®&* pttrtnster> girtdJtflMiw, PUBLISHED BVEBT. BY €O O PE B , S, A. ,*l 8 ,* «O . ’^l,"Sites, ■;•• '. ' ; i. &'bltovafe, Wa. A.. MoBTOSf, Altbid Ssudebhoh TERHSf—Two Dollars per annum, payable all oases lu advance. OOBWBK OP OfINTBE SfttTAltlfc. ' ' • • JS*A.ll letters on business ahonld be ad dressed to Coopßb, 8 aSDBnadT? A Go. l^tefeWatwron CLTMER AND THE UNION. A GRAND POPULAR DEttOSSTBATION IN LANCASTER CITY! The Masses Resolved that the Union Shall be Restored. The Policy of Congress Uepodlated In the Home of Tbad. Stevens. White Mcu Determined to Perpetuate a White Man'll Government. Speeches by Senator Doolittle nud Hon. Hies tor Clymer. SPEECH OK SENATOR J. R. DOOLITTLE. Senator Doolittle, upon being introduced by Mr. Hiester* was loudly cheered by the vast crowd which was assembled. In his peculiarly impressive manner he proceeded to address the people as follows: Fellow-citizens: Wo have passed through a gigantic civil war—such a war as the worm never saw before. In that great war, which crimsoned so many fuir Holds with human gore, u half million of our fathers, our sons and our brothers have goue to premature gruvtfs. If all the blood shed during its prosecution gathered in one reservoir, this assembly, largo as it is, could swim in it. And not only did it cost this great munberof precious lives and this vast amount of blood, but It occasion ed the expenditure of fivo thousand mil lion dollars—a sum which, taken in gold and put in wagons, would require live thousand teams to draw it. Apd now thut this great war is over, uml the' clangor of army is no longer heard, the nuestimi naturally arises, whut has it boon for? Whut has all this gigantic war, with all its accompanying and unavoidableevils, boen for? [A voice Niggers.] Oh no! Not for negroes. It was to sustain the Consti tution oftbu United States and the Union of the Stutes under the Constitution. Thut is what the American people fought for. That is what your sons and your brothers fought for—the Constitution of the United States and the rights of the sovorul States uuder it. For this, and for this alone, you sent your fathers, your brothers and your sons to the bloodv seeno of conflict. For this our sons in Wisconsin wont to the Held, and for this iny eldest son laid down his life. For this great purpose all thesesucrificoH wore made. Thu great question, and the only oue we have now to consider, is, shall We preserve the Constitution or shall wo permit Con gress to abolish it? Whut does the Consti tution say? It says that each State in the Union shall be entitled to equal suffrage in tho Senate. s No State is to be deprived of thiH right without its own consent. Con gress, ruled by the indexible, strong-willed Radical leader who lives in your own town, (Thnddous Stevens,) say ten Slates of the Union shall not have any representation under the Constitution at all—that they must make a new Constitution beforo tho right of representation will be conceded to them. Tho Constitution—the bond of Union —tho supreme law that binds all who live in this land, says just tho reverse of this. Now T uudurlake to say that no man in this vast assembly, no matter what his po litical antecedents may be, will assert that this is not the precise issue. The President Hays every State Ims a right to representation in Congress under tho Constitution our Revolutionary forefathers made for us and bequeathed to us, and to maintain and preserve which we sacrificed a half million men and live thousand mil lion dollars. Now that is the reason why, in this contest, if you wish to maintain the Constitution framed by our forefathers, and written in the blood of the patriots of the Revolution, you must vote for members of Congress who recognize tho right of all the States to representation in the National Legislature. This is why you should vote for members of tho State "Legislature who entertain the same views, and would re elect Edgar Cowan to the Senate of tho United Statos. I would rejoieo to see Cowan re elected—a brave and sagacious states man, who rocogn izest he inalienable right of representation—and I trust you will elect no other in Pennsylvania. And so in your choico of Governor. Geury represents tlfo Radical Congressional policy offsubjugation and deprivation of political rights, whilst overy vote given to Clymer will be a vote in favor of the Constitutional right of each and eVeiy State to representation, with its guaranteed equality unimpaired. I propose nqw to discuss tho question of restoration as between the President and tho great leader of the House of Represen tatives, (Thuddous Stevens.) When you be gin to build a house, you look well to the foundation. You take pains to see that it is laid on solid rock—on the blue limestone that underlies the rich soil of this renowned county of Lancaster. So shall I begin this discussion, laying it on tho solid rock of indisputable fact, so that it may withstand any storm that may beat against it. I shall begin ut the beginning of reconstruction, and read from the proclamation of Presi dent Lincoln, made two years before An drew Johnson became President. What does President Lincoln any in this procla mation? On what foundation did lie build up Southern State governments? He built on tho solid rock of tho white man alone— the blue limestone of political society—rest ing no part of his foundation on the black, unstable, shifting sand of the negro. He required all meu who should vote in Lite reconstruction of any Southern State to be qualified voters uuder the laws of such State beforo its secession. Who wore they? , They were white men' No colored men were permitted to vote. President Lincoln confined the right of suffrage to those quali lied voters. Will any man deny this? Does any Republican deny what i now state? Here is the book. I build on the bed rock. Hero is the proclamation. [Mr. I), road from President Lincoln’s proclamation of the date specified.] What is the plan of Thaddeus Stevens? To got ut the foundation and avoid misrep resentation, I will read from the law intro duced by Mr. Thaddeus Stevens in the House of Representatives last winter. No friend of his shull say I have treated him unfairly. I shall quoto hitn as he stands upon record. Here is the law lie proposed for the reconstruction of tho Southern States. [Here Mr. Doolittle read from Mr. Stevens’ bill authorizing tho President to call State Conventions to form Constitutions in the .States lately in rebellion. This bill provides that all male citizens above twenty-one years of age, excepting Indians not taxed, shall be entitled to vote. Ac.] Under tills bill, continued Mr. Doolittle, all male persons, without distinction of race or color, excepting only untaxed Indians, were to participate in the reconstruction of the Southern States. Any of these persons, colored as well aswhito, might be members of the Convention to be culled to form Con stitutions for those Stales. Now consider these two foundations, on which President Lincoln’s plan of recon struction and that of Thaddeus Steveus rest. Mr. Lincoln’s rests on the white man alone. Mr. Stevens’ rests on negroes as well as whites. What would be the etlcct of Mr. . Stevens’. Let us look it squarely in the ' face. Some of the Southern States have more negroes than whites. This is true of South Carolina and Mississippi, and it it nmy become true of other States. What would'-result from Mr. Stevens’ plan in States having a preponderance of colored population? Would not negroes be elected to State Conventions, to Judgeships, to State Legislatures, to the lower House of Congress and to the United States Senate ? If you give the negro the right to vote, he will vote for his own race and color. That is human nature. What will be the next step? Give him the right to vote and hold office, and full political and social equality between the races must follow. You can't exclude from social equality men who hold the offices. The possession of these forces this, and with it combs amalgamation. Is such a state desirable or even tolerable? I maintain that it is not, and for the very strongest reasons. Suppose universal amalgamation to take place, what would be the result? The mulatto is not equal r physically either to the white man or the negro, and this physical inequality beoomes more marked the fnrther.you get from the first cross of the races.’ Amalgamation would therefore result first in deterioration and finally in destruction. I say that look ing at it- without passion, in the calm, clear, fuiding light of history, not as a, partisan ut as a statesman, no man in his senses could desire to force such an unnatural state -os that. But consequeuces moro immediate would follow. It would produce n conflict of ruces in the Southern States. What does that great political philosopher and wise Repub lican statesman, Thomas Jefferson, teach? He declares it to be utterly impossible for the two races to live side, by side.on terms of equulity. Such contact must produce a conflict that would destroy one race or tho other. Every prominentrSouthern man, and many observant aud thoughtful North ern men of high distinction and unques tioned patriotism, say , the same , thing. President Johnson says so. Grant, Sher man, Ord, ahd eyei'y other General of real merit, concur in this opinion. Eorce this issue upon the SJtates or. the South, and it ( will require a standing army of three bun-! VOLUME 67. dred tfjopahnd mfen to prevent a conflict of races. Theattempt toreconstruct Louisiana on the basis of disfranchising.white men and enfranchising negroes resulted in the riot at New Orleans. This proposition pro duced that bloody conflict, and it will pro duce the same bitter fruit wherever it may be attempted. That is human nature too. I : say and can demonstrate that this effort of the Radical Congress to equalize the two races, between whom there is no atr traction, but, on the contrary, a strong and ineradicable repulsion, if put in execution, will bo the death-knell of the whole negro population in the South. Its necessary ten dency is to wholesale slaughter. This iB the issue pending. There is no other. The more timid Radicals may en deavor to avoid it, to go around it, but the bold Thdddeus SteveDS openly declares that there shall be no reconstruction till negro suffrage*is adopted by the South. You in Lancaster must vote on that direct propo sition, and no other, and the question is, whether you are prepared for it. Another question in connection with this. To prevail on the people to re-elect Radical Congressmen, they say that President John son has proved himself a traitor to the cause we are engaged in. This I deny. Mr. Johnson maintains the same policy adopted by Mr. Lincoln on the great question of re construction. Mr. Lincoln reorganized Louisiana, Tennessee and Arkansas. This wus done in the winter of 1863-4, alter the issuance of President Lincoln's proclama- tion, and Andrew Johnson was not even nominated for the Vice Presidency ti 111864. You remember this. If there is a Repub lican present, I desire to call his special at tention to it. Lot me also call his attention to another important fact. When the Union Conven tion met in 1804—the same Convention thut re-nominated Mr. Lincoln —the question was ruised, whether Tennessee was entitled to representation in that body. Thaddeus Stevens objected to the admission of her delegates, and maintained that she had no right to bo represented there. But the Con vention overruled him and declared that Tennessee was a State in the Union and bad a right to be represented in the Convention. Her delegates were nifmitted. The same Convention, after it had renominated Abra ham Lincoln for President, proposed An drew Johnson for the Vico Presidency. Thuddeus Stevens objected to that. He was consistent. He stood thou where he stands now. Ho said thut Andrew Johnson, living down in Tennessee, did not live in the Uni ted Status ! [Great laughter.] He belonged to a foreign country 1 [Renewed laughter.] lie wus not capublo of nomination or elec- on! Now just think of that. Wiiat did the Union Convention do ? Did it follow Thaddeus Stevens? No. It trumpled his objections under its feet and nominated Andrew Johnson because Ten nessee was in the Union and Andrew John son was a citizen of the United Stales. [Greatcheering.] And kerecomesinanother important fact. The people of the United States maintained the sumo view and elected Andrew Johnson to the Vico Presidency, notwithstanding Mr. Stevens’ atlumpt to class him with foreigners. Now when any man stands up and tells you that Andrew Johnson has betrayed the men who elected him, do you answer by pointing to the action of the Union Convention which nom inated him and to .tho people who elected him But that Convention which nominated Lincoln and Johnson endorsed the policy of President Lincoln, and this reconstruc tion policy was the darling of it all. It de clared the very terms on which the war should cense—the supremacy of the Con stitution and laws and the integrity of the Union. These secured by the surrender of the rebels, war should cease and wo should have peace. This was In accordance with the resolu tion passed by Congress in 1801—the resolu tion declaring the purpose for which the war was prosecuted ana the terms on which it should be ended. What were they? Was negro suffrage among them? Not at all. Suppose Congress had declared that to be a leading object of the war. They never could have raised men or money. They de clared that the sole purpose of the war was to assert and maintain the supremacy of the Constitution, the integiity of the Union, and tiio equality of the States; and this at tained, the war was to cease. You know : this. My Union Republican fellow-citizens know it. Lot us come down to a later period. Let us come to 1803, and see what the Repub lican party did to sustain the Administra tion and carry the war to a successful issue. They disbanded the Republican party, and formed the Union party, into which the members of all political invited, to help to put down tho/rebels and sustain the government. To show their sincerity they nominated Democrats for the office of Governor in a numbefof Northern States—as Ohio and Wisconsin—men who had never voted Whig or Republican tickets. They did this to show that their only pur pose was to|crußh the rebellion and sustaiu the Constitution. Not one orator or news paper editor connected with the Adminis tration but avowed himself for the Union, and asked of candidates fori office just this one question: Will you sustain the Gov ernment? Now, in order to fasten this point on your mind, I will riead an extract from the New York Tribune . That and every other Union paper in 1863 used the same language. I call attention to the circumstances under which it was uttered. It was in the gloom of thfe darkest period of the war. We had failed at Richmond. We had been defeated at/Fredericksburg and at Chancellorville, and Washington itself was seriously threatened and believed to be in danger. JOur credit was down and gold was up; t 6 the alarming figure of 276. At that dark period, when it was doubtful jvhether we could overcome the rebellion, U’o made this sol emn appeal to the people. They responded. They sustained the adibinistrution. They tilled both tho exhausted army and the empty treasury. We appealed not alone to the Republicans, blit to the Democrats as well; uud to the eternal honor of the Democracy, they responded. applause.] In making this uppeal, what did tho Republican press and the leaders of the Republican party say? Let me read to you from the paper I have already named. It said: "It seems to us of l vital consequenceYo keep this-yvbole matter right end foremost —to sntisfy the people that they fight for tho Union, not for Emancipation. Make them believe and feel that tho President has made the preservation 1 of theUnionand the restoration of the rightful authority of the Constitution and government the pole-star of his course. And that the President always has power to accept the submission of the revojted States on such terms as the integrity and honor of the Union require.” *\ livery Republican arid Union orator and newspaper maintained mis same doctrine. All agreed that whenever the rebels laid down ihoir arms and submitted to the Constiiuiwn and laws, we should receive them ami there should be no more strife between us. No man in Lancaster county can deny thut this is what the Republican or Union party said a thousand times over —what its orators spoke from the stump and its witers affirmed in the newspapers, Suppose we had said what Thaddeus Stevens now says—that the Southern States had ceased to bo States ; that they were mere territories; that they hud no Constitutional right to representation and could only send representatives to Congress on terms to be prescribed by that body itself; and that as a condition precedent to their re-admission, they must adopt negro suffrage. Could we have raised men and money if we had said that? No. Here is the pledge given by this great party—as sacred a pledge as ever wus registered on earth, and which no honor able man can deny. We are bound by it. We gave it in the hour of our extremity, and in the hour of triumphwe cannot repu diated without dishonor. It saved the Con stitution, it saved the Union, it saved the National life; and wo must stand by it. When the Radicals turn on me and Presi dent Johnson and charge us with treason to the principles we professed, they either Know not the truth or else wilfully misrep resent it. I wish to go a step further in the history of this affair. I will come down nearer to the present time—to a date only one year back of last March—and will tell you what transpired in the Senate of the United States. Louisiana was reconstructed under Pres ident Lincoln. President Johnson had no- do with it. It was managed by Gen. Banks, in the lifetime and under the I administration of President Lincoln. In March, 1865—only one year ago last March —this' question of reconstruction came up in the Senate, upon a resolution declaring the right of Louisiana to representation in Con gress. When It came up, Senator Trum bull, Chairman of the Committee, pressed for action, and every Republican Senator voted in favor of it, except five. These were Sumner, who believes as Stevens does, that there should be no reconstruction ex-> cept with the negro as the foundation stone t Chandler, Howard, Wpde and Brown, (of Missouri.) These five, opposed action oil the resolution, aud Sumner said he would talk out the session to prevent it. By their factious course, final action upon it was pre vented, for it was n6ar the end of the ses sion and the appropriation bill had not been disposed of, and it was important to come to a vote upon it. In that way • reconstruc tion was lost one year ago lash March. Another fact. In January ; last I made a speech in advocacy of the Same pblicy I now advocate, and the publisher of the Philadelphia Pr&M and Washington Chron- icle, John it an unqualified endorsement ak.tfce true policy of.recon struction. But since the I7th of January last, for some reason,' Mr. Forney has changed front . Now, let me call your attention to stQl another fact If there is any man in this vast concourse of free citizens who voted in favor pf Mr. Lincoln, ,1 wish to spe cial attention to it. Abraham Lincoln, three days before his assassination, made a speech in favor of the same policy of reconstruction he began, carried out and perfected.