AUGUST IS, 1866.
presses snail Be nee to every
who undertakes to examine the pro-
? 0 jH??mTof the legislature, or any brancnof
ceedlngs and no law shall ever be nmde
g° T ernment. ono thereot The &ee commu-
SSorf Of thought and opinions Is one of the
tumble rights of men; and every dtlzen
mav freely speak, write and print on any sub
teet- being responsible for the abuse of that
liberty In prosecutions for the publication_of
pacers Investigating the official conduct of offi
ces or men in public capacities, or where the
matter published 1b proper for publio lnforma
uonltho truth thereof may be given In evl
deuce.” ]
;FOR GOVERNOR:
Hon. HIEBTEB CLYMER, of Berks Co.
CAMPAIGN INTELLIGENCER.
PRICE ONLY THIRTY CENTS!!
In order to aid in the circulation of
political truth, we will furnish the
WEEKLY INTELLIGENCER until
after the election for Thirty Cents.
Let every one of our readers see to it.
that his neighbor subscribes lor a eppy-
There never was greater
circulation of sound political reading.
The Intelligencer is just what you
and your neighbors need. Send for a
copy.
Rememrer it i- s only 30 Cents.
The money can be remitted by mai
> Cooper, Sanderson & Co.,
The Campaign Intelligencer.
We have ulready received several
handsome lists of subscribers for the
Campaign Intelligencer. It is one
of the largest, handsomest and cheapest
newspapers in the State. We oiler it at
a price so low for the Campaign as to
put It within the reacli of every voter
in Lancaster county. We expect our
friends to give it u wide circulation.
A ninfjlc dollar will pan for thru,
copies.
Let euch one of our readers see thu
Ills neighbors ull take it. Every Dunn
oral in the county ought to have it. j
small subscription from active Demo
crats will put It into the hands of any
who are too poor to ufford to pay for it.
Let tiie clubs in tho different lown-.
ships see to it that it is supplied to every
man who will read it. iMany votes can
bo made by a comparatively insignifi
cant expenditure of money in this way.
U will be one of the most effective elec
tioneering documents which can be put
into the hands of candid readers. x We
expect our friends to give it a very wide
circulation.
Let euch one who reads this go to
work at once. Send the money and
life names of tiie subscribers by mail;
.ami be huix* to write the mime of the
Post Office address in u plain hand.
Appointments of the Democratic Cam
date for Governor.
Dkmockatic ht.vtk Com m ittmc, j
Rooms, sjs Wa i.ni'T Stkkkt, :
i’ 111 LA 1> Kl.r MIA | Alin. ■>, ISiill.J
lion. 1 hosier (.'lynier, DemnenUic nun
date for < Juvcrnor, _\vi 1 i speak as follow
At
Allentown, Wednesday, Augnsl JJ.
Danville, Thursday, August JJ.
Lewislmrg, J'Yiduy, August Jl,
Johnstown, Saturday evening, August lid.
Hmuurset, Monday evening, August -7.
I’nioulowu, Tuesday, August J*.
Way ueshiirg, {< l reeiie county,) Wednes
day, August ‘JO.
Washington, Thursday, A list .'in.
Heaver, Friday, August 31.
Newcastle, Saturday, September 1,
Frie, Monday, ScpKimb.-r ;i,
.Meadvillc, Tuesilay, September -I.
Franklin, Wednesday, September d.
Clarion, 'l’hursduy, September ii.
Titusville 1 , Friday (‘Veiling, September?,
Warren, Saturday, Septembers.
Ht. Mary's (Flk County), .Monday eve
ning, September 10.
Emporium, tL'aiueron County), ’fuesday
Hoiiteniber 11.
hock Haven, Wednesday, September IJ
JhunoumUe newspapers please insert.
1 ly order I lemocrulic Stale' ('ommiUee.
WILLIAM A. WALLACE,
Jacom Zikolku, t'lmirmuu.
Secretary,
Radical Exliavagamr.
('lay, Webster, Renton, Buchan
s Wright, and ail the other really greu
i American statesmen who have lllle
seats in Congress, served their count!',
at eight dollars pui'duy. Thu first Con
gross to increase the pay of Us ow
members above this amount, if we nr
not greatly mistaken, was thu one thu
met in December, 1 SAG, when Lheßu
cal N. 1\ Hanks was elected Speaker of
tho House. Tills Congress screwed the
pay up to three thousand dollars per
annum, nearly double thu amount re
ceived by euch member for the long ses
sion at the old per diem, and nearly lour
times the amount received for the short
session. No further advance was made
till the present time, when our patriotic
Radical Congress raised the pay again.
Each member now receives live thou
sand dollars a year. The session re-
cently lermiimled lasted a little tin
eight moniliH. Each member, Ihcrof
received for his services a fraction ov
six hundred and twenly-llve dollars p
Among Llio people who lo ]my
these extravagant Radical wage* lire
fiimici'H, mechanics anil laboring men
who ilo not receive over klx hundred
dollars for a whole year'* work ! ISnl
unreasonable as is this rate of pay for
the long session, it la slill worse for the
short session. Tills session is limited
by tlie Constitution to three months,
it begin* on tile (list Monday in Decem
ber and ends on tlie 4th of March. The
pay of each member for this session
will amount to one thousand six hun
dred and sixty-seven dollars permontli!
Many a lawyer, many a doctor, many a
businessman, with fur more intelligence
than the one-half of these Jtadical Con
gressmen, pursues ins calling assidu
ously makes no more in a whole
year than the present pay of a member
of Congress for one month of the short
session ! Many a good farm, with all
tlie labor that the farmer and his family
can bestow upon it for twelve months,
returns less than the monthly pay of a
member, as lixed by this Jtadical Con
gress.
' Nowhore ought this startling extrav
agance of the ltudiculs to awaken greater
interest or excite deeper indignation
than here in Lancaster county. The
ruial population of Lancaster have
made It “tlie garden of Pennsylvania"
by hard work. The county is rich, hut
it has been made so by a hundred year H
of hard toil at moderate compensation
and it is an outrage to tax tlie accumu
lations of tills toil to pay members of
Congress more for a mouth's services
than three-fourths of them could make
at home in a year. Retrenchment and
reform are sadly needed, and to secure
them tlie Jtadleals must be overthrown
at the polls.
Mr. Stevens and Mr. Uuclinnan.
Mr. Stevens stated in an early part of
the late session of Congress, that Mr.
Buchanan had expended S4,U(K) moro
than the usual appropriation of $20,000
made at the commencement of each
administration for refurnishing tlie
President's House during the official
term. Having discovered his mistake,
Mr. Htovons frankly corrected It In tlie
following language extracted from tlie
Congressional Dally (Hobo of July -0,
1800 :
“1 wish to say that when 1 made some
remarks upon tlilH subject at an earlier
period of the scission, 1 did Injustice to one
of my onnstltuouts. the late President of tlie
Unltod States. I thou stated that $4,000 hud
boon appropriated to supply a dotloionoy
whioh uroso during hie term beyond the
amount originally appropriated, Since
then I have looked Into tho matter and find
1 am in error.”
The Great Union Convention.
All our advices from Philadelphia
represent that the city is/literally
jammed with strangers who have gone
there from all parte of/the 'gloribus old
Union, to give countenanceand support
to the Convention Which meets to-day.
The hotels Were filled up ; aa early); as
Sunday evening/and every 1
arrived on Monday added its hundreds
to the swelling crowd. Those who
found sleeping quarters last night were
esteemed very fortunate. Where the
thousands are, to lodge to-night who
have been carried in on the trains ar
riving this morning, can not even be
conjectured. Standing room is scarce,
sitting room is very difficult to get, and
sleeping room for the latest arrivals is
not to be thought of. The streets, es
pecially in the vicinity of the Conti
nental Hotel and the Girard House,
have been blocked up since yesterday
morning, and the street cars and other
conveyances are taxed beyond their
capacity.
