prescribed by the statute is a fine of $l,OOO, five years imprisonment at hard labor, and perpetual disqualification to hold office. The severity of these penal ties are indications of the enormity of the offence in the estimation of those who pas sed this enactment; and it is believed that there are but few persons who, if they will reflect upon the subject, will regard them as inordinate. Regarded in its consequences there are not many crimes more prejudicial than this attempt to bribe, of which you have been convicted. It is obviouv that if those who hold the high power of legisla tion in their hands can be led to betray the trust reposed in them by the people, the very foundation of republican government becomes undermined. This Court can have no doubt, therefore, that a crime of this character should in almost all cases be visited with severe inflictions. The act of offering or of receiving a bribe should be stigmatized and made disgraceful by the mode of its punishment. Thus far the Court has no difficulty. Each member of the Court regards this offence as one of great enormity, and pro ductive of great injury to the morals and rights of the community. Recently we have been called upon in the discharge of our official duty, to declare publicly by a signal example that we also think that the punishment of this crime should not be of an ordinary character. If ottences of this kind should be hereafter perpetrated wd should esteem it as the duty of the judiciary to punish such offenders to the full extent of the power which the statutes give them. Impressed with these views we have felt much hesitation, before we have come to the conclusion to mitigate in your case, that severity of punishment which, as I have held, we think the nature of this crime in. -general deserves. But there are some con siderations on the side of clemency which have weight with us. But a short time since, the penal justice of the State, with respect to the crime now before us, was fully, and as we think rightly executed by the punishment of an offender against the same law. We are induced to think that for the present, that example will be suffi cient. We also observe your case differs in your favor from the one just alluded to, for you have not betrayed any confi dence reposed in you, nor have you violated any official oath. But more than this you have pleaded guilty to the charges contained in this indictment. The shame you must feel at your present dis qualified position we know must be a great trial and punishment to a person who has occupied a glace in society so respectable as yours has heretofore been. The specta cle of so humiliating a situation brought about by your own misconduct, must neces sarily affect the public mind, and serve as a warning to rill persons against the perpetra tion of similar offences, almost if not quite as effectual as any incarceration to which this court could consign you. These con siderations have been sufficient to induce us to listen favorably to the appeals of your counsel and have inclined us to the side of lenity. The sentence of the court therefore is, that for the crime of which you stand convicted vote pay a fine of $lOOO, and be forever dis qualified to hold any office of honor, trust or profit under this State, and stand com mitted until the fine and costs are paid. Disfranchisement in Tennessee—How it We take from a cotemporary, says the New York Times, the following fact, which nicely illustrates the operation of the dis franchising principle in Tennessee. It would not be difficult to find hundreds of similar anomalies under the working of the sys tem in force in that state: " A firm in Nashville, one of the largest and most respectable mercantile houses in the West, paying annually many thousand dollars of taxes, has, including clerks, six persons employed in the concern, besides the porter, who is a negro. The latter Is now the only one of the whole con, ern who is allowed a vote under the present Brown low constitution. The point of the joke is, that the negro was the bitterest rebel of all, and was an officer's servant in the late rebel army, and when fighting by his master's side he was the third man over the ram parts of Fort Pillow, where he fell like an avenging thunderbolt upon the negroes who so gallantly surrendered that stronghold." How Outsiders Look Upon It The Zanesville (Ohio) Courier says: "Set a rogue to catch a rogue," is an old adage, which the Pennsylvania Legislature ap pear to have acted upon, when they heard that the people suspected them of having been bought by Cameron's money to place Cameron in the Senate. They set a com mittee of their own members to work to ascertain if the charges were true, and it is barely probable Cameron bought them up, for they report that in the matter of fraud they " couldn't see IL" Petroleum in Virginia. The Alexandria Gazette says : "We are informed by a gentleman who has lately visited the scene of the boring operations now in progress on the land of Col. John Powell, near Republican Mills, in Fairfax county, that oil has unquestionably been obtained there, and that the discovery of