— If any, man doubts this, I will read to him the very language Mr. Lincoln used on that occasion. I nave it here in my hand, and I intend to mislead no man. My object is to get the truth before every man and let him act freely as his own judgement shall dictate. , Let me remind yon of the circumstances under which Mr. Lincoln made this last speech of his, which may be regarded as his dying message to the American people. It was on the 11th of April, 1865. He had just returned from Richmond, which had then recently come into our posession. The great victories of Grant, Sherman and others had delivered that city into our hands, and President Lincoln had gone to the front and occupied Jefferson Davis 1 bouse in Richmond, and from there tele graphed to tho rejoioing people the glad tidings of victory. When he returned to Washington he regarded the war as over, the battle fought and the victory won. And then, in the fulness of his great heart, “with charity for all and with malice towards none,” he spoke to the American people upon this great question of reconstruction, which he had inaugurated in Lonisiana, and pleaded with them to sustaiuand carry out this policy, and so make peace the bless ed heritage of the whole country. Allow me to give you a few sentences from this speech, which ought to be printed in gold and treasured in the hearts of all true Americans. “Twelve thousand voters in Louisiana,” said he, “have sworn alle giance to the Union und done all that the nation wants, and they ask the nution to re-admit them. If we rejeot and spurn them, we do our utmost to disorganize and disperse. If, on the contrary, we recognize them, wo encourage their hearts and nerve their arms to fight for the Union. It is ob jected that the State is in the condition which the egg bears to the fowl. Granted. But we shall get the fowl sooner by hatch ing the egg than by smashing it.” His views were approved by every member of his Cubinet. When Mr. Lincoln fell and the adminis tration of the government devolved on An drew Johnson, in what circumstances was ho placed? He took the government with President Lincoln’s Cabinet as lie found it and went right on with Mr. Lincoln’s poli cy. And yet he is denounced as a traitor ! A few words more, my fellow-citizens. and then I will give way to one whom you will be delighted to hear, your nominee for Governor. Tlie question is, what is tho best way to makepeace? We have had war euough, God knows. Another war, brought on by the rash couusels of sucli men as ure en deavoring to force negro suffrage on the South, would blast and destroy this govern ment. If ; following the counsels of these meQ, we continuo to deny six or eight million white people a voice in the Governmentun der which they live, and at tho same time tax them by millions, we will give them the same right that our Revolutionary fathers hud to rebel against Great Britain. Is that way to makepeace? No, fellow-citi zens, no other policy is so likely to produce conflict, rebellion and civil war. Wo should be.lust; wo should be magnanimous, ns becomes the conquering party, and not op press the South and give them just cause for rebellion. We should give them their rights under the Constitution—equal repre- sentation in the Senate and a just voice in the House of Representatives. There is nothing in the history of nations to justify a harsh and cruel policy. When Rome had subdued the people of Latium— when the revolted province had submitted, the question came up, what to do with the people? There was no Thaddeus Stev ens or Charles Sumner there. No man raised his voice for universal confiscation. None proposed to force suffrage of emancipated slaves upon thdm. But the grand old Ro man Camillus rose and said: “Senators, let us ma/ce them our fellow-citizens, and thus add to the power and the glory of Rome /” [lmmense applause.] There is nothing in the example of the wildest Indians to justify the line of policy which the Radicals propose to apply to the South. Even the Apaches, the Uamanches or the Arapahoes could teach statesmanship to some of our members of Congress. Even they, savages though they be, know better how to make peace. They gather around the council fire; they bury the tomahawk; they smoke the pipe of peace, and they are no more enemies, but friends I How was it with our fathers in the war of Independence? They said in their Dec laration, “we hold ihe people of Great Britain to be enemies in war; in peape friends,” Do not we know enough to ;ulate the example of our forefathers? Do not we know enough to use the language of peace and not of war? Some don’t ap pear to know we have peace. They print newspapers and make speeches just as if we were still in the midst of war. I must < say for myself that I have no respect for men who are peaceful in war and warlike in peace. [Cheers.] When necessary for 1 the protection of the country against foreign invasion or domestic insurrection, my voice shall be for war. But when the war is over, let us have peace in reality, not a miserable mockery. There is nothing in religion to justify such a spirit of proscription, hate ana unbridled lust. To remind you of our duty to be merciful aud kind to those who have erred, I might repeat to you the story of the Prod ical Son. You know that after he had left his father’s house and spent his patrimony in riotous living, he came back, ragged and hungry, to the home of his youth. You know how his lather received him, and how the fatted calf was killed for him, and what rejoicing there was in that house. But a short time ago, in one of the New Euglaud States, I beard the Radical ver sion of this story It runs that when the young man returned, his father, closing the door against him, said, “You can’t enter here. You poor, miserable, dissipated wretch, you have squandered everything. You can’t enter my house till you buy u. silk robe and array yourself in it. And after you have done that, you must do two things more:—first, swear that you have never been away; and second, give the amplest guarantees that vou will never go again!” [Tremendous laughter and ap plause.] Now this Radical version of the story of the Prodigal Son is not the version the Holy Book has taught me from my childhood to reverence. • On this point of giving good guarantees, allow me one word and I am done. The Radicals say we mußt have guarantees or the country will be ruiDed if we allow the Southern SIuU-k to be represented. Why, fellow-citizens, is it possible ten States eau govern twenty-six States? How can that be ciphered out ? And such States—impov erished to the last degree of impoverishment. Their property is utterly ruined. When the war closed, Alabama, once among the rich est States in the Union, with a population of five hundred thousand white people, fur nished meal uud salt to one hundred and thirty thousand of them ! The Southern people could not rebel again if they wished to. In alluding to their poverty I am reminded of what was said to me by a Southern physician. He said these States were in the condition of a man who lias hadsmall-poxinthenaturalway. They have had “secession” and gone through with it in due course; and to ask them to give guarantees not to go through it again, was like asking a man to give bail never to have small pox a second time! [Laughter and applause.] The clamor for guarantees rominds me of what the secessionists said in 1860. Davis, Toombs, Hunter, and others, in the Senate Committee, demanded new guarantees. They wanted us to change the Constitution so as to give new guarantees for slavery, just as certain Northern men now insist that we shall change it in order to give new guarantees to a Union that is sufficiently guaranteed by the triumphant result of the war. [Here the Mount Joy delegation, headed by a magnificently decorated wagon con | taining thirty-six young ladies dressed in I white, and accompanied by a Band of music, arrived in the Square and were re» celved with shouts that compelled the | speaker to suspend his remarks. Notin the least disconcerted by the interruption, Mr. Doolittle remarked that the people were not done coming yet. After a pause and the restoration