On Monday evening a Grand Restor-
ation Meeting was held at the National
Guard’s Hall. The attendance was
large, and the feeling manifestedargues
well for the success of the efforts now
making by Democrats and Conserva-
tive men to sustain • the restoration
policy of the President, and thus reunite
the country in a patriotic and practical
manner. Governor Orr, of South Car
olina, was present, and made an open,
manly, andstatesfnaulikespeech, which
wus greeted with repeated bursts of
hearty applause. Speaking for the
Southern people, he accepted the decis
ion of the war as dual, disclaimed the
idea that any man in the South would
suggest or urge the repudiation of any
part of the national debt incurred
Lancaster, Pa.
in puttting down the rebellion,
and claimed for the peoplcof the South
ern section of the Union a full sharo of
the confidence and trust of the nation.
They had appealed to the sword, and
having been beaten, were now willing
to fight for the honor of the whole na
tlun witli unfaltering faith and devo
tion. All they asked was that the North
would give themtlieadvantagesofthose
constitutional guarantees which, under
their own construction of that inatru-
nent, every State In the Union waa en
titled to. This the Radicals hudrefused,
ami hence Governor Orr urged the
union of all conservative men for the
purpose of defeating that party, and
thus effecting an early, full and com
plete restoration of tho Union.
Jlon. Montgomery Blair followed
Gov. Orr, and the questions at
issue between the Radiculsand the Con
servatives of the country. He traced
the Southern States from the date of their
secession, that act in the
strongest terms, and dwelt on the per
sistency of the Radicals in refusing tiie
representatives of the Southern States
scabs in Congress, to which they had a
right. He made an able defense of the
policy of Andrew Johnson, and showed
that Thaddcus Stevens and his friend
Jloutwcll, both in the same committee,
weic lh(J leaders in the plot to centralize
tho government and deprive the people
of their liberties.
Passing from tho discussion of great
questions to the notice of little public
men, Mr. Blair said Gov. Curtin, who
had mounted thu Radical stump at York
last week, “was down in 'Washington
a short time ago and wanted an office
from Andrew Johnson. [Laughter.] He
was very anxious to join the bread and
butler brigade at once. [ Laughter.] Ho
wauled to go abroad ; ills health was
delicate, indeed he wauled to go, and I
know he did. [Laughter.] It is said
that I went to Andrew Johnson and
represented thu matter to him, tolling
him to wait until after the election.
[Laughter.] Hut no mutter fur that; ho
did not go out, but though he tried, and
tried, and tried, he did not get to belong
to the bread and butter brigade.
[Laughter. J
“You ull know Eorney, that patriotic
citizen, (immense shouts and laugh
ter.) a sort of modern Dalghety, a man
of all parties, when he wants an office,
us lie always does, lie wanted the Col
loelorship of New York, ami to show
why lie should lie given tho choice of
It, he showed that ho had two news
papers, both dallies, which could get
up a capital party if the JTesldentwould
only appoint his (Forney’s) mail. Tiie
President did not do it, and so, like
Curtin, Korney does not belong to Ran
dall’s bread uud butter brigade.
“ The Radicals are tho most patriotic
people in the world, of course, or they
would not have remained there in Wash
ington, sweltering In tho hot weather.
They never would adjourn for four that
Johnson would turn their friends out of
office. About the country and its con
dition they cared nothing—they would
keep In session lest Johnson might mus
ter out their friends from tho bread uud
butter brigade.” (Laughter.)
After referring to the fact that tho
policy of the Radicals lundod to put tiie
white laboring men of the North am!
the negroes of the Houth on an equality
by enfranchising the latter, Mr. Blair
concluded amid applause.
Phi l. a n hj.imii a, Aug. 11. —Nothing as
yet Inis been settled In relation to the open
ing of tho Convention. Tho Executive
Committee are debating the proprioty of
holding a meeting for temporary organiza
tion at one of the public halls, or post
poning it till to-morrow, by which tini6
the 'Wigwam will probably bo completed.
Pi ll i,ant;urnia, August 11—Wigwam ,
Norm. Arrangements are now being made
for the assembling of the .Convention. Tiie
number of delegates present is compara
tively small, owing to tho uncertainty of
tin* arrangements and tho distance ofthe
place of meeting from thecentro of the city.
The Executive Committee are all present,
and it is generally believed,that Yullundig
h am’s letter will be read at the Convention
to-dav.
RErOKTKD WITHDRAWAL OF Mlt. VALLAN
I’IIILADEI.IHMA, Allg. li —11.30 A. M.-
There is tiie best authority for slating tlm
Mr. Vullundiglmn? has written a leUut
withdrawing from tho Convention.
The temporary organization of the Coi
vfiitmn will be held at thu Wigwam.
The Convention assembled at noon at Llio
A'ircwuln. Thu delegatus from Massaclni
st'Us and South Carolina onlored arm in
arm. lieiieral i)ix was selected as Presi
dent fur temporary organization. Thot’nm
miueenu Credentials and Resolutions were
appointed, unit Lite Convention adjourned
to meet m noon ,to-morrow. The Wigwum
was crowded with sneetators, and much
enuiusiusiii prevailed.
A Deary Hero.
1 lie niulignant assaults of the Harris,
burg J ((graph anti other Radical jour
nals upon the most prominent members
of the Clymci Soldiers' Convention,
have led to tlie institution of an/inquiry
into the military character of -{ii e clliaf
actors in the Geai*y' 2 SoldierH’. Conven
tion at Pittsburg/ The result is by uo
means flattering to tlie Geary men. It
has been found that tlie President of
tlieir Soldiers’ Convention (Joshua T.
Owen) was so bad u soldier that the gal
lant General .Sumner ordered him to be
tried by court martial; and tills court,
which was presided over by that bravo
and accomplished officer, General Han
cock, found him guilty of two out of tho
three charges preferred against him,
and sentenced him “to bo dismissed
from the service of tlie United States."
Willi such an official record ns this
standing ugalnst tho presiding oillcer of
the Guury Convention at Pittsburg,
common prudence would suggest Lo our
opponents tlie propriety of refraining
from assaults upon the gallant soldiers
who participated In tlie Olymer Conven
tion at Harrisburg. But the Radicul
papers, always reckless and unscrupu
lous, have been rendered desperate by
tho dismal prospect before them. They
rush blindly forward and hurl missiles
that recoil and destroy their own friends,
The National Convention,
SECOND DISI’ATCII
Dili HAM.
Good Spirit of the South.
In the selection of their delegates to
the Philadelphia Convention, the peo
ple of the South have shown a wise and
tnost commendable respect for the feel
ings and opinions of their Northern
fellowTCitizens. They have carefully
•passed over all their leading men .who
.were supposed to be specially obnoxious
to the North, and* in-general have
selected only such as originally opposed
the rebellion.
In Alabama, the President of the Con
vention affirmed for himself and the,
members of that body, that they had
accepted, without mental reservation,
the conditions dictated by the Presi
dent, and are prepared loyally to sus
tain the Union. They abide by the
results of the war in good faith, and are
only anxious to terminate sectional
alienation and suffering. “Ruined in
fortune,” he remarked, with a sad sin
cerity, “mourning for our dead, wearied
with war, sighing for peace, we simply
desire to see reinstated the old prosper-
ity.” Th/s, too, from a State which
Mr. Speaker Colfax siugles out for his
most emphatic malediction.
