AUGUST IS, 1866. presses snail Be nee to every who undertakes to examine the pro- ? 0 jH??mTof the legislature, or any brancnof ceedlngs and no law shall ever be nmde g° T ernment. ono thereot The &ee commu- SSorf Of thought and opinions Is one of the tumble rights of men; and every dtlzen mav freely speak, write and print on any sub teet- being responsible for the abuse of that liberty In prosecutions for the publication_of pacers Investigating the official conduct of offi ces or men in public capacities, or where the matter published 1b proper for publio lnforma uonltho truth thereof may be given In evl deuce.” ] ;FOR GOVERNOR: Hon. HIEBTEB CLYMER, of Berks Co. CAMPAIGN INTELLIGENCER. PRICE ONLY THIRTY CENTS!! In order to aid in the circulation of political truth, we will furnish the WEEKLY INTELLIGENCER until after the election for Thirty Cents. Let every one of our readers see to it. that his neighbor subscribes lor a eppy- There never was greater circulation of sound political reading. The Intelligencer is just what you and your neighbors need. Send for a copy. Rememrer it i- s only 30 Cents. The money can be remitted by mai > Cooper, Sanderson & Co., The Campaign Intelligencer. We have ulready received several handsome lists of subscribers for the Campaign Intelligencer. It is one of the largest, handsomest and cheapest newspapers in the State. We oiler it at a price so low for the Campaign as to put It within the reacli of every voter in Lancaster county. We expect our friends to give it u wide circulation. A ninfjlc dollar will pan for thru, copies. Let euch one of our readers see thu Ills neighbors ull take it. Every Dunn oral in the county ought to have it. j small subscription from active Demo crats will put It into the hands of any who are too poor to ufford to pay for it. Let tiie clubs in tho different lown-. ships see to it that it is supplied to every man who will read it. iMany votes can bo made by a comparatively insignifi cant expenditure of money in this way. U will be one of the most effective elec tioneering documents which can be put into the hands of candid readers. x We expect our friends to give it a very wide circulation. Let euch one who reads this go to work at once. Send the money and life names of tiie subscribers by mail; .ami be huix* to write the mime of the Post Office address in u plain hand. Appointments of the Democratic Cam date for Governor. Dkmockatic ht.vtk Com m ittmc, j Rooms, sjs Wa i.ni'T Stkkkt, : i’ 111 LA 1> Kl.r MIA | Alin. ■>, ISiill.J lion. 1 hosier (.'lynier, DemnenUic nun date for < Juvcrnor, _\vi 1 i speak as follow At Allentown, Wednesday, Augnsl JJ. Danville, Thursday, August JJ. Lewislmrg, J'Yiduy, August Jl, Johnstown, Saturday evening, August lid. Hmuurset, Monday evening, August -7. I’nioulowu, Tuesday, August J*. Way ueshiirg, {< l reeiie county,) Wednes day, August ‘JO. Washington, Thursday, A list .'in. Heaver, Friday, August 31. Newcastle, Saturday, September 1, Frie, Monday, ScpKimb.-r ;i, .Meadvillc, Tuesilay, September -I. Franklin, Wednesday, September d. Clarion, 'l’hursduy, September ii. Titusville 1 , Friday (‘Veiling, September?, Warren, Saturday, Septembers. Ht. Mary's (Flk County), .Monday eve ning, September 10. Emporium, tL'aiueron County), ’fuesday Hoiiteniber 11. hock Haven, Wednesday, September IJ JhunoumUe newspapers please insert. 1 ly order I lemocrulic Stale' ('ommiUee. WILLIAM A. WALLACE, Jacom Zikolku, t'lmirmuu. Secretary, Radical Exliavagamr. ('lay, Webster, Renton, Buchan s Wright, and ail the other really greu i American statesmen who have lllle seats in Congress, served their count!', at eight dollars pui'duy. Thu first Con gross to increase the pay of Us ow members above this amount, if we nr not greatly mistaken, was thu one thu met in December, 1 SAG, when Lheßu cal N. 1\ Hanks was elected Speaker of tho House. Tills Congress screwed the pay up to three thousand dollars per annum, nearly double thu amount re ceived by euch member for the long ses sion at the old per diem, and nearly lour times the amount received for the short session. No further advance was made till the present time, when our patriotic Radical Congress raised the pay again. Each member now receives live thou sand dollars a year. The session re- cently lermiimled lasted a little tin eight moniliH. Each member, Ihcrof received for his services a fraction ov six hundred and