of quiet, he went on to say:] This is a most beautiful emblem of our Union. These lovely Representatives of the States want all their sisters in the Union. The family cirole would not be complete when ten were out. We want all and we will have them. I don’t see any black sis ters among them—[laughter]—they are all of our own race, our kith and kin, whom we love und can associate with without social degradation. Returning to the question he had been disoussing when interrupted, Mr. Doolittle said these men insist that we must have good guarantees from the Southern States before they can comeback into the Union. Look at the beautiful associated group be , fore you. If ten were out, would twenty ; six say to them, must give us guaran ) tees before we let you in? But let me pass to another illustration, I LANCASTER, PA., TOMESDAY MORNING, OCtOBER 3, 1866. can understand why the small States of Europe should wantguarahtees in a treaty of peace. I can understand' why Holland, Belgium and Switzerland should desire, them. But what would you think of Eng-i land, France or Russia demanding guar antees against the little States ? Such de mands would subject them to the ridicule of the civilized world. Let me come nearer home; Suppose there had been a fight between Pennsylvaniaand Delaware. You and I can understand why Delaware should want guarantees against Pennsylvania. But what would we think if Pennsylvania, in settling with her.little neighbor, shoald demand guarantees that Delaware would never invade Pennsylva nia? [Shouts of laughter.] What then are we to think of the moral and physical cour age of the men in Congress who want guar antees from the ten miserable, impoverished and defeated States of the South ? In conclusion I say to you, men of Penn sylvania, that upon you rests a greater re sponsibility than ever rested on you before. For as goes Pennsylvania in this contest for the life of the Union, so goes the rest of the country. You can neither overestimate your duty nor perform too much. Notone of you ought to eat or sleep without persuad ing some one of your fellow citizens to join you in this struggle. Let each ofyou bring one additional recruit and the country is safe. Thanking you for your patience, I will now give way to your noble and eloquent nominee for Governor. [Three rousing cheers were given to Mr. Doolittle as he took his seat.] SPEECH OF HON. HIESTER CLYMER. Never was any candidate more enthusi astically received by the people than was Hiester Clymer, by the thousands of intel ligent voters assembled in our city yester day. When he appeared on the stand, round after round of cheers greeted him, and it was some minutes before he could make himself heard. When the tumul tous applause had tosome extent subsided, he spoke as follows: Fellow Citizens : I am highly gratified by the reception given me to-day. In at tempting to address you I fear I shall not be able to make myself heard by this vast crowd. If you cannot all hear what I have to say I beg you to remember that I am much broken down physically by tho severe labors of this campaigu. For weeks past I have been traversing the various sections of this great State. I have traveled; from the east to tho west, along the Southern border, followed the Ohio Ohio along its windings, went through the interior counties, visited the Africa of the State which lies along tho Northern tier of counties, and addressed the masses in those which are watered by both branches of the Susquehanna. Everywhere the|prospect is most cheering. Never were there brighter signs or surer indications of a great victory. [Cheers.] Yesterday I spoke to thousands of resolute freemen at York, to- day I address the ten thousand here. Every where the same indications are manifest, everywhere iu answer to tho query: “What of the night?” the reply is, “All is well.” f Loud cheers.! The speaker who has preceded me has so ably discussed the great issues before the country, that I am relieved from any ne cessity of going over the ground which be has so fully occupied. He has explained the great issues before the people, and has put them in so clear a light that no one can misunderstand them. I stand before you to-day as a represen tative of those great principles. As such I ask and claim your support. It is fitting that I should thus represent myself before you, being,asl am, almostan entire stranger personally to the most of you., As intelli gent men you are expected to inquire into the principles of the men who ask vour suf frage for any office. Men change, out prin ciples are immutable, and be only is fit to represent the people who is in himself a living exemplification of the views they hold. If you approve of the principles which I represent, I can boldly, and with out the slightest presumption demand your support. This Ido with a confi dent assurance that by you I will be sus tained. When I am false to the Union, when I fail to stand by the Constitution, when Ido any act deserving ofyourcensure it will be your duty to repudiate me as a man and as a candidate, if such I should chance to be. Voting forme, you vote for the great principles which the gentleman who preceded me has so fully and so ably explained in your hearing to-aay. I stand before you as the candidate of that party, which is true to the Union and the true de fender ofj the Constitution. In my person, if elected, the cause of the Union triumphs (cheers and cries we will elect you.) ( There must always be opposing candi dates in a contest like the present, and they must of necessity be the representative of opposing principles. I have my opponent. He is a gentleman who hasserved his country in two wars. How faithfully he has served, of what value his services have been to the country I leave his comrades-in arms to say. Far be it from me to pluck from his brow a single leaf of any laurel which he has fairly earned as a soldier. [Cheers.] But, my fellow citizens, he appears be fore you now in a new attitude. He is no longer a soldier. He has entered the po litical arena, has allowed himself to bo set up as the candidate of a party, and aspires to be the Governor of three millions of peo ple. When General Geary, or any man, comes before the people in such an attitude the great question is,*what are the princi- Eles which he represents ? The people then avo a right to scan his public record closely, and it is their bounden duty as intelligent citizens so to do. Have they not u right to examine the record of General Geary as much as that of any other candidate for office? So do I deem, my fellow-citizens, and I shall therefore call your attention to his record for a few mo ments. He has a record. He made it for himself. Within a year past he has de clared himselfto be “a Democrat, a life-long Democrat, and a Democrat without affix or prefix.” From being a Democrat he has changed by force of what influences I may conjecture, into a Republican, and has, as I think I can show you, blossomed Ht last into as ultra a Radical as can be found in the State of Pennsylvania. He has fully defined his position. This he has not done by letter, not by a newspaper article, but by holding up to view an ex emplar, and selecting one man from the whole body of this nation as his pattern, his political guide, the model by which he chooses to be weighed and measured as the candidate of the party which nominated him for Governor. Who of all the men in the United States has he chosen to point out as his beau ideal of political perfection? One, my fellow citizens, well known to you all, a man living in your midst, the candi date of the Republicans of Lancaster coun ty for Congress, and their present repre sentative. You know the man, know him in his private life, and are fa miliar with his career as a public character. If you approve of his course, vote for him. General Geary has deliber ately declared that this man is his political pattern. His friend and supporter, Thos. Marshall, of Pittsburg, (a truthful gentle man,) stated in the Convention whicnnom inated him, that General Geary had de clared to him a day or two previous that he fully endorsed every act and speech of Thaddeus Stevens. If then, my fellow citizens, you desire to have Thaddeus Stevens elected to Congress from this dis trict, chosen to the United States Senate from Pennsylvania, and'elected Governor of the State in the person of my opponent, I advise you to vote for General Geary. [Laughter and applause.] Mr. Stevens has made a record for him self which by adoption has become the record of my opponent. What that record is every man before me knows, You have heard him declare his opposition to the restoration of the Union ; you have heard him boldly proclaim his determination to break down every barrier between the two races, and to place the negro upon a politi cal and social equality with the whiteman. (A voice in the crowd. How about the Buckshot War.) About that I have only this to say. Through that, Thaddeus Ste vens, first came into notice when he at tempted to inaugurate a revolution in Penn sylvania, and he has not ,ceased to play the part of a revolutionist. The schemes in which he and the Radicals who follow his lead are engaged are revolutionary, de