Louisiana sends good men —men who
have steadily struggled to restore the
authority of the Union, and to enforce
loyally the principles determined by the
war. Of the delegates from this State
the Picayune says : “ All thesegentle
men are known to have beeD among
the earliest und most influential friends
of the President, and of his wise, con
stitutional policy.” The active part
taken by Mr. Rozier aud other well
tried Unionists, in opposition to the
revolutionary Convention, has shown
the harmony that exists amongthe con
servative elements of the State; and
the delegates to Philadelphia will reflect
no dishonor upon the State.
Georgia has perhaps shown less favor
to original Union men, although even
there the fire-eaters have been passed
over as unworthy of seats ir> the as’
sembly. The Macon Journal has a
statement upon this head which merits
notice :
‘‘lt is a remarkable fuel that of all the
delegates so far named, we are unable to
find more than one original Secessionist,
and wo are not certain about him. That one
is Gen. (Jordon; but Stephens. Johnson
Wurnor, Wimberly, Warren, Wright, Lin-
ton Stephens, Flemming, and wo believe
every other delegate so far numed, wan an
original ojijxmcnt of sceessio)i, and came
into the mot-cmcut only in respect to the views I
held by them and all other XuuUtcrmnen of a
primary Mate ulLcyiuncc. So fur, in Georgia,
und we presume in other Southern States,
Secessionists have not. been selected; nor
have they seemed anxious to push them
selves forward, They have quietly acqui
esced in the selection of men who were
originally opposed to tho secession move
ment. ”
The Journal might have gone further.
Not only liave original Secessionists
stood aside, but conditional Secession
ists like A. 11. Stephens ami Governor
Brown have signified their unwilling
ness to serve, lest tiie utility and influ
ence of the Convention suffer by the
presence of those who were known as
uctive opponents to the North in tiie
war. They counsel the choice of dele
gates who have been regarded “asmore
Conservative uud better Union men,” a
circumstance which in itself establishes
their moderation and the earnestness of
their desire for a re-established Union.
All that is at present known points to
the conclusion that the South, as a
whole, is doing what it can to render
the Convention the controlling aud the
conservative power which is at this
moment needed in our national politics.
The Torch and the Sword !
At the outbreak of therebellion there
was a Democratic politielauof consider*
able prominence in Illinois, whose
sympathies were said to be entirely
with the South. He was a member of
Congress and his name was John A.
Logan. The Republican newspapers
gazetted him as a traitor. Telegrams
flew thick and fast from the west, de
tailingthe treasonable utterances of this
muu. He was represented as a danger
ous character who ought to be taken
hold of. The wish appeared to be uni
versal nniong tiie Republicans of the
west, and it was largely shared by the
Republicans in the east, that he should
bo mobbed. His wife’s name was
bruited about by super loyal papers us
freely us bisown. She was represented
us taking her.stand at a Railroad statioii
in SouthernHlllnois aud cheering for
Jeff Davis, and insulting and hooting
at Union soldiers passing on the trains.
It seemed doubtful, from the tenor of
the dispatcher whether she could es
cape personal violence.
After a time John A. Logan entered
the Union army. Taking into consid
eration ail ihc circumstancesoflilscase,
it was a fair presumption that nothing
but the fear of being mobbed influenced
him to enter it. This, we think, was
tho construction pretty generally put
upon his motives by those whohad read
tiie telegrams and newspaper statement
affecting Ids “loyalty” at tho outbreak
of tho war. Hubscquunt events strength
ened this Impression. New converts are
proverbially zealous. Renegades are
always vindicative towards their former
friends. Logan soon became conspicu
ous for the bloodthirstinesfeofhls throats
against tho rebels. Keeling thut he was
suspected by his new-made Republican
friends, he sought to commend himself
to their confidence by tho violence of
hie language towards the South, and he
succeeded. Promotion came, and Lo
gan congratulated himself, as well lie
might, upon his escape from the hands
of a mob into the uniform of a Major
Ureneral.
Tlie war having ended and the Major
General’s cummission expired, John A.
Logan is looking up his old political
fleslipots. IHe aspires to Trumbull’s
seat in the United States Senate, but
fearing he might not reach it and de
siring to take all the chances to be had,
he lias accepted a Republican nomina
tion for Congress. We publishasketch
of the speech he made at Springfield,
Illinois, in accepting this nomination.
It has the ring of the vindictive rene
gade all through. Its abuse of the Pres
ident is as coarse and brutal as that of
Brownlow. Its proposal to ‘'take the
torch in one hand and the sword in the
other, and sieecpovcr " the South, stamps
Its uutlior as a barbarian who is a burn
ing disgrace, to the country and to the
age in which he lives. Such a man Is
scarcely entitled to the protection of
the laws, since he avows himself In
favor of the most flagrant and barbar
ous violation of them. 1-Ie has put the
wolfs head on his own body and shame
lessly displays his bloody jaws to the
whole country.
But (the temper of the country is not
wolfish, and Logan's bloodthirsty utter
ances will only help him to lose his
head. A kindlier feellngls growing up
everywhere, and the miserable dem
agogueswlioareattemptlug to stir anew
tlie waters of fraternal strife, that they
may ride in on its bitter waves, are des
tined to go to the bottom. Such bad
hearted leaders as Stevens, and such
rabid .journals as the Press and the
Harrisburg Telegraph, will of course
appluud every proposition for the bar
barous puuishment of tho South ; but
tlmuk Heaven their lufluence is de
clining and their power for mlsohief
will soon be clean gone forever.
Tom Cochkan presented John W.
Geary a cake at York on Thursday'.
On the night of tho second Tuesday of
October, John W, will realize that "his
cake is all dough."
Returns from 60 of the 100 counties
in Kentuoky give Duvall, democrat, 80,-
207 majority, ’
Radical Bickerings.
The.Targe crowd } of Radical
seekers in this county are having a high
time of it just nowy”’.‘The various candi
dates have a Uaggardlook, superinduced"
by continuousexertidn, intense excite
ment-and “ drinks all roupd.” ;Our
streete.Wnd , alleys haye been carefully*,
canvassed. is not a taverp or a
beerhouse in the city which has not
been the scene of strong solicitations.
Every countryman who entered the
town has had half a dozen or more of
the friends of candidates dogging his
heels. This morning not only was
every market-man buttonholed, but
their wives ahddaughters were solicited
to exert their influence. Cards have
appeared in the newspapers, circulars
have been scattered broadcast through
out every district, and no appliance
known to wire-pullers has been left
unemployed. The newspapers have
each had their favorite candidates whose
claims have befen urged with an earnest
ness that has degenerated into bitter
ness. For a time the State canvas has
been forgotten, and the radical news
papers of the country have taking to
abusing each other. Faction has been
assailing faction, until, if we were to
believe one half of what the different
wings of the Radical party in Lan
caster county say of each other, we
should come to the deliberate con
clusion that there is not an honest
or a decent man among the Republican
politicians of Thad. Hteveus' D sc 'trict.
Each party has boldly charged the other
with bribery and corruption, and with
making merchandise of the offices.
Every man, now a candidate, who has
been in the Legislature heretofore, has
been openly accused of using his posi
tion to fill his pockets. Such an un
seemly and disgraceful scramble for
office was scarcely ever seen elsewhere.
To the irregular and much mixed con
test over merely local offices is super-
added the contest for United States
Senator. At first the contest was be
tween Cameron and Curtin, with the
chances that Himon’s money would
overcome the popularity of the “sol
dier’s friend.” WheuThaddeusStevens
stepped into the ring the affair became
more complicated. At first all hands
were puzzled, except a few who were in
the secret. It Is now conceded that the
representatives from this county will be
Instructed to vote for Mr. Stevens; but
the contest is none the less a struggle
between the friends of Curtin and the
puid emissaries of Cameron.