twenly-llve dollars p Among Llio people who lo ]my these extravagant Radical wage* lire fiimici'H, mechanics anil laboring men who ilo not receive over klx hundred dollars for a whole year'* work ! ISnl unreasonable as is this rate of pay for the long session, it la slill worse for the short session. Tills session is limited by tlie Constitution to three months, it begin* on tile (list Monday in Decem ber and ends on tlie 4th of March. The pay of each member for this session will amount to one thousand six hun dred and sixty-seven dollars permontli! Many a lawyer, many a doctor, many a businessman, with fur more intelligence than the one-half of these Jtadical Con gressmen, pursues ins calling assidu ously makes no more in a whole year than the present pay of a member of Congress for one month of the short session ! Many a good farm, with all tlie labor that the farmer and his family can bestow upon it for twelve months, returns less than the monthly pay of a member, as lixed by this Jtadical Con gress. ' Nowhore ought this startling extrav agance of the ltudiculs to awaken greater interest or excite deeper indignation than here in Lancaster county. The ruial population of Lancaster have made It “tlie garden of Pennsylvania" by hard work. The county is rich, hut it has been made so by a hundred year H of hard toil at moderate compensation and it is an outrage to tax tlie accumu lations of tills toil to pay members of Congress more for a mouth's services than three-fourths of them could make at home in a year. Retrenchment and reform are sadly needed, and to secure them tlie Jtadleals must be overthrown at the polls. Mr. Stevens and Mr. Uuclinnan. Mr. Stevens stated in an early part of the late session of Congress, that Mr. Buchanan had expended S4,U(K) moro than the usual appropriation of $20,000 made at the commencement of each administration for refurnishing tlie President's House during the official term. Having discovered his mistake, Mr. Htovons frankly corrected It In tlie following language extracted from tlie Congressional Dally (Hobo of July -0, 1800 : “1 wish to say that when 1 made some remarks upon tlilH subject at an earlier period of the scission, 1 did Injustice to one of my onnstltuouts. the late President of tlie Unltod States. I thou stated that $4,000 hud boon appropriated to supply a dotloionoy whioh uroso during hie term beyond the amount originally appropriated, Since then I have looked Into tho matter and find 1 am in error.” The Great Union Convention. All our advices from Philadelphia represent that the city is/literally jammed with strangers who have gone there from all parte of/the 'gloribus old Union, to give countenanceand support to the Convention Which meets to-day. The hotels Were filled up ; aa early); as Sunday evening/and every 1 arrived on Monday added its hundreds to the swelling crowd. Those who found sleeping quarters last night were esteemed very fortunate. Where the thousands are, to lodge to-night who have been carried in on the trains ar riving this morning, can not even be conjectured. Standing room is scarce, sitting room is very difficult to get, and sleeping room for the latest arrivals is not to be thought of. The streets, es pecially in the vicinity of the Conti nental Hotel and the Girard House, have been blocked up since yesterday morning, and the street cars and other conveyances are taxed beyond their capacity. On Monday evening a Grand Restor- ation Meeting was held at the National Guard’s Hall. The attendance was large, and the feeling manifestedargues well for the success of the efforts now making by Democrats and Conserva- tive men to sustain • the restoration policy of the President, and thus reunite the country in a patriotic and practical manner. Governor Orr, of South Car olina, was present, and made an open, manly, andstatesfnaulikespeech, which wus greeted with repeated bursts of hearty applause. Speaking for the Southern people, he accepted the decis ion of the war as dual, disclaimed the idea that any man in the South would suggest or urge the repudiation of any part of the national debt incurred Lancaster, Pa. in puttting down the rebellion, and claimed for the peoplcof the South ern section of the Union a full sharo of the confidence and trust of the nation. They had appealed to the sword, and having been beaten, were now willing to fight for the honor of the whole