structive to the Union, destructive to the Constitution, and destructive to the form of free government bequeathed to ub by our fathers. Such is the man whom my oppo nent has held up as his exemplar, his pat tern for a model statesman, all of whose words and deeds he declares he heartily approves. Thaddeus Stevens was John W. Geary’B platform before he was nominated. When General Geary was nominated, a platform was prepared for him by the Con vention which made him their candidate. You have all had a chance to read that docu ment. If you have done so carefully and intelligently, you will find that it not only endorses all the acts of majority in Congress, but that in the eighth section negro suffrage and negro equality is laid down as part of the creed of the Republican party in this State. Upon that platform General Geary said he took his stand. If heis truetothe pledge he then made he must, if elected Governor, do all in his power to carry out the principles of that platform. Forney, who 1b the chief fugleman of my opponent, declared the day alter that plat? form was adopted that by it the right of the negro to political equality was folly recog nized. and he has been traveling through-: out the State advocating what he, in con sort with HoradeGreeley-denominates “im partial suffrage.? Had General Geary him self said not one word in regard to the matter I do'not see how he could possibly deny that he is fully committed to negro suffrage and negro equality. Bnt he took occasion to speak for himselfi At a meet ing held some weeks since at the Lochiel Iron Works near Harrisburg he defined his ownposition in the following language: “ When the question of negro suffrage comes up, as it will probably in three or four years, I shall be ready to meet it, and I wilt say that lam not prepared to deny the right of voting to the colored man.” Such, my fellow citizens, is the platform of my opponent, such the principles he rep resents. If you sanction these principles, then I say to you vote for General Geary. In such a case I do not ask your vote. Speeches made by candidates are fit sub jects for public comment, and as I am wil- , ling alwaysjto subject what I say to criticism, only asking that I shall be fairly reported, it will not be regarded as out of place if I make some allusions to a speech made by my opponent at York. I find it reported in Forney's Press, and as no word ot it, as it there appears, has ever been repudiated by General Geary, I take it for granted he stands by it. Had the report appeared in less authoritative manner, I should have hesitated to believe that such a speech had been made. Finding it where I do, I have a right to conclude that it is correctly re ported. In that remarkable speech what does he Bay? He had within a year declared him self to be a “ life-long Democrat without affix or prefix.” He afterwards avowed himself as Republican, and I think I have proved him to be a very extreme Radical. So many different political posi tions ought to satisfy any one man, but my oppoueut seems to delight in political tergi versations. Inhis Yorkspeech he abandons his Democracy, forsakes hiß new found po litical friends and puts himself forward as the Fenian candidate. [Laughter and cheers.] He started out in that speech by declaring that he would “ make some ex tended remarks on public affairs.” Had I commenced here to-day with such a broad assertion you would have expected me to allude to the great question of restoration, to have touched upon the Civil Rights Bill, to have made some mention of the Freed meu’s Bureau, and to have discussed, to some extent at least, the inaDy great issues now agitating the minds of the public. Did General Geary do this? Not he. He proposed to thank General Batiks for his able report on the neutrality laws. That is the only allusion to any public question which he ventured, alter declaring that he intended to make some extended remarks thereupon. v Why, if this was the only public question he could think of or deemed worthy of his notice, why, I ask, when proposing three oheers for Banks did he not also propose three cheers for the Re publican majority in Congress, which con signed the report on the neutrality laws to a committee, where It was permitted to sleep tho sleep that knows no awakening. If there was a single Democrat iu the audi ence at York, I know he would havecheered as lustily as any other man any proposition which promised relief to Ireland, or an amelioration of the condition of that noble but oppressed people. 1 think I know the heart of the Democracy of Pennsylvania, and I am sure I only give utterance to what is with them a universal and deep-seated sentiment, when I declare that the heart of every Democrat in the State beats re sponsive to any movement, which has for its object the disenthrallment of the he roic race, who so love their native land, the Emerald Isle. [Loud and prolonged ap plause.! Had General Geary been better posted or more honest, he could not have affected entire ignorance of the fact that it was owing to the energy and the persistence of my soundly Democratic friend and representa tive in Congress, Mr. Ancona, that any re . port at all was ever had in regard to the ' Neutrality Laws. It may be, however, that my opponent did not wish to do credit to “Old BerEs” in this matter, lest in some way it might be suspected by the Fenians that 1 hadsometbingtodowithit. [Cheers.] But, my fellow-citizens, who stood be side General Geary when he made that awkward attempt to win the Irish vote? Those who were with him and around him, were the same men who had once sworn to disfranchise every foreigner and every Cath olic in the land. There, with him on the stand was Andrew G. Curtin, Secretary to the first, and, I thank God, tho Gov ernor of Pennsylvania who was elected as an avowed Know Nothing. The truth of thematteristhat the negrohasbeen plunged iuto a deep pit by his pretended Radical friends, and General Geary and the rest of them, want to employ the Irish to dig him out. (Cheers.) I do not think they can be got to work in any such business, under such a sat of bosses. (Cries; No, never). Having exhausted his ideas on public questions, having in his proposed extended notice oi the great issues before the people, done nothing more than say he felt like thanking Gen. Banks for a report which a Democrat got up, General Geary turned his attention to the soldiers. He is pro claimeikto be their candidate. The people are asked to elect him Governor because he has been a soldier. Surely from him sol diers had a right to expect decent treat ment. Did they receive it? Let Forney's report ot his York speech answer. You remember that a convention of honorably discharged soldiers was held at Harrisburg on the Ist of August. That convention was largely attended. The men who were there gathered, I fully believe, represented a majority of the gallant soldiery ot Penn sylvania. There were many distinguished officers present, men who had won honor and renown on a hundred battle fields,men who bore the marks of their heroic devo tion to the Union on their bodies, armless, legless soldiers, th« maimed heroes of many u gallant fight. They put forth a declara tion of principles. They deoluied that they had not fought four long and weary years for the Union to seeitdestrovedJnow by the Radicals who follow the lead of such men as Charles Sumner, of Massachusetts, and Thaddous Stevens, of Pennsylvania. There being two candidates in the field for Gover nor of this groat State, they plodged them selves to support mo as the representative of the great principles they had fought for in time of war, and still cherished now that peuee had come to bless the land. Wbat did General Geary say of these men at York? According’ to b'orney's report ofhis speech he denounced them all as, “ shysters , cowards , skulkers and hospital bummers May God forgive him for that base slander! I cannot, ami the soldiers of Pennsylvania never will. [lndignant cries of “Never!” I may regret that any man should vote against those principles, and that policy on which I believe the safety and the glory of this nation depends; but may my tongue be palsied, if ever my heart should become so depraved as to prompt the utterance of such infamous words, [loud and prolonged cheers], or tempt me to apply a degrading epithet or an insulting term, to any brave man who went forth to do battle in defence of his country in her hour of need. [Con tinued applause.] Such, my fellow-citizens, is the record of my opponent as he has made it up for him self. By it he must staDd or fail. If you approve of it you will vote for him. [Loud cries of “ never, never!”] But, what is my record? My enemies have been busy making up one for me. They have distorted my public acts and have not hesitated to utter and persist in the most bare-faced and unblushing false hoods. I believe they have never dared to charge me with being dishonest. You have never heard your candidate stigmatized as a thief, have never heard that he was the servant of any corporation, have never known any man to charge him with being a corrupt legislator. But, you have beard the stale cry of disloyalty. All I ask is that ihe honest masses shall examine my record as it stands. Let that speak for me. Early in the struggle I laid down my platform in plain terms. In almost the first speech I ever made in a deliberative body, in the Senate of Pennsylvania, speaking for my constituency and to some extent for the Democracy of Pennsylvania, I made use of the following language, which may be found on page 74 or the Legislative Record of 1861: , “X am here to-day to deny for myaelf,andl be lieve for the great body of the Democratic party of this State, that-they recognize anything like the right or secession of any State; I deny, I say, the right of any State to secede, and 1 go farther—l tell you that the Democracy of this State, wUh one heart and, feeling, applaud the gallant Anderson for his defense or the prop erty of the United States. If he should go furtherstlU, and allow no flag but the Stars and Stripes to float within the range of his guns, I, for one. would say amen to his deeds. There I stand. I say that South Carolina has no cause for secession or rebellion, and that it should be put down by the strong arm of the Government,’.’ Such was the platform which I laid down for myself as early as the 11th day of Jan uary 1861, and, befme God, as I know my own heart, I have never swerved one hair’s breadth from it. It was myposition during the entire war. He who asserts otherwise, is either ignorant of. my record or a wilful falsifier.' (Loud cheers.) It is said I voted against armingthe State, against increasing the pay of the soldiers, andiagamst giving them therigbfc to vote in the field. ;Now. my fbUow-oitizens, I want to make a bargain with lf I do not nail evety one of these assertions down, as an infomoos lie, just as your fathers used to nail counterfeit dollars to the coon ter, when such things circulated, I will not ask a man of you to vote for me. If I do. I wish yoii to refute these slanders. Is it a bargain T (Cries of yea, yes.) I accept the turns, and when I have done so, I want these miser able calumniators to stop lying. First let us* see about the-voting business. Who first denied the soldiers of Pennsyl vania the right to vote in the field ? Daring the Mexican war, which was conducted by a Democratic National and State adminis tra ion, the soldiers of Pennsylvania voted in the field, and no objection was made to their votes being received and counted. When the war which was lately ended be gan, no Democrat questioned the validity of the law under which thesoldiers of Penn sylvania had heretofore voted. In the first election which was held in this State after hostilities commenced there were two can didates for Sheriff in the city of Philadel phia as usnal. On the home vote of the city the Republican candidate had a ma jority, but when, the “Boys in Blue,” who were battling for the Union down in front, were heard from, it was foand that they had cast votes enough for the Democratic candidate to elect him. What did the Republicans, who clamor so much about the right ot the soldies to vote, do? They went to work, straightway, to procure a decision of the Supreme Court against the validity of the law under which they had voted. I’hey carried tbeir point. The law was declared to be unconstitutional and the Democratic Sheriff of Philadelphia was turned out of office, notwithstanding be had been elected by the votes of the sol diers. When the question come to be considered, by the Legislature of Pennsylvania the Re publicans had a majority in the Senate and the Democrats a majority in the House. Had the Democracy been opposed to allow ing the soldiers to vote, how easily could they have strangled the proposed bill in the House. They did nothing of the kind, but with a rare unanimity voted for the pro posed amendment to the Constitution. In the Senate they did the same thing, and I cheerfully cast my vote for it with the rest. By the Constitution of Pennsylvania it is provfded that no amendment shall be udaed thereto except after It has been ap proved by two successive Legislatures. Such was the case with the amendment conferring the right to vote upon the soldiers iu the field. The Republicans whoassailed the old law and procured the decision of tho Supreme Court against it knew that this delay must necessarily occur; but they were bent upon turning the Democratic Sheriff of Philadelphia out of office. When the’second Legislature assembled at Harris burg it so .happened that the Democrats had sixteen members of the Senate present and the precisely the same num ber* There westoodsixteen votes to sixteen. There was an attemptat Revolution made. From the first days of our Senate, the first business doue on its assemblinghasalways been to elect the officers of that body, and it had come to be the law of the State that ; until that was doue no legislative function ! could be exercised. The Republicans find- j ing themselves without the necessary mu- ] jority to elect, announced their intention of J proceeding to business with the officers of 1 the last session holding over. That the I Democratic members resolved to oppose to | the bitter end. We vowed we would not be overborn by any such revolutionary action, i and we curried our point and maintained. ! the majesty and the supremacy of the law. They labored hard to drive usfrom ourposi tion. First they tried a religious dodge. They offered a resolution inviting the ministers of Harrisburg to pray for us. On the call of the ayes aud nays the Senate stood 16 ayes to 16 nays. "VVe could not vote with them without sanctioning their revolution ary schemes, and we told them in plain terms that not even for a resolution affirm ing the divinity of the Christian religion could we vote under the circumstances. Failing-to catch us on the religious trick they tried the military dodge. They offered resolutions thanking the Generals of the armies for their gallantry and the pri- , vales for their bravery, and resolutions proposing to increase the pay of the sol dier. Gludly as I would have voted for any and every one of these propositions I could not conscientiously ao so then. L,: knew they would attempt to make use ors. these forced votes by base misrepresenta-/ tion, but the principle for which we were contending we regarded as sacred, and we were prepared to run the risk of popularity when doing right rather than do wrong. For weeks together we did the largest amount of nothing ever you saw. Sixteen ayes never yet beat sixteen noes. We voted daily, always 16 to 16. Like the celebrated French King we marched up the hill every morning only to march down again. At length the Republicans, finding we would not abandon the stand which we had taken for a great principle, produced what they had in their possession all the time, the resignation ofHarry White. Then about the middle of March an election was ordered to fill the vacancy. As it turned out, the newly-elected Sena- | tor was a Republican, and <sh the 31st of j March he took his seat. That gave the Re- I publicans a majority. What did they do 1 then? They had the power to organize the I Senate according to law. Did they do so? I Not they. They tried once more to force I us to recognize their revolutionary course | of action. They said to themselves we will I do all we pan to make up a false record for I this marlClymer and the rest of these Dem- I oeratfk They tried to bully us into the be- I trayal of principle at the last moment, j They brought up the amendment granting j the soldiers the right to vote. Wo could no 1 more vote for it now than during the weeks 1 which had passed. I thought I would have I voted against anything, but when this great j question of giving the brave men who went I forth in defence of the country a right to 1 vote, I refused to vote against it. As I could not vote for without recognizing as right the revolutionary action of the Republicans, 1 did not vote, I bolted. The very next day these Republicans admitted that they had been iu the wrong all tho time, and pro ceeded to elect officers and to organize the Senate in due legal form. No sooner was I this done than I asked leave to record my I vote for the Constitutional amendment I which I had freely and fully supported the j year before. I was rudely refused this pri v- i ilege which the common course of proceed ings in a legislative body and all the rules of courtesy demanded should be granted. That, soldiers and fellow-citizens, is my record upon that question, as it can be read by any one on the journal of the Sonate of Pennsylvania. Is it not a record of which no man need be ashamed? Upon it I cun look any soldier in the face and say, never in any way did I ever oppose your right to vote. [Cheers.] A week after this Mr. Hopkins, one of the best and purest men in the nation, offered a resolution instructing our repre- sentatives in Congress to vote for raising I the pay of the private soldier so as to make I it equal to gold. I sustained him in a| ; speech. What did the Republican majority I of the Senate do? They fought it all day] long, and finally killed it by passings reso- I lution that a committee be instructed to in~ I quire into the expediency of increasing the I pay of the private soldiers To inquire into | the expediency of it remember. I knew