valuable wells is daily looked for. The steam engine which turns the augers is kept at word day and night, and the depth reached up to this time is 130 feet." Military, Gorerimentlia tie Bono. The' bill tO""establlttli more efficient governments for the Southern States" has passed both houses of Congress, and Is now in the hands of the President. It will doubtless be vetoed, but will, of course, be passed over the veto in less than an hour after Its return to the house in which it originated. In order that our readers may have a clear un derstanding of the subject, we give the bill as it passed and was sent to the President. It is as follows: Whereas no legal State governments or adequate protection for life or property now exists in the rebel States of Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina, ueorkia, Missis sippi, Alabama, Louisiana, Florida, Texas, and Arkansas; and whereas it is necessary that peace and good order should be en lorced in said States until loyal and re publican States governments can be legally established; therefore, Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of Amer ica in Congress assembled, That said rebel States shall be divided into military , dis tricts and made subject to the military authority of the United States, as herein after prescribed, and for that purpose Vir ginia shall constitute the first district ; North Carolina and South Carolina the second district: tleorgia, Alabama and Florida the third district; Mississippi and Arki)- ; sas the fourth district ; Louisiana and Texas the tifth district. See... And be it further enacted, That it shall be the duty of the President to assign to the command of each of said districts an officer of the army, not below the rank of brigadier general, and to detail a sufficient military three to enable such officer to per form his duties and enforce his authority within the district to which ho is assigned. SE'. a nd be it further enacted, That it shall be the duty of each officer assigned as aforesaid to protect all persons in their rights of person and property, to suppress insurrection, disorder and violence, and to punish, or cause to be punished, all dis turbers of the public peace and criminals, and to this end he may allow local civil tribunals to take jurisdiction of and to try offenders, or, when in his Judgement it may be necessary for the trial of offenders, lie shall haws power to organize military coot missions or tribunals for that purpose; and all interference under color ofStale authority with the exercise of military authority tinder this act shall be null and void. .4 ad be it further enacted, That all persons put under military arrest by virtue of this act shall be tried without unneces sary delay, and no cruel or unusoal punish ment shall be inflicted; and no sentence of any military commission or tribunal here by authorised, affecting the life or liberty of any person, shall be executed until It iv approved by the officer in command of t district, and the laws and regulations for the government of the army shall not be affected by this act, except in en far as they conflict with Its provisions: Provided, That no sentence of death nnder the provisions of this act shall be carried into effect with. out the approval of the President. 5. And be it further enacted, That when the people of any one of said rebel States shall have formed a constitution or govertnnent in conformity with the consti tution of the United States in all respects, framed by a convention of delegates elected by the male citizens of said State twenty one years old and upward, of whatever race, color, or previous condition, who have been resident in said State for onu year previ ous to the day of such election, except such as may be disfranchised for par ticipation in the rebellion or for felony at common law, and when such (smstitution shall provide that the elective franchise shall be enjoyed by all such persons as have the qualifications herein stated fur eleetion of delegates, and when such constitution shall be ratified by u majority of the persons voting on the question of ratification, Who are qualified us electors for delegates, and when such constitution shall have been submitted to Congress for examination and approval, and Congress shall have approved the same, and when said State, by a vote of Its Leg's. latu re elected tinder said constitution; shall have adopted the amendment to the consti tution of the United States, proposed by the thirty-ninth Congress, and known as article 14, and when said article shall have become a part of the constitution of the United States, said State shall be declared entitled to representation in Congress, and Senators and Representatives shall be ad mitted therefrom on their taking the oath prescribed by law, and then and thereafter the preceding sections of this bill shall be inoperative in said State: Provided, That no person excluded from the privilege of holding office by said proposed amendment to the constitution of the United States shall be eligible to election us a member of the convention to frame a constitution for any of said rebel