As things look now we consider
safe to predict that Simon will win, and
that the pretended endorsement of
Stevens for United States Senator will
turn out to be only a sharp trick to
cheat Curtin out of whatever chance he
had for securing votes from Lancaster
county. The whole thing is being very
adroitly managed. Curtiu's friends are
exeited, but the probabilities are that
after fretting and fuming for a day or
two they will comedown under the lash
of the dominant faction.
Indian Troubles.
Some of the Indian tribes on the great
plains that stretch away from the Mis
souri to the Rocky Mountains are again
threatening to give serious trouble to
our government. A special dispatch to
the New York Tribune, dated Leaven
worth, August 8, says:
While out hunting stock on tho Republi
can River a few days since, wo were met
by a party of 100 Cheyennes and Sioux In
dians, mounted on fino mules and Ameri
can horses. Some of them had three re
volvers, and none less than two. Many
had sabers without Hcubbards, but few bows
and arrows. A majority of them had on
complete suits of t'nilod States cuvulry
clothes, embracing caps, which had every
appearai:«3 of being new. They were com
mitting the most dastardly outrages. They
said that 000 C‘h»yeuno warriors hud been
in cam]) on the’ head of the Sabine, who
sent their women and children south of the
Arkansas, und acted very sullen, and mo
rose to all whites. Col. Leavenworth, Indian
agent, reports a very bitter, warlike spirit
among the Cheyennes. Theyexprcss great
determination not to abandon the Smoky
Ilill routes, and they further say, in refer
ence to tho treaty, that they were made
drunk nnd grossly deceived. They nro de
termined that the railroad shall not go West
through their lands.
Indian outrages on the plains liave
been so frequent and of such long con.
tinuance, that It is high time for our
government to put in operation some
plan for their entire prevention. We
are sick and tired hearing of the mur
der of emigrants and small detachments
of troops. There must bo something
wrong in the management of Indian
affairs on our western frontiers. If tiie
Indians liave real grievances, these
should be redressed ; but if their never
ending outrages result from the inherent
devillshness of their nature, they should
be punished with a severity that would
make them quake at the sight of n
white muu. Tho constant recipients of
tiie bounty of our government, which
has bestowed presents nnd annuities
upon Ilium for years, they ought by
tills time to have learned to live In
peace and friendship witli Lite whites.
Tho employment of an Indian poUar.
for the plains was some time ago sug
gested. It was argued thut a force of
friendly Indians, taken into the pay of
tho grovernmont and properly organ
ized and equipped, could do more for
the security of our frontiers and for tho
protection of emigrants across the plains,
than any force of white troops that we
could maintain in that region. Know
ing the haunts, the habits and the mode
of warfare of the hostile tribes, and ac
customed themselves to the privations
of a life outside of the confines of civili
zation, it would not be surprising if, on
trial, a force of friendly Indians should
be found just the one thing needful to
our security In the far west. Of their
fidelity we should entertain no misgiv
ings. The history of America furnishes
abundant evidence that the red man is
capable of becoming the warm friend
and trusty ally of the white. But he
must be generously and honestly dealt
with and never deceived. We hope
the experiment will be tried, for the
outrages of the wild tribes must be put
a stop to In some way.
Alleged Outrage.
The Harrisburg Telegraph of yester
day alleges that “a murderous fire from
revolvers in the hands of Copperheads,
was directed at the car occupied by Gen.
Geary and Gov. Curtin, in the train
carrying the Dauphin and Cumberland
delegations from York ” on Thursday.
The Telegraph is such bad authority
that it is impossible to say whether cre
dence should or should not be given to
this story. But if anything of the kind
did occur, the cause of it can readily be
conjectured. John W. Geary visited
York once before, where he had the
want of decency and the want of sense
to denounce braver soldiers than him
self as “Hessians” and "traitors,”
simply because they had avowed them
selves the friends of Clymer. If he was
shot at on Thursday, there can be but
little doubt that it was done by one or
more of the soldiers whom he had thus
meanly and unjustifiably Insulted and
slandered on his previous visit. But
these Insultß and slanders, Inexcusable
as they are, furnish no justification for
such an outrage os the Telegraph al
leges to have been committed. If shots
really were fired at the car in which
Geary and Curtin sat, those who fired
them ought immediately to Join the
Radical Republican party, which has
monopolized the shooting and mobbing
business of the country for the last five
or blx years. Olymer can be elected
■Without the votes of such men,
k Radical Wolf Howling Tor Blood.
Safford,” (whoever he may
be,) of Alabama, waa one of the speakers
at'tbe Geary meeting in. YorJjt. He is
probably some bastard Houdfcrn^Ya-
hoo 1 / who has hired himjeif at low
wages to lie for the benefit ofthe Blsgik
ARepublicans. We be,. Bs
-tonified-he would turnQpht to ba the
identical .Yankee who emigrated to the
South some years ago and boastfully
wrote home to his relations that he
“had not been in Alabamy six months
afore they pa&de hiip Judge at a horse
race.” He said that “HieSter Clymer’s
name was quoted in the rebel news
papers during the rebellion as one of
the Northern men favorable to a recog
nition of a Southern confederacy.” If
“Judge Safford” didn’t lie at York, the
rebel newspapers must have lied about
Clymer “during the rebellion,” for
Clymer never was favorable to a recog
nition of the Southern confederacy.
The “ Judge” displays the true spirit
of a Southern ‘ ‘ Y ahoo. ’ ’ He is as stern
and inflexible as the most cruel over
seer that ever laid the lash of the slave
driver on the back of the shrieking
slave. He “ wants the law executed,
sternly and inflexibly,againsttraitors;”
aud he says that “when this is done,
the rebels will recant their heresies and
repent their crimes.” The law makes
treason punishable with death. Its
stern and inflexible execution, there
fore, as demanded by “Judge Safford,”
would bring nearly every white man in
the whole .South to the scaffold, and
leave no rebels alive to recant their
heresies or repent their crimes. Does
Geary stand on the Safford platform ?
Is he not satisfied with the oceau of
blood that his own valiant sword drew
from rebels and traitors ? Does he too
demand the death of nearly every white
mule inhabitant of the South? Ur will
he come out and repudiate and condemn
the bloodthirsty utterances of his prin
cipal speaker at the meetiug in York?
ilr. Ewing’s Letter.
Our readers will not And fault with
us for surrenderingsomuch of our space
to-day to the letter of the Hon. Thomas
Ewing, of Ohio, cordially commending
the National Convention to be held at
Philadelphia. The veteran statesman
has calmly reviewed the wholesituation
of public affairs, the condition of the
country, the action of the Executive
and the errors of the majority in Con
gress, praising / where praise Is due and
censuring where censure plainly ought
to be bestowed.
If the great mass of the Republican
party had not run mad on national af
fairs, the counsels of such a nmn as
Thomas Ewing might be expected to
have some influencewlth them. Helms
been Governor of Ohio, a Senator in
Congress and a member of the Cabinet,
and hasalwaysranked amongthe purest
of our public men. He was the personal
and political frlendof General Harrison,
of whom our Republican friends of the
“Old Guard ” may retain a faint recol
lection, and by whom lie was called to
a seat hi theCablnet. His voice, which
for many years has not been heard in
the councils of the nation, comes up like
a voice from the grave of the old “ hero
of Tippecanoe,” invoking those former
members of the Whig party who are
now following aftei Stevens to “ return
to the path of constitutional rectitude,”
nnd, laying aside nil vengeful and mere
partisan feeling, give their support to a
policy “which shall make it the inter
est of men to prefer the Union and law
nnd order to auarchy.”
The Fenian Prisoners.
President Johnson's appeal to the
British Government in behalf of the
Feniau prisoners in Canada was not
made in vain. Immediately before his
retirement from the Colonial Office, Mr.