na tlun witli unfaltering faith and devo tion. All they asked was that the North would give themtlieadvantagesofthose constitutional guarantees which, under their own construction of that inatru- nent, every State In the Union waa en titled to. This the Radicals hudrefused, ami hence Governor Orr urged the union of all conservative men for the purpose of defeating that party, and thus effecting an early, full and com plete restoration of tho Union. Jlon. Montgomery Blair followed Gov. Orr, and the questions at issue between the Radiculsand the Con servatives of the country. He traced the Southern States from the date of their secession, that act in the strongest terms, and dwelt on the per sistency of the Radicals in refusing tiie representatives of the Southern States scabs in Congress, to which they had a right. He made an able defense of the policy of Andrew Johnson, and showed that Thaddcus Stevens and his friend Jloutwcll, both in the same committee, weic lh(J leaders in the plot to centralize tho government and deprive the people of their liberties. Passing from tho discussion of great questions to the notice of little public men, Mr. Blair said Gov. Curtin, who had mounted thu Radical stump at York last week, “was down in 'Washington a short time ago and wanted an office from Andrew Johnson. [Laughter.] He was very anxious to join the bread and butler brigade at once. [ Laughter.] Ho wauled to go abroad ; ills health was delicate, indeed he wauled to go, and I know he did. [Laughter.] It is said that I went to Andrew Johnson and represented thu matter to him, tolling him to wait until after the election. [Laughter.] Hut no mutter fur that; ho did not go out, but though he tried, and tried, and tried, he did not get to belong to the bread and butter brigade. [Laughter. J “You ull know Eorney, that patriotic citizen, (immense shouts and laugh ter.) a sort of modern Dalghety, a man of all parties, when he wants an office, us lie always does, lie wanted the Col loelorship of New York, ami to show why lie should lie given tho choice of It, he showed that ho had two news papers, both dallies, which could get up a capital party if the JTesldentwould only appoint his (Forney’s) mail. Tiie President did not do it, and so, like Curtin, Korney does not belong to Ran dall’s bread uud butter brigade. “ The Radicals are tho most patriotic people in the world, of course, or they would not have remained there in Wash ington, sweltering In tho hot weather. They never would adjourn for four that Johnson would turn their friends out of office. About the country and its con dition they cared nothing—they would keep In session lest Johnson might mus ter out their friends from tho bread uud butter brigade.” (Laughter.) After referring to the fact that tho policy of the Radicals lundod to put tiie white laboring men of the North am! the negroes of the Houth on an equality by enfranchising the latter, Mr. Blair concluded amid applause. Phi l. a n hj.imii a, Aug. 11. —Nothing as yet Inis been settled In relation to the open ing of tho Convention. Tho Executive Committee are debating the proprioty of holding a meeting for temporary organiza tion at one of the public halls, or post poning it till to-morrow, by which tini6 the 'Wigwam will probably bo completed. Pi ll i,ant;urnia, August 11—Wigwam , Norm. Arrangements are now being made for the assembling of the .Convention. Tiie number of delegates present is compara tively small, owing to tho uncertainty of tin* arrangements and tho distance ofthe place of meeting from thecentro of the city. The Executive Committee are all present, and it is generally believed,that Yullundig h am’s letter will be read at the Convention to-dav. RErOKTKD WITHDRAWAL OF Mlt. VALLAN I’IIILADEI.IHMA, Allg. li —11.30 A. M.