if I the subject went to the committee it would I never be heard from. .1 so told them, aud I I voted against its reference. They passed I their pitiful, emasculated resolution over I our heads, and the proposition to increase I the pay of the soldiers was thus slaughtered | by those who now proless to he the exclusive I friends of the Boys in Blue. That Is how | I voted against increasing the pity of the I soldier. [Cheers.] | A little more of this record which has j been represented as so terrible. I want to I nail down every one of these lies forever. I It is alleged that I voted against arming | the State. True it is that I voted againßt I the first crude and imperfect bill of the I kind which was gotten up. I did so because I in it there was no provision against frauds. That I was right in fearing outrages of the grossest character would be perpetrated under its loose provisions was abun dantly proven. The brave men who wore I the paper-soled shoes that were provided I and the miserable! Bhoddy uniforms that would scarcely hang together for a day, need not be told how the State and the Gov- I ernment were swindled by a Bet of greedy I and unprincipled men who amassed hnge I fortunes by their thieving. The House and the C rowings hi eld frauds attest I them; and all the work of the whitewash ing committee which was appointed never could efface the infamous record of outrage and wrong—outrage upon the soldiers and robbery oi the pubiio treasury# If you say I did wrong in endeavoring to protect the soldiers and the State, vote against me. [Loud cheers for Clymer-] When a second and proper bill was pro posed in relation to the arming oi the State, with provision properly protecting both the I soldiers and the State, I gave it my full con- ! currence and my most hearty support. So completely was Governor Curtin convinced of my cordial sympathy with him in the matter, that he asked me to Dame the offi cers for companies of soldiers from Berks county; and I had the pleasure of then ap pointing the man who comes here to-day at the head of the delegation which represents the “Boys in Blue” of Reading. [Loud and prolonged cheering.] Have I disproved the charges made against me? [Cries of yes.l Have I nailed down each one of the falsehoods which have been so • industriously circulated? [Cries of yes and loud cheers.] Such, my fellow-citizens, is my record, honestly and ' fairly stated, as it can. be found: on the 1 Journal oi tbe Senate. On tbat I appeal NUMBER 39. before you, aakyour suffrages, and boldly declare here, as 1 have done elsewhere, that there is no part of my record of which I need be ashamed or desire to have altered. [Cheers.] Under the circumstances I will be pardoned for havihz made ray speech so much one of a personal character. The contest in which you are engaged is one of the greatest magnitude. Principles are to be settled which must tell for weal or woe upon the destinies of this great nation for all coming time. Every voter should think seriously before depositing hia ballot. The little slip of paper you bear to the polls on the 9th of October will be big with destiny. The pros pect for the triumph of the right is most cheering. My extended tour through the State enables me to give you this pleas ing assurance. The Democracy are every where straning every nerve in a noble re solve to win. Thousands ol true hearted and patriotic men, who have heretofore been against us, are now zealously laboring shoulder to shoulder with us. The soldiers who so nobly did battle for the Union will not desert that Bacred cansenow. I believe a decided majority of them are fully and enthusiastically with us to-day. We can, and, by the help of God, we will win in this great struggle. As Mr. Clymer concluded, cheer after cheer attested the devotion of the masses to their gallant and gifted leader. The effect produced by his speech, to which our re port fails to do justice, was marked indeed. Samuel H. Reynolds, the candidate of the Union-Conservative men of Lancaster county, followed Hon. Hlester Clymer. As he appeared upon the stand he was greeted with tremendous cheers. He is a great favorite with the masses, as will be demon strated when the votes are counted on the 2nd Tuesday of Ootober. We wish we could give a full report of his speech, which was listened to with deep interest by the thous ands present. The following is a brief ab stract furnished us by our special reporter: SPEECH OP SAMUEL H. REYNOLDS, ESQ. Mr. Reynolds said that he appreciated the honor of being called upon to address the immense assemblage of free white men who stood before him, and was profoundly grateful for the cordial reception they had given him. Itwasnot his intention to make a set speeoh, the day was far Bpent, and the subject had been exhausted by the distin guished gentlemen who had preceded him. They had listened to the thundering elo quence, and unanswerable arguments of the great expounder of Constitutional law from Wisconsin, Hon. J. R. Doo little ; they had heard the thrilling appeals of their gallant standard-bearer, Hlester Clymer, who with magic power had dissipated; the fallacies of the opposition, holding up tooontempt and ridicule the po litical record of John W. Geary, and vindi cating his own from the ruthless attacks that had been made by a wicked, falsifying and subsidized press; boldly advocating the principles of our party, defending the Con stitution oftheoountry. and maintaining the rights of the States. He said Mr. Clymer was worthy to be the standard bearer of the great Democratic and Conservative party of Pennsylvania, and would command the votes of'all men who could appreciate pri vate worth and public integrity. He had been faithful among the faithless, he had battled for the Union and the Constitution, and defiantly proclaimed and defended the principles taught by Jefferson and Jackson in the Senate of your State; he had stood by the party of the country when it seomed to be defeated, discomfited and broken by treason in the South, and the treachery of Abolitionists in the North, when this beau tiful country of ours, reaching from the At lantic to the golden shores of the Pacific, with her beautiful valleys teeming with the choicest products of every clime, and her mountains heavy with inexhaustible wealth—unpeople peaceful, happy and pros perous, protected by wise and generous laws, under a written Constitution made by great and good men, the like of which never before was vouchsafed to any people—was converted into a scene of fratricidal blood shed. devastation, ruin and despair. He stood by the party then because no knew that we could only be saved from utter de struction through the generous, conciliating and omnipotent principles of Democracy. He said the great issues involved in this contest had been so ably discussed, that it would be a work of supererogation on his part, were he to attempt to add anything to what had been so well said. The Restoration policy of Mr. Johnson had been ably defended, and the fact es tablished that those who do not support that policy are what they have been so truthful ly styled—the traitors and disunionista “at the other end of the line.” That all men who love their country better than party must and will give to Mr. Johnson a hearty support in his noble effort to vindicate the inalienable rights of the white men oj the country , to restore a shattered Union , and es tablish among us again republican institu tions. He said a few months since the party that supported Mr. Lincoln proclaimed itself the party of the Union; in this the rank and file were sincere; they sustained the war with'a unanimity and earnestness unparal leled in history, "believing it was a war for the Union. For four long years a bloody fratricidal war was fought, and thank God, through the patriotism of our people and the valor of our soldiers, the strong armies of the re bellion were broken and scattered to the winds; then hope filled the hearts of the Deople, and they sent up to heaven their oyful thanksgivings at the return of peace, Delieving with peace they had secured a more perfect Union, which neither Seces sionists by ordinances or Traitors in arms could ever destroy. Would that the success . of our arms had brought with it more than the name of peace; would that it had brought union and harmony: would that the men who so freely gave life and prop erty to further the cause of Constitutional Liberty and Union, could to-day realize their fond anticipations; and why is “ hope deferred until the heart of thepatriotgrows sick ?” We the men who led the people by their clamor for Union and their loud professions of loyalty, are now as earnestly at work to destroy the Union as they once seemed anxious to save it. They declare we have no Union; they never desired to preserve the Union; a new Union, a Union of their making, must take the place of the Union of Washington—a new Constitution, new theories of govern ment, governing the relation of States and the status of the negro, must supersede our old Constitution ana the theory of govern ment which our fathers taught us. The men who with honest purpose in 1861 followed Stevens <fc Co., can follow no longer in the lead of men who have