Cardwell, acknowledgingthe good faith
of the United States in maintaining the
neutrality law, advises Lord Monek
not to sanction any unnecessary severity
of procedure in dealing with the cap
tured raiders. And immediately on
Lord Carnarvon's accession to office, lie
repeats Mr. Caldwell's injunctions to
the Governor-General of Canada In even
stronger terms. The prompt action of
Stir Government, then, in first enforcing
the authority of United States Munici
pal Laws In the case of the Fenian
raids, and next, lu aakiuglcnletittreat
ment of the Fenhm prisoners, ought to
muko tho Roberts branch of the Order,
at least, feel grateful. They had a nar
row escape In attempting an invasion
after the fashion they did ; ami instead
of joining tho Radicals to denounce the
President, they ought to thank him for
rescuing them from a most perilous sit
uation. Wc have no doubt that our
Government will continue to intercede
for the captured Fenians, and wo trust
the President will soon have tho satis
faction of seeing all of them released,
Tilt; Xntlck Cobbler.
Honutor Wilson, of tho righteous
colony of Massachusetts, a short time
ago pathetically aunuuneed that If lie
were to dlo then ho would not leave be
hind him enough to buy u pine collln,
This shows that ho Is no better at 11-
nancleringthun ut statesmanship. Hut
what has turned tho Natick Cobbler's
attention to tho subject of death ? Does
he desire to pey out? Is he seriously
thinking about breathing his last f Has
it occurred to him that he is more than
half sold to “old scratch?” Does he
feel that his end is near? Is he waxiny
afraid that it is awl up with him ? Let
him not vex his righteouß soul about a
pine coffin. His corpse won't he left to
pine above ground for the want of one.
The New (England Yankeeswbobought
pikes for old John Drown will provide
a coffin for his beloved disciple when
ever it may be needed. The Natick
Cobbler needn't put off dying on that
account, if he is otherwise prepared to
toe the mark.
Getting Ready.—Passing Now Cum
berland, on tho Northern Contrnl road, on
Friday last, wliun within a few miles of
Harrisburg, a gentleman on thu train point
ed out the residence of General Deary, quite
an attractive place. It looks as if it has,
within a few weeks, been ro-paintodand re
littod, tho General, no doubt, anticipating a
visit from his friends early In October, and
rnnking preparations to receive them. — Ex
press.
When you find the occupant of a
house re-palnting and re-fitting it, you
may set it down as certain that he ex
pects to stay there. No man ever was
known to re-paint and re-fit a house
that he was about to remove out of.
Geary has found out that he is going to
remain at New Cumberland, and he is
trying to give his residence as cheerful
a look os possible. This is right. If
that rusty old cannon from Harper’s
Ferry adorns his grounds, we hope he
will give it a good coat of whitewash.
He will have enough to make him
gloomy after the election, and he does
right to brighten up his house and its
surroundings before the clouds of Octo
ber settle down upon him. We con
gratulate him that he lives in a section
where limestone is plenty and burnt
lime is cheap. We advise him to lay
the “ wash" on thick, and to apply it
as the patriotic negro proposed to go to
war—" permlscusly.” Don't be content
merely to whitewash the house, the pall
fence and the trophy of Harper’s Ferry.
Lay it on the trees, the shrubbery, the
currant bushes and the Blop-bucket
Don't forgot the pig-pen, and be sure to
let the "squirrel-tall" of the bake-oven
come In for a few artistio touches. The
General’s own faoe might be Improved
by the application of the brush, as It
has completely changed color since the
date of his letter to Sam. Maguire,
Letter from Hod. Thomas Ewing of Ohio
Lancaster, Ohio, Aog. 2,1866.
Son. O. S. Browning:
-.Bear Sir: Your letter enclosing a copy
;of ;a call for a Natirihal Convention, to oe
hfiia at Philadelphia on the Htluinst., has
long been before me. lat once expressed
to you my.hearty concurrence initsobjecta,
btu causes’hot within my,'control hayelhus
fir delayed me in giving, asl then promised,
more definitely and atlargC my views onthe
subject. ~
We all feeljand know that the condition of
the country is unsettled—it is, in some re
spects, anomalous; the different depart*
ments of the Government do not movehar
moniously in their proper spheres, but in
some respects, retard and disturb the action
of each other. The evil requires a remedy,
which can only be applied on a careful in
vestigation of its causes.
It is most important that we have a dis
tinct understanding of the present condition
of our country, the state of its organic law,
as settled by recent events, and a consider
ation of the errors and irregularities by
which its action is disturbed. A fair pre
sentation of these matters to the public, with
out a mixture of the passion or prejudice of
party, that they may apply the corrective,
is, as I understand it, the object ot the pro
posed Convention.
To this object I am desirous to lend my
feeble aid, as one among the thousands
whose aggregate judgment make up public
opinion.
A large portion of the leading men of Ihe
South have, for more than thirty years past,
been taught intheschoolofdisumon, reared
up and educated in the political faith that
allegiance to the State is paramount to al
legiance to the Union, and that a citizen of
a State may, at the command of his State,
lawfully bear arms and wage war against
the United States, and, as a corollary, against
any one or more of thesister.States.
This is not new doctrine \ it is the same
which, under ditlereut forms of government,
distracted Europe for more than six hun
dred years, made every barony a castle—
generally a robber’s stroughold—and the
whole country a military encampment.
Those holding the physical force in eleven
States, in 1861, declared in convention their
secession from the Union, expelled its of
fers and repudiated its laws, and stood pre
pared to maintain, as far as they might, by
force of arms, distinct and independent
nationalities, confederated for the purpose
of attack or defence aguinst the Union as a
common enemy. On the other hand, we as
serted the absolute integrity of the Union;
that no Slate could secede from or cease to
be an integrul part of the Union; that its
laws, constitutionally enacted, were of bind
ing force in all the Slates and Territories,
uud that to levy war or opposo urmed re
sistance to the execution of the laws of tbo
Union was trouson, oven though such re
sistance were in obedionce to a law ofa Slate
and to the mandate of its authority.
And it is this on which the issue was
taken, between the Union and those who
held tho physical power in the eleven suced
ingStates. A civil war was tho consequence,
great in its magnitude, great in its results.
The supremacy of the Union bus boou
maintained; the illegal und revolutionary
declurafions of secession have been an
nulled, together with tho ordinances in
their support and their niaintenuuce ; and
the several States, so far as their official actß
can effect thut object, have resumed each
its place as members of tho Union and ac
knowledged the supremacy of its laws.
Wo have contended throughout the con
test that l lie seceded States were States of
tho Union, and that the citizens of those
States who in any way aided in tho revolt
wore guilty of treason. This point is now
yielded; it is settled, and not open to dis
cussion.
Your call invites only those who hold
“ the Union in every cri.sc indissoluble and
perpetual;” and H declares, "that no dele
gate will take a seat in Iho Couventiou
who docs not loyally accept the national situ
ation, and cordially endorse the great prin
ciple nbovo anuounced.
Tins I must heartily approve. I would
not willingly meet in conusel or Join In
political action with those, if such there be,
whowould ug.iin open that question, tho
agitation of which lias in/lictedsuch untold
misery upon the country.
1 assume, therefore, thut the laws of the
Union enacted pursuant to tho Constitution
are paramount, neither weakened nor af
fected by the laws of the State; thut no
State can secede from tho Union, either
temporarily or permanently; thut the or
dinances of secession, though bearing the
name of the State, were tho acts of unau
thorized men, who temporarily usurped
tho power; that during the whole contest,
from its beginning to its close*, each and ull
the Stales, notwithstanding their ordinances
of secession, wore Stales of tho Union und
in the Uuion, und ut the close of the con
test the usurped power was withdrawn und
the supremacy oi tho Union acknowledged
by tho authorities of the Stutos.