- There is tiie best authority for slating tlm Mr. Vullundiglmn? has written a leUut withdrawing from tho Convention. The temporary organization of the Coi vfiitmn will be held at thu Wigwam. The Convention assembled at noon at Llio A'ircwuln. Thu delegatus from Massaclni st'Us and South Carolina onlored arm in arm. lieiieral i)ix was selected as Presi dent fur temporary organization. Thot’nm miueenu Credentials and Resolutions were appointed, unit Lite Convention adjourned to meet m noon ,to-morrow. The Wigwum was crowded with sneetators, and much enuiusiusiii prevailed. A Deary Hero. 1 lie niulignant assaults of the Harris, burg J ((graph anti other Radical jour nals upon the most prominent members of the Clymci Soldiers' Convention, have led to tlie institution of an/inquiry into the military character of -{ii e clliaf actors in the Geai*y' 2 SoldierH’. Conven tion at Pittsburg/ The result is by uo means flattering to tlie Geary men. It has been found that tlie President of tlieir Soldiers’ Convention (Joshua T. Owen) was so bad u soldier that the gal lant General .Sumner ordered him to be tried by court martial; and tills court, which was presided over by that bravo and accomplished officer, General Han cock, found him guilty of two out of tho three charges preferred against him, and sentenced him “to bo dismissed from the service of tlie United States." Willi such an official record ns this standing ugalnst tho presiding oillcer of the Guury Convention at Pittsburg, common prudence would suggest Lo our opponents tlie propriety of refraining from assaults upon the gallant soldiers who participated In tlie Olymer Conven tion at Harrisburg. But the Radicul papers, always reckless and unscrupu lous, have been rendered desperate by tho dismal prospect before them. They rush blindly forward and hurl missiles that recoil and destroy their own friends, The National Convention, SECOND DISI’ATCII Dili HAM. Good Spirit of the South. In the selection of their delegates to the Philadelphia Convention, the peo ple of the South have shown a wise and tnost commendable respect for the feel ings and opinions of their Northern fellowTCitizens. They have carefully •passed over all their leading men .who .were supposed to be specially obnoxious to the North, and* in-general have selected only such as originally opposed the rebellion. In Alabama, the President of the Con vention affirmed for himself and the, members of that body, that they had accepted, without mental reservation, the conditions dictated by the Presi dent, and are prepared loyally to sus tain the Union. They abide by the results of the war in good faith, and are only anxious to terminate sectional alienation and suffering. “Ruined in fortune,” he remarked, with a sad sin cerity, “mourning for our dead, wearied with war, sighing for peace, we simply desire to see reinstated the old prosper- ity.” Th/s, too, from a State which Mr. Speaker Colfax siugles out for his most emphatic malediction. Louisiana sends good men —men who have steadily struggled to restore the authority of the Union, and to enforce loyally the principles determined by the war. Of the delegates from this State the Picayune says : “ All thesegentle men are known to have beeD among the earliest und most influential friends of the President, and of his wise, con stitutional policy.” The active part taken by Mr. Rozier aud other well tried Unionists, in opposition to the revolutionary Convention, has shown the harmony that exists amongthe con servative elements of the State; and the delegates to Philadelphia will reflect no dishonor upon the State. Georgia has perhaps shown less favor to original Union men, although even there the fire-eaters have been passed over as unworthy of seats ir> the as’ sembly. The Macon Journal has a statement upon this head which merits notice : ‘‘lt is a remarkable fuel that of all the delegates so far named, we are unable to find more than one original Secessionist, and wo are not certain about him. That one is Gen. (Jordon; but Stephens. Johnson Wurnor, Wimberly, Warren, Wright, Lin- ton Stephens, Flemming, and wo believe every other delegate so far numed, wan an original ojijxmcnt of sceessio)i, and came into the mot-cmcut only in respect to the views I held by them and all other XuuUtcrmnen of a primary Mate ulLcyiuncc. So fur, in Georgia, und we presume in other Southern States, Secessionists have not. been selected; nor have they seemed anxious to push them selves forward, They have quietly acqui esced in the selection of men who were originally opposed to tho secession move ment. ” The Journal might have gone further. Not only liave original Secessionists stood aside, but conditional Secession ists like A. 11. Stephens ami Governor Brown have signified their unwilling ness to serve, lest tiie utility and influ ence of the Convention suffer by the presence of those who were known as uctive opponents to the North in tiie war. They counsel the choice of dele gates who have been regarded “asmore Conservative uud better Union men,” a circumstance which in itself establishes their moderation and the earnestness of their desire for a re-established Union. All that is at present known points to the conclusion that the South, as a whole, is doing what it can to render the Convention the controlling aud the conservative power which is at this moment needed in our national politics. The Torch and the Sword ! At the outbreak of therebellion there was a Democratic politielauof consider* able prominence in Illinois, whose sympathies were said to be entirely with the South. He was a member of Congress and his name was John A. Logan. The Republican newspapers gazetted him as a traitor. Telegrams flew thick and fast from the west, de tailingthe treasonable utterances of this muu. He was represented as a danger ous character who ought to be taken hold of. The wish appeared to be uni versal nniong tiie Republicans of the west, and it was largely shared by the Republicans in the east, that he should bo mobbed. His wife’s name was bruited about by super loyal papers us freely us bisown. She was represented us taking her.stand at a Railroad statioii in SouthernHlllnois aud cheering for Jeff Davis, and insulting and hooting at Union soldiers passing on the trains. It seemed doubtful, from the tenor of the dispatcher whether she could es cape personal violence. After a time John A. Logan entered the Union army. Taking into consid eration ail ihc circumstancesoflilscase, it was a fair presumption that nothing but the fear of being mobbed influenced him to enter it. This, we think, was tho construction pretty generally put upon his motives by those whohad read tiie telegrams and newspaper statement affecting Ids “loyalty” at tho outbreak of tho war. Hubscquunt events strength ened this Impression. New converts are proverbially zealous. Renegades are always vindicative towards their former friends. Logan soon became conspicu ous for the bloodthirstinesfeofhls throats against tho rebels. Keeling thut he was suspected by his new-made Republican friends, he sought to commend himself to their confidence by tho violence of hie language towards the South, and he succeeded. Promotion came, and Lo gan congratulated himself, as well lie might, upon his escape from the hands of a mob into the uniform of a Major Ureneral. Tlie war having ended and the Major General’s cummission expired, John A. Logan is looking up his old political fleslipots. IHe aspires to Trumbull’s seat in the United States Senate, but fearing he might not reach it and de siring to take all the chances to be had, he lias accepted a Republican nomina tion for Congress. We publishasketch of the speech he made at Springfield, Illinois, in accepting this nomination. It has the ring of the vindictive rene gade all through. Its abuse of the Pres ident is as coarse and brutal as that of Brownlow. Its proposal to ‘'take the torch in one hand and the sword in the other, and sieecpovcr " the South, stamps Its uutlior as a barbarian who is a burn ing disgrace, to the country and to the age in which he lives. Such a man Is scarcely entitled to the protection of the laws, since he avows himself In favor of the most flagrant and barbar ous violation of them. 1-Ie has put the wolfs head on his own body and shame lessly displays his bloody jaws to the whole country. But (the temper of the country is not wolfish, and Logan's bloodthirsty utter ances will only help him to lose his head. A kindlier feellngls growing up everywhere, and the miserable dem agogueswlioareattemptlug to stir anew tlie waters of fraternal strife, that they may ride in on its bitter waves, are des tined to go to the bottom. Such bad hearted leaders as Stevens, and such rabid .journals as the Press and the Harrisburg Telegraph, will of course appluud every proposition for the bar barous puuishment of tho South ; but tlmuk Heaven their lufluence is de clining and their power for mlsohief will soon be clean gone forever. Tom Cochkan presented John W. Geary a cake at York on Thursday'. On the night of tho second Tuesday of October, John W, will realize that "his cake is all dough." Returns from 60 of the 100 counties in Kentuoky give Duvall, democrat, 80,- 207 majority, ’ Radical Bickerings. The.Targe crowd } of Radical seekers in this county are having a high time of it just nowy”’.