States, nor sheik any such person vote for members of said conven tion. • Sic. G. And be it _further enacted, 'Phut until the people of said rebel States shall be by law admitted to representation in the Congress of the United States any civil gov ernMents which may exist therein shall be deemed provisional only, and in all respects subject to the paramount authority of the United Slates at any—time to abolish, modi fy, control or supersede the same; and in all elections to anv office under such pro visional governments all persons shall be entitled to vote, and none other, who lire entitled to vote under the provisions of the filth section of this act; and no person shall be eligible to any otlieu under such pro visional governments who would be dis qualified Prone holding office under the pro visions of the third article of said constitu tional amendment. The following are the yeas and nays in the Senate on the final passage of the bill : Yeas—Messrs. Brown, Cattell , t. handler, Conneas, Cmgin, Creswell, Edmunds, Fen sender), Fogg, Foster, Fowler, Frelinghuy sun, H arris, Henderson, Howard, Howe, Johnson, I: irk wood, Lane, Morgan Morrill, Poineroy, Ramsey, Ross, Sherman, Stewart, Sumner, Trumbull, Van Winkle, Wade, Willer, Williams, Wilson and Yates Nays—Me.srs. linekalew, Cowan, Davis, Hendrick., Nesmith, Patterson and Sauls bury—T. A RepubliCOU Picture of Cougrtoog A Washington correspondent writes to the New York Pest: "The Republicans are by no means united. A part of them, in both House, do not really desire to complete any practical of reconstruction. They mean to keep the Southern States out as long as they can, to treat them us harshly as possible, to force through Congress measures which shall in crease instead of diminishing thetlivergenee between the President and Congress. These men oppose the Blaine amendment to the military bill, and insist on the passage of military bill alone. The violent and ex treme republicans in both Houses exercise an influence disproportioned to their num bers, by reason of their virulence and intol erance. They denounce as a copperhead every republican who offers to differ from them, and exercise really a system of ter rorism, which has broken down the inde pendent judgment of very many, and makes some of the ablest men in the House and Senate so anxious to avoid their proscrip tion, that they are silent or acquiescent to measures which theirjudgment condemns." New Jury Law A bill has been introduced into the State Legislature which provides fur a now method of selecting Jurors. Two commis sioners are to be elected annually in each county, who with the Sheriff are to select and draw the Jurors on and after next Octo ber. The jury commissioners are to be paid the same per diem as the county commis sioners receive. The bill is deficient in that it makes no provision for the cierk to copy off the names as they are drawn, nor Is it made the busi ness of any person to furnish lists of the jurors to put up in the offices of the County Commissioners, Prothonotary and Sheriff. As that part of the old law which obliged this to be done is repealed by the new bill, no one will be likely to volunteer his ser vices. Again, there is no provision that obliges the notices to be served on the jurors drawn. The Lincoln Medal—]lre. Lincoln's Reply. It may be remembered that after the as sassination ot President Lincoln a subscrip - tion was opened in France to present commemorative medal to Mrs. Lincoln. That has now been done, and that lady has sent the following letter to the committee through the agent specially sent over: CRlCAoo„January 3, 1867.—Gentlemen : I have received the medal you have sent me. I cannot express the emotion with which this proof of the sentiments of so many thousands of your countrymen fills me. So marked a testimony to the memory of my husband, giving in honor of his services in the cause of liberty by those who in another land work for the same great end, touches me profoundly, and I beg you to iiecept, for yourselves and those whom you represent, my most grateful thanks. I um, with the profoundest re spect, your most obedient servant, MARY LINCOLN. Surratt at the Jail Surratt, on arriving at the jail, was at once con e ucted tau cell, and appeared quite cool and cheerful. He informed Warden Brown that lie intendednot to give him any trouble. He asked particularly about his sister, speaking of her in tender terms, and said he thought she was dead. ' rho War den informed him that he believed she was in Maryland, and he replied: " Oh, I reckon she is with her grandmother." The warden told him that it was his duty to keep him safe, but would grant him all proper privi leges, and asked if there was anything he. wanted. Surratt replied that he would like to have the privilege of smoking, and this was granted him.— Washington filar, Bitten by a Mad Dar The wife of John Shirey, of Stoughstown. and two of their children were bitten by a. rabid dog on Sunday last. The dog-be longed to Mr. Shirey. We have notlearned. any further particulars of this sad event.— Carlisle Volunteer.
Significant historical Pennsylvania newspapers