It follows, as a necessary consequence,
that even in the heat umLviolonco of the re
bellion, tho Slates in which rebel violence
most prevailed wore, ouch and all of them,
as States, entitled to their representation In
the two Houses bf Congress.
Such was cloarlytbeuuderstandingofthe
statesmen who then ruled tho stormy scene.
Tennessee was represented lifter tho ordi
nance of secession m that.Stato was passed,
and I know it was tho expressed wish of
President Lincoln that Mr. Sebastian, tho
Senator from Arkansas, whoso term was
not expired, and who had taken no purl in
Iho rebellion, should come to Washington
und resume his seal in Iho Senate. “
Thediiliculty existed, not in tho rightof the
State to lie represented, but in the moans of
electing and oorllfyingSomilorN und Repre
sentatives. With thatdilllculty tho Houses
oft ’(ingress lmd In the 11 rut Instance no tiling
to do, but when tho State returned Its Sen
ators and members, then it was the province
of the two Houses of Congress each to ex
amine the credentials of the proposed mem
bers of its own body—ascertain whether
they wore duly appointed, and whether per
sonally they ’conformed to Die requisites
which each House had established forMts
members.
It cannot, therefore, bu rationally con
tended that a Stale In which the rebellion
lias been suppressed, tho ordlnuneu of hooch
siou rescinded and annulled, and tho power
of the Union acknowledged, cun bo ilunlod
its representation in Ihetwo HousesofCon
gress, because It has been for a time con
trolled by men in a state of revolt, when
that vory condition, while it existed, did not
deprive it of its right of representation.
Rut thus far those States have been denied,
oh i States, their representation in the two
Houses of Congress, without question as to
tho qualifications of the individual mem
bers, or tho regularity of their election. It
will bu dllllcult to establish Die position
that a portion of Dm Semite and the House
which Ims tints rejected the representation
of a part of Dm Slates, an •States, Is a legally
constituted Congress under the Constitu
tion. They of course have thopowor which
Die Constitution gives thorn—the {Semite to
reject any and all such members individu
ally, for tho reason that they do not repre
sent their several States; the House bucauso
they are not shown to represent their ap
propriate district. Tho Constitution defines,
m express terms, Die powers of each House
over the members who offer themselves for
recognition.
! The second section of tho first articlo of
! tho Constitution provides that “tho House
j of Representatives shall be composed of
I members chosen every second year by tho
I peoplo of tho several States’’—that is tosay,
| of each and all of the Stales. To this there
I is no exception and no limitation. It in-
I eludes States which have been in revolt, as
! well as those which have beon always loyal.
Another clause of the same article pro
; vidos that when vacancies happen in the
i representation from any State, tho execu
tive authority thereof shall issue an order
for an election. Here is no qualification,
no requisite condition of the Slate to entitle
it to its representation.
How does any portion of tho two Houses
of Congress, or a committeo solected by a
part of tho members, acquire the power to
lay down conditions and deny representa
tions to States that do not conform to them?
Tlnj third section provides thatthoSenate
of tho United States shall bo composed of
two Senators from each State, chosen by
tho Legislature thereof for six years.
The fifth articlo provides, that “no State
without its consent shall,” oven by an
amendment to the Constitution, “bo de
prived of its equal suffrago in tho Senate."
So dear is tho construction of tho Consti
tution, so fixed tho purpose of the Conven
tion, that even an umendinontofthoConsti
tution would be void that should attempt
to deprive a Stateforasingleday.undorany
conditions, of its duo representation in that
body.
Rut the Constitution makes umplo pro
vision for tho prevention of illegal intrusion
m either of those bodies, and puts it in .the
powor of each to oxciudo from itsolfall
•nembers and Senators who ore unlit from
any cause, nationnl or morul, for want of
due election, due certificate, defect of loy
alty to the Union, or moral character,
to hold their places in either of those bod
ies.
Hence it, is very clear to my mind that the
exclusion of States as Mates, for any reason,
supposed or alleged, is the indirect violation
of their constitutional privileges. The
members who may bo in possession of the
Senate Chamber and House of Representa
tives have the same right to assume that
Now York as that Georgia is unfit to bo
represented until it complies with their pro
scribed requisitions; nnd if they may ex
clude eleven Stutes they muy exclude
twenty, and each will affect alike tho
constitutional lugitimuev of tho body which
thus lays down conditions for admission
nnd refuses it to those who do not comply
with those conditions.
Tho wrong would bo more glaring if a
majority wore excluded, but tho prluciplo
would bo the snmo.
It may be said that in the Wonnto thoro
could not bo a constitutional quorum if
twenty States were excluded. But what of
that? Admit tho binding ofllcacy of tho
Constitution, and thoro Is an ond oV tho ar
gument.
With a viow to tho present and future
quiet of tho country. I am anxious that
the prosent state of things should cease to
exist.
Laws formally enacted by the inombors,
and certified and approved by the offlcors
of the two Houses and the President, must
be recognized by our courts without in
quiring into tho regular constitution or each
of the powers enacting them; but whatever
comes in the form of Taw, emanating from
a single branch of the law-making power,
is, in my judgment, open to examination;
as for example., if but one-third of the
States should meet and take possession of
the hallsfof Ihe Senate and House of Repre
sentatives, enact resolves in the form of
law, without Executive v sanction or recog
nition, it would.be absurdto Bay that the
coarts would-be bound to hold that such
resolves were law, without haying power to
inquire into the constitutionality of the as
sembly enacting them. This is but an a
fortiori case ; the principle is precisely the
same with that before us ; it is quite im
material whether one-third or two-thirds of
the States be excluded from participation
in the enactment. Admit the right of in-
quiry into the constitution of the enacting
body; the same right follows in the other,
and the illegitimacy in the one case is as
dear as in theother. This difficulty applies
to the Civil Rights bill, to the last Freed
men’s Bureau bill, and to the Constitutional
amendment.
This objection, together with the con
stitutional difficulties in the several bills,
can be brought before the courts, and it is
not too much to say that their decision will
be doubtful on that point, if on that alone.
On such reflection ns I can give it, I thiDk
those enactments would be each and all of
them held void.
This, of course, does not apply to cases
where the States did not appear at the pro-
per time and place and offer their Senators
and Representatives. It would have a
quieting effect, and bo but a reasonable
sacrifice to the Constitution and law, to re-
peal at the earliest possible mouieut all such
enactments of tbo last session of Congress
which have not received the sanction of the
President; for whatever the decision of the
courts may bo on the subject, it is quite
clear that tho opinion of the bench ana bar
of tho United States, out of political circles
and beyond political influence, will not be
unanimous iu favor of tho validity of those
laws; they will not be absolutely and en
tirely respected by the mass of the people,
ns they would have neon ifenuctedbya
Congress in which all of the United States
were supposed to bo represented. „
There are reasons urged for the refusing
the admission of the elevou rejected States
into the legislative councils of the nation.
I Stripped of all ambiguity, the result is the
I same; exclusion is necessary in order to
I retain power in the hundH of the present
| majority, and I think it is not generally
claimed to be strictly constitutional, but
right nnd reasonable in tho present anomal
ous case.
But allow this as a precedent and special
ly expected, and anomalous cases will con
tinually arise in the opinion of the party in
power, Tho prosoul Congress, in estab
lishing the precedent, cannot say authori
tatively, thus far and no further.