‘The various candi dates have a Uaggardlook, superinduced" by continuousexertidn, intense excite ment-and “ drinks all roupd.” ;Our streete.Wnd , alleys haye been carefully*, canvassed. is not a taverp or a beerhouse in the city which has not been the scene of strong solicitations. Every countryman who entered the town has had half a dozen or more of the friends of candidates dogging his heels. This morning not only was every market-man buttonholed, but their wives ahddaughters were solicited to exert their influence. Cards have appeared in the newspapers, circulars have been scattered broadcast through out every district, and no appliance known to wire-pullers has been left unemployed. The newspapers have each had their favorite candidates whose claims have befen urged with an earnest ness that has degenerated into bitter ness. For a time the State canvas has been forgotten, and the radical news papers of the country have taking to abusing each other. Faction has been assailing faction, until, if we were to believe one half of what the different wings of the Radical party in Lan caster county say of each other, we should come to the deliberate con clusion that there is not an honest or a decent man among the Republican politicians of Thad. Hteveus' D sc 'trict. Each party has boldly charged the other with bribery and corruption, and with making merchandise of the offices. Every man, now a candidate, who has been in the Legislature heretofore, has been openly accused of using his posi tion to fill his pockets. Such an un seemly and disgraceful scramble for office was scarcely ever seen elsewhere. To the irregular and much mixed con test over merely local offices is super- added the contest for United States Senator. At first the contest was be tween Cameron and Curtin, with the chances that Himon’s money would overcome the popularity of the “sol dier’s friend.” WheuThaddeusStevens stepped into the ring the affair became more complicated. At first all hands were puzzled, except a few who were in the secret. It Is now conceded that the representatives from this county will be Instructed to vote for Mr. Stevens; but the contest is none the less a struggle between the friends of Curtin and the puid emissaries of Cameron. As things look now we consider safe to predict that Simon will win, and that the pretended endorsement of Stevens for United States Senator will turn out to be only a sharp trick to cheat Curtin out of whatever chance he had for securing votes from Lancaster county. The whole thing is being very adroitly managed. Curtiu's friends are exeited, but the probabilities are that after fretting and fuming for a day or two they will comedown under the lash of the dominant faction. Indian Troubles. Some of the Indian tribes on the great plains that stretch away from the Mis souri to the Rocky Mountains are again threatening to give serious trouble to our government. A special dispatch to the New York Tribune, dated Leaven worth, August 8, says: While out hunting stock on tho Republi can River a few days since, wo were met by a party of 100 Cheyennes and Sioux In dians, mounted on fino mules and Ameri can horses. Some of them had three re volvers, and none less than two. Many had sabers without Hcubbards, but few bows and arrows. A majority of them had on complete suits of t'nilod States cuvulry clothes, embracing caps, which had every appearai:«3 of being new. They were com mitting the most dastardly outrages. They said that 000 C‘h»yeuno warriors hud been in cam]) on the’ head of the Sabine, who sent their women and children south of the Arkansas, und acted very sullen, and mo rose to all whites. Col. Leavenworth, Indian agent, reports a very bitter, warlike spirit among the Cheyennes. Theyexprcss great determination not to abandon the Smoky Ilill routes, and they further say, in refer ence to tho treaty, that they were made drunk nnd grossly deceived. They nro de termined that the railroad shall not go West through their lands. Indian outrages on the plains liave been so frequent and of such long con. tinuance, that It is high time for our government to put in operation some plan for their entire prevention. We are sick and tired hearing of the mur der of emigrants and small detachments of troops. There must bo something wrong in the management of Indian affairs on our western frontiers. If tiie Indians liave real grievances, these should be redressed ; but if their never