so base ly betrayed them. They must seek refuge in the arms of the party which stands by the President of tneir choice, now advo cating his wise and generous policy. They find in the ranks of that party the true lovers of the Union, men -who would scorn to drag the mangled corpse of the Constitu tion in the filth and mire of partisan poli tics, men who love the Union because it is based upon law. justice and truth—who believe the blooa of our sons, our brothers and our fathers was shod to cement the people of the North and South together with more perfect bonds of love and affec tion, and not to distract, degrade and hu miliate them. Before concluding be would briefly refer to the fact that he and his honorable oppo nent, Mr. Stevens, differing on all the groat questions of the day, the theory of govern ment and the object of the war, especi ally differed upon the question of Negro Suffrage and Negro Equality, which he Mr. S., had declared in his Bedford speech, “the issue to be decided in October .” He appealed to the white men of the country, who for four years had been the unresisting victims of a thousand acts of tyranny, to rise up and in the majesty of their strength declare themselves opposed to this last revolting proposition, waioh will debauch and degrade the white man and bring him down to the level of the negro. He Bald: White men where is your pride ? has the blood of your noble and patriotic fathers ceased to flow in your veins, do you forget that at Bunker Hill, Yorktown and Saratoga the best blood of America was shed to form a white man’s government, and will you now give over this government, built upon the graves of well-tried patriots, Into the keeping of negroes? Never, no, never I Upon this question Pennsylvania must speak out. Her silence or acquiescenca fc in the policy of Mr. Stevens will be fatal to the country, and fatal to the race he proposes to elevate. The constitutional power of our great State, her geographi cal position make her of all the States, best fitted to pronounce the low of the future. Let her decision be in favor of white men—in favor of the supremacy of the Constitution —in favor of a restoration of our once happy Union—then she will re gain her reputation for honor and political integrity, and retake her place as the Key stone of an unbroken arch. He said: Your meeting has been a great success. He congratulated them on the bright prospect. Here, as everywhere throughout the length and breadth of this old Commonwealth, the people are aroused to a sense of the serious importance of the issues involved In this contest. You have come here to*day to Bee and hear the man who will certainly be the next Governor of Pennsylvania—if you but do your duty. Go forth then from this place, carry with you the weapon of truth Le has placed in tint, and 4 oraU (or each (nfeuaaent InMT tion. Pat& rf M*dictum and other adTOfa bytb. oolumh: ••• One column, 1 y»,........ 4UO Hall ooltuno. 1 year n Third ooltram, 1 year, —4O Quarter 001umTi,...--—.L.-. 80 Brrsnrxss cards, often lines or less, one Business Cards, live lines or less, one Lxoax. akd othxb Notices— Executors* Jgg Administrators* notices,...—2.oo Assignees* notices,- 100 Auditors’ notices I*Bo Other “Notices. * ten lines, or lessj three times,... your hands—say that you will win the great battle in which you have enlisted, of white men against negro equality show the world what you can do when you present a united front, armed with justice, law and right to resist that infuriated fanaticism which has lifted its awful form clothed in , the armor of falsehood, treachey, and fraud —Be true to your party, be true to your country—heed the voices of your fathers as !they cry out from their graves, bidding you :as grateful sons, to preserve inviolate and Isacred your precious inheritance—then, by the blessing of an All-wise Providence, on the 9th day Ootober, ISG6, “ from every city and from every hamlet, from the moun tain top and from the valley, will ascend to heaven a grand and swelling anthem, at testing a nation’s joy at its deliverance from the body of our political death.” Hlester Clymer will be proclaimed ‘Governor of Pennsylvania, ana a degraded, plundered, and outraged people,will begmanewmaroh ou the road ofprogress and prosperity. gMlatUlpWa gldtotrtiiMttmrts. gANKS, DINNOBE A CO., Successors to A. B. Davis <fc Co. Manufacturers oj PATENT SCALES. SUITABLE FOR WEIGH LOCKS, RAILROAD TRACKS AND DEPOTS, COAL, HA Y AND LIVE STOCK Also, all the various descriptions of DORMENT AND PORTABLE PLATFORM SCALES AND PATENT BEAMS, | N. W. Corner or loTll ST. & PENNSYLVANIA AVENUE, PHILADELPHIA. C. M. BANKS, R. H. DJNMORE. LEWIS L. HOUPT, oct‘2sfyw4‘2 FRED’K A. RIEHLE, JACOB LA DOM US, 618 MARKET STREET, Dealer lu AMERICAN, ENGLISH ASWISS WATCHES hfiw on baud a large assortment of the above lu GOLD and SILVER CASES, which will bo sold at tli© LOWEST PRICKS, and WARRANTED TO GIVE SATISFACTION IN ALL CASES. Also: _ JEWELRY, SILVER AND PLATED WARE, of the newest styles and patterns. Repairing done In the best manner, and warranted. Those Lnwant of the abovo are Invited to examine my stock at 618 MARKET STREET, nov22-lvw> PHILADELPHIA. Pa. pE9TROBE.*R. HOOPE’S ARCH STREET WHARF, SCHUYLKILL PHILADELPHIA. Agent for the Sale of TERRACOTTA WATER PIPES AND HYDRAULIC CEMENT. Also, Plastorlng, Lath. Calolned Plaster, Hair* White Sand, Bar Sand, Ac., Ao. une(J <Jmw*22 } J A PIERRE HOUSE, PHILADELPHIA. The subscribers having leased this favorite House, It has been REFITTED AND REFURNISHED IN AN ELEGANT MANNER, Ami Is now prepared wllh the most perfect ap pointments for the reception of guests. The llrst position among first-class Hotels will be maintained In the future, as In the past may 30 lyw 2\ , BAK ER A FARLEY. gOWMAN A LEONARD, .UANUFACrURKRH AND WHOLESALE AND RETAIL DEALERS SILVER AND SILVER PLATED GOODS, 704 Akcii street PHILADELPHIA, Those in wont of Silver or Sliver Plated Ware will And It much to thelradvantage by visiting .oar Store before making their purchases. Our long experience in the manufacture of the above kind of goods enables us to defy compe tition. We keep no goods but those which are of the first-class, all of ourown make, and will bo sold at reduced prices. inly 11 lyw 27 PHILADELPHIA 1866 * 1866. WALL PA PERSt New Fall Styles! HOWELL & BOURKE, MAITUFACTUBEBS OF PAPER HANGINGS AND WINDOW SHADES, Corner Fourth and Market streets, PHILADELPHIA. N. B. Always In store, a large stock of LINEN AND OIL SHADES. 11 . MAB B E Y TEE CHEAPEST PLACE TO GET SINGER’S 4 HOWE’S SEWING MAOHINE9. ALBO, BILK, THREAD, COTTON, NEEDLES, SHUTTLES, AND ALL SEWING MACHINE TRIMMINGS. All Machines warranted. No. 122 North Fourth street, PHILADELPHIA. sept 11 3mw 30 628. HOOP BK,BTS> 628. HOPKINS “ own MAKE New Fall Styles f Are In every respect first-class, and embrace a complete assortment for Ladles, MUsea, and Children, of the Newest Stylos, every Length and Sizes of Waist. OUR BKIRTS, wherever known are more universally popular than any others beforothe public. They rotaln their shape better, are lighter, more elastic, more durable, and really Cheaper, than any other Hoop Skirt In the market. The springs and fastenings are war ranted perfect. Every Lady should try them! They are now being extensively hold by Mer chants throughout the country, and at whole sale and Retail, at Manufactory and Sales Room, No. 628 Arch St., below 7tu, Philad’a. Ask for HOPKIN’S ” own slake,”— buy no other! Caution— None genuine unless Stamped on each Kid Pad—” Hopkln’s Hoop Skirt Manu factory, No. U2B Arch Street, Philadelphia.” Also, constantly on hand lull line of New York made Skirts, at very low prices. Terms Net Cash. one Price Only. ang29 4mw34 jQEPOT FOB FURNISHING DRY GOODS. A CARD SHEPPARD, VAN HARLINGEN & ARRISON No. 1008 CHESTNUT STREET, PHILADELPHIA, Whose establishment for the sale of HOUSE-FURNISHING DRY GOODS Ik unequalled in the extent and variety of 1U ansortment, beg to announce to housxkeepebs RENEWING THEIR HOPPLY, Or person* ftl>OUt tO furnish, that they are now receiving their FALL ASSORTMENT. OF FRESH LINECOTTON AND WOOL- LEN GOODS, FOR HOUSEHOLD USB, .SUCH AS Linen Sheetings, Cotton Sheetings, Pillow Linens, Pillow Muslins, Damask Table-Cloths, Table Linens, Damask Napkins, Bordered Towels, Towelings, Quilts, Blankets, TABLE AND EMBROIDERED PIANO AND < TABLE COYEKo, And every other article suitable for a well* ordered household. sep 20-lxn w 38 PLASTIC PLATE ROOFING. 'We are now prepared to pat on this Roofing n Lancaster county. Solon Robinson endorses It as the CHEAPEST AND BEST before the EabJlc. Everybody In the county who lseroot ig buildings is invited to send for particulars. Address, AARON WHITE, James street, Opposite Comb Factory ItdaSmw Art AAA A YEAB HADE BT AUTOS* $£ DUO with »15-Btenoll Tools. No ex perience necessary. The and. Treasurers, of three Banks indorse the olrcnlar. Sent free with sarapl© 8 * Adareesttw sg£g? 8 “ BCU 1001 Wo W» rpo jhe tobacco growers. "Vhe subscriber, having taken the old estab lished Cominission House on Front street* would invite the attention thereto of allthoee having Tobacco on hand andready for market. : jane 20 lUUfcawj Phil&elpi4fcflfc
Significant historical Pennsylvania newspapers