The Constitution allows no exceptions, it
provides for no anomaly; If violated but
for a day, it is violated. Tills I look upon
as tho great source of evil, pregnaul with
iitical mischief. Uis a sup applied to tho
very foundation of our nulionul edltlce, and
if pressed forward to its results must shako,
if not destroy U,
It is needless and idle to dwell upon the
past, that which belongs to history; but it
is not, perhaps, Improper for me to say that
I have not, In all things, concurred in the
uctlon of the past or the present Executive.
In tho direct political movement neces
sary to preserve tho integrity of tho Union
and onforco its laws—in the conduct of the
war—l fell no hesitation, no difficulty; uml
I felt, too, the necessity as a war measure
to remove from those tho power of mischief
who actively and openly uttomptod to ob
struct the raising of our armies or to in
duce desurtioH from tho army.
Their crime approached treason, but did
not fall within its dollnitlon. The position
of those in its commission was ambiguous,
occupying middle space between traitor
and spy, but whatever the Judgment!* of
courts might bo upon their acts, the per
formance of a duty which tho President
owed the Constitution required thut they
, should be deprived of power of mis-
I i i
It was necessary to protect our armies in
I the process of formation against lmstilo <>l>-
| Hlructlons, as well as to protect thorn against
meeting and opposing armies iu the held.
Military commissions are warrantable only
in cases in which the commanding general
is justified in ordinary execution on his
own inundate without trial ; then he muy
properly organize a commission to advise
and share with him tho responsibility; but
I have never been satisiied with trials and
convictions by military courts, where our
civil courts held undisturbed sessions, and
our civil laws could bo executed. Such
things have, novertheloss, been done, and I
have not failed to protest against it in the
proper quarter, and use all my powers of
reason and argument to provent it. Tho
prevention of mischief isonu thing; the trial
und punishment of a crime complete Is an
other.
For this tho administration of President
Johnson is not entirely free from responsi
bility, but, as far us I know, it was only
when be was fresh In his office, near to the
surrounding eircuinstances which influen
ced tho action of his predecessor and of his
counsellors, that he fell into what 1 consi
dered a vltul error ; nnd he early showed a
purpose to apply to the mischief', whenever
possible, an efficient remedy.
Thus, in the only instance In which ho
greatly erred, it was by uniting in tho
policy of thoso who now most condemn
him f it was by suffering himself to lie borne
onward by the wild tide of events which
threatened to sweep away and obliterate
tho ancient land-marks of our Republic;
uml it was only when lie uLlempled to chuck
the mischief that ho encountered ilereu
resistance, contumely, and reproach.
Besides tho illegal constitution of tho two
Houses of Congress, by tho exclusion of Hie
eleven Slates, there was a vice, a novelty
in the proceedings of those two nssomblbtH
by the appointment of a Joint committee on
all tho Important questions of reconstruc
tion, ami liie admission of members to each
body—a committee similar to thut of public
safety In theconslituonlassembly ol Frunce
in the days of tho revolution, and almost
equally potent.
Thu two Houses, by the appointment of
this committee, and the powers grunted it,
consolidated, and there with no longer for
tho inoro important purpose* of the session
two Houses of Congress—two deliberative
assemblies. Indeed, there could be no de
liberation in either of thoso bodies. They
- woro fullered and bound by the action of
the Joint eomriiltteo, and no member could
be permitted to introduce a measure with
-1 out It first passing through lids ordeal; and
1 It was us much as the political standing of
any Nmiulor or Representative wiin worth
to‘dispute Its behests, In a few. Instances
1 It was attempted, but on each occasion fol
* lowed by an explanation ami an apology.
Moil are drilled by the strong current of
events whorolholr own dellberatajudgrnont
would not oarrydluim—ln the composition
i of most, oven men possessing Intolllgonco
1 and some force of character, there is more
’ of the ozlor than of tho oak ; hence it Is that
■ in times of high polilloul excitement tho
> more rock less und violent govern in political
assemblies sober-minded men, their
i superiors in knowledge and intellect.
' Jleneo measures woro udoplud almost
unanimously which would not have passed
tho |two Houses by tho free votes ot the
r members without this restraint. Ltsulllcucy
1 must have been understood, and its no
f cessity foreseen, or this strange anomaly in
» American legislation would not have been
, rosortod to.
| By the report of tho Commitlecon Recon
struction, it appears to have been their
i opinion that what is generally understood
as an executiveduty—the right of determin
ing when the insurrection or rebellion in a
i State has ceased, nnd it is in a condition for
self-government—pertain to the two Houses
of Congress and not to the President.
They sav it was his duty to execute the
■ lawn of <Jong reus, and they ignore ami, in
effect, deny his right to do his duty under
■ the Constitution, except as they may direct
or impel him; this is their first rndlcul
* error, and the close of the report shows how
unfit a legislative body is for tho perform
ance of executive duty. U wns well shown
1 in tho long Parliament in England, when
they undertook to exercise executive
powers—it is equully well shown here.
Not only could not Congress agree as to
1 what should bo done to effect reconstruction
—when it should begin and how far it
should advunce —without the uid of a com
mittee of reconstruction, but that committee
so selected say that tho result of their re
port was a mutual concession after u long
und cureful comparison of conflicting opin
ions.
It would seem their Inability to agree
might have woll admitted of some deforonee
and respect for the opinions of tho Presi
dent, wlio, with more knowledge, certainly
an equally patriotic spirit, much larger In
formation and longer doliberution, differed
from some, and poihaps all of them ; and
if ho were mistaken, nnd members were
roturnod to Congress from States not or
ganized so as to bo competent to retain
them, oach House hud the power to de
terminate tho question for itself in tho enso
of each individual member, and on full in
formation to reject or admit.
Thoro seems to oo no agreement on tho
points in which it is charged that the Presi
dent erred, and every uct, and each conceiv
able omission to uct.is objected by different
individuals. The only particular in which
they unite is, that ho aid not in nil things
conform to tho will of Congress. Hu had
opinions of his own, and expressed them in
time and form as proscribed by thu Consti
tution. But other grave objections woro
urged. Honator Trumbull, in u speech lately
delivered to his constituents, claims that the
President did not punish truitors sufficient
ly , in other words, that there had not boon
blood onough Bhcd, or that there had not
been ruin and misery, poverty and priva
tions onough brought upon tho people of
the South to teach them that roboflion was
unprofitable. Mr. Trumbull, had his views
boon carried out In detail, would hnvo
taught them woll thut submission was even
less profitable than robolllon.
And I would ask, under wlmt law, oflor
tho war had coasod, could tho President
hang or shoot or imprison those who had
boon traitors? The mattor must havo boon
submitted to our courts of Justice, and no
time had elapsed sufficient to organlzo and
offioor courts und bring to trial u hundrod
thousand criminals for troason.
Mr. Trumbull claims that the President,
In a conversation with him, (and I take
him as a fiffr specimen of tho violent men
f n hi^ P „ Rrty,) ’’“““'to yield to the optn-
? xpr ? 3 ?S' 1 the opinion that the laws
should be rigidly executed against thoae
who violated them. 8
Whenheeonveraedwith Mr. Trumbull.
con°J, d r" h‘° acoo “nt we have of tho
L ? seemed to be smarting
and he i! Ct 0 u ot heavy recent wrongs,
a d 8 WUh Alinas of indignation
fiable In n ° nt “““on to men anl Justi
becanK P™' r . prlva , tli Bt “ tiou S but when ho
feelings oiiiJ. ento f l **° United States those
thev were® t 0 hnvo been, nnd I trust
wrongs forgotton. reS!W< * a " d his P orBol,n >
Dublic°neuce anil th ? n tho re3tor er of tho
public peace and order, not tbo avenger of
private wrongs, or the instrument by which
private vengeance was to bo gratlfledT and
it became a question, what was the best
mode of reconciling all men to their com
dilions and establishing peace and harmony
in the country. J
lhat popular passions and preiudico still
exist in the South is undoubted. The opin
ions of men as to their abstract rights tire
unchanged ; lor no man or men were ovor
reasoned iuto u change of opinion by the
cannon or the bayonet, though llioy may
well be taught that it is bettor to live ut
peace, and enjoy freedom nnd sufoty of
life and property undor a regular consti
tutional government than to suffer a repeti
tion ot the horrors and desolation of a civil
war.