ending outrages result from the inherent devillshness of their nature, they should be punished with a severity that would make them quake at the sight of n white muu. Tho constant recipients of tiie bounty of our government, which has bestowed presents nnd annuities upon Ilium for years, they ought by tills time to have learned to live In peace and friendship witli Lite whites. Tho employment of an Indian poUar. for the plains was some time ago sug gested. It was argued thut a force of friendly Indians, taken into the pay of tho grovernmont and properly organ ized and equipped, could do more for the security of our frontiers and for tho protection of emigrants across the plains, than any force of white troops that we could maintain in that region. Know ing the haunts, the habits and the mode of warfare of the hostile tribes, and ac customed themselves to the privations of a life outside of the confines of civili zation, it would not be surprising if, on trial, a force of friendly Indians should be found just the one thing needful to our security In the far west. Of their fidelity we should entertain no misgiv ings. The history of America furnishes abundant evidence that the red man is capable of becoming the warm friend and trusty ally of the white. But he must be generously and honestly dealt with and never deceived. We hope the experiment will be tried, for the outrages of the wild tribes must be put a stop to In some way. Alleged Outrage. The Harrisburg Telegraph of yester day alleges that “a murderous fire from revolvers in the hands of Copperheads, was directed at the car occupied by Gen. Geary and Gov. Curtin, in the train carrying the Dauphin and Cumberland delegations from York ” on Thursday. The Telegraph is such bad authority that it is impossible to say whether cre dence should or should not be given to this story. But if anything of the kind did occur, the cause of it can readily be conjectured. John W. Geary visited York once before, where he had the want of decency and the want of sense to denounce braver soldiers than him self as “Hessians” and "traitors,” simply because they had avowed them selves the friends of Clymer. If he was shot at on Thursday, there can be but little doubt that it was done by one or more of the soldiers whom he had thus meanly and unjustifiably Insulted and slandered on his previous visit. But these Insultß and slanders, Inexcusable as they are, furnish no justification for such an outrage os the Telegraph al leges to have been committed. If shots really were fired at the car in which Geary and Curtin sat, those who fired them ought immediately to Join the Radical Republican party, which has monopolized the shooting and mobbing business of the country for the last five or blx years. Olymer can be elected ■Without the votes of such men, k Radical Wolf Howling Tor Blood. Safford,” (whoever he may be,) of Alabama, waa one of the speakers at'tbe Geary meeting in. YorJjt. He is probably some bastard Houdfcrn^Ya- hoo 1 / who has hired himjeif at low wages to lie for the benefit ofthe Blsgik ARepublicans. We be,. Bs -tonified-he would turnQpht to ba the identical .Yankee who emigrated to the South some years ago and boastfully wrote home to his relations that he “had not been in Alabamy six months afore they pa&de hiip Judge at a horse race.” He said that “HieSter Clymer’s name was quoted in the rebel news papers during the rebellion as one of the Northern men favorable to a recog nition of a Southern confederacy.” If “Judge Safford” didn’t lie at York, the rebel newspapers must have lied about Clymer “during the rebellion,” for Clymer never was favorable to a recog nition of the Southern confederacy. The “ Judge” displays the true spirit of a Southern ‘ ‘ Y ahoo. ’ ’ He is as stern and inflexible as the most cruel over seer that ever laid the lash of the slave driver on the back of the shrieking slave. He “ wants the law executed, sternly and inflexibly,againsttraitors;” aud he says that “when this is done, the rebels will recant their heresies and repent their crimes.” The law makes treason punishable with death. Its stern and inflexible execution, there fore, as demanded by “Judge Safford,” would bring nearly every white man in the whole .South to the scaffold, and leave no rebels alive to recant their heresies or repent their crimes. Does Geary stand on the Safford platform ? Is he not satisfied