It is the remark of n writer who liveil
through tlie French Revolution, who reas
oned sagelv, and who observed much, that
“the remedy for popular passions is to bo
found, not in despotism or arbitrary inflic-
m the assured sovereignty of the
law.' I concur in this opinion, aud for
these reasons : I do not uniloin the censure
which Senator Trumbull casts upon the
President because wo discover humane
in ins otllcial action for tho liberies
1 who had most wronged him, ospo*
.s I mn conscious that his kindness
•beurunco tended much more than
' to the establishment of union and
not the apologist of the President;
pI,V my aim to do him and all others
d justice, according to my own con
ations. In these I may greatly err, but
y opinions are founded on the observa
nt ot passing events, and with aviowonly
o the interests of my country.
It is idle to impugn the motives and
ipply personal abuse to those who ditl'er
with us in political opinion, to call names,
to use contemptuous epithoLs and thus
depreciate personally those whose argu
ments we found to be unanswerable. There
is much of this that is neither creditable
nor MtuteHimmllki* In tho wpoodi of Mr.
Trumbull, which is now boloro mo, but 1
will not comment upon It.
My wish is that thu Republican purtv,
very many of whoso members I highly
respect, may return to the path of coustitu*
lional n-chiuilc, and walking In that path,
1 wish them a lonjj and successful admlnis*
trillion uf their appropriate sphere In the
a Hairs of govurnuumt; but if they ami the
VotMtituhun and the 6’/mm oimnoi oxlsl to
gether, I as earnestly desire their speedy
ami llnal overthrow.
Rradically, my opinion is that a Uutimne
forbearanct' in the execution of penal laws,
which Hindi make it the interest of men to
preief the Union and law and order to an
archy, is the only Hound policy.
Some will undoubtedly become outlaws,
but as few as possible should he driven to
that condition ; ami the few that, lmvlim
boon allowed the privileges of citizens and
the rights of properly, choose to form them*
Helves into predatory bands, whether they
plunder upomlhe laud or water, should be
exterminated as enemies of the human race.
1 hope much from the good oiled of your
convention. I am sure that it will he con-
ducted in a spirit of kindness ami concilia
tion, at the same time with firmness and
decision. 1 trust much in its died upon
public opinion, much, indued, lu its oiled
ou the opinions amt adionsof the present
Congress. I hope at the nextsesslou of Hilh
Congress to find a slate of'feeling such that
no considerable change may be necessary to
secure a triumph of consiituflonal law and
tho Union, peace and prosperity of each and
every purl uf'our common country*
1 am, very respedfullv, yours,
’l\ low I Nd.
Convention ut Sarntoga.
The National Colon Convention of
the Stale of New York met aL Hurutogu
yesterday umi elected General John A.
Dix, Henry J. Raymond, Chun. J. My
ers, H. L. Comstock, H. J. Tilden, Wil
liam Kelley, Hirum Devine and Han
ford K. Church as DulugutuH at large to
the Philadelphia Convention. Pour
memberH from each Congressional dis
trict were also elected. Honutor Doo
little, of Wisconsin, was present and
uddressed tho Convention.
Mr. Doolittle suid ho hud been so long
a resident of u Western Htutc, that lie
felt almost ns u stranger hero In Ills na
tive Htate. He was a delegate from lilh
own Htate, on Ids way to Philadelphia.
He oume here because lie was anxlnuH
to know the feeling of thu great Htate
of New York on the vllul question of
tile day. Tho war hnsended, and peuco
has come. Ho trusted It hud come to
stuy. Tile riucHtlon Is, whether the
American people cun lie uh great and
magnanimous in peace as they were
powerful In war—how powerful, the
world now well knows since tho war Ih
over. Can we moot thu problems which
peuco has brought? In Ids Judgment
we should follow In the lootstep of
Lincoln, In that same pulli which his
successor Is now treading. (Cheers.)
Hut If we shall follow tho suggestions
of ThaddeUH Hluveos and Ills followers
In tlioir cry for vengeance upon the
conquered, wo shall lie unworthy of
America's earlier traditions. (Cheers.)
There are somu who say that tile South
has not been sullleluntly punished.
This lie denied. They have lost that
Institution for which they stulted their
all. They huvu been desolated, while
we of thu North, although our suffer
ings and hisses have been great, are not
to lie compared In this respect with tho
people of thu South. Tho war was cur
ried to their very doors, their property
destroyed by hundreds of millions, and
their population fairly deelmatud. They
have Indeed sufl'ered most terribly und
almost beyond precedent In tho history
of either anelunlor modern warfare.
Thu duHolutlofi created by tho famous
ami proud march of Sherman to thusua
was enough to satisfy thu spirit of re
vengu of Thudduus Stevens; but from
the spirit of revenge exhibited by some
men, It really seemed that there were
tliose who believed we were stlllatwar.
There wore some men who were ioohL
warlike in peace. He confessed to no
respect for such men. When wo must
have wur, let It bo as sburp uh a people
can make it, for it is a mercy to their
adversary; but when that adversary
cries enough, and laying down his arms
submits to the conqueror, men who
would still continue the warfare upon
him are not fit to govern and ought not
to be trusted by a magnanimous people.
The wildest Indians on theplainswhen
at war practice all Horts of enormities,
but even they could give lessons in hu
manity totheStovensesofto-day. Then*
arc- some who say thut Mr. Johnson
does not use the sume language to the
rebels of the South that ho did two or
three years ago. Thutlsso. J donot—do
you? Then they were ut war. They
lost, we won, and we are ut peaco with
them.
The speaker briefly alluded to the pa
triotic career of the President hi the
Senate, and especially from the begin
ning oi the rebellion. After tho assas
sination of Mr. Lincoln, after our great
victories, and after thu Southern armies
hud surrendered, he proved himself true
to his country, und he proved to the
world thut he, and through him tho
people of America, could he as greut and
magnanimous in peace us they were
strong and powerful und brilliant in
war. (Cheers for President Johnson
and Senator Doolittle.)
Tbc Louisiana Convention.
As our Radical cotemporaries are as
serting the legulity of tho Convention
gotten together ten days ago by the pro
fessional agitators and revolutionists of
New Orleans, we commeud to their at
tention the following from the Spring
field RcjmbUcan :
"It may seem cruel, but we cannot help
reminding our Radical friends, who aro now
so earnestly maintaining tho legitimacy of
(ion. Banks' Reconstruction Convention in
Louisiana, thut it is the very same Convention
u hich Senator Sumner pronounced * nothiny
but a stupendous hoax ,' nnd moreover, * a
mere sovon months' abortion, begotton by
tho bayonets in criminal conjunction with
the spirit of caste, and born before Its time,
rickety, unformed, unfinished.' On this
ground tho Radicals united with the Demo
crats to oxeludo tboSonutorsund Represen
tatives of Louisiana from Congress. They
havo now discovered that Gen. Banks' Con
vention was not only legitimate In 1804, but
that it Is still a living body, with vitality
enough to hold on as long as It plousos."
Tho Cincinnati Cb//ir/icrc/ai*t&teßthat
Thaddeus Stevens not only denounced
tho Convention as bogußlnlBQ4,butre
Thejournala which are busily striving to
invest the reassembling of the Conven
tlonlsts with Importance, wagewar upon
upon their leaders os well as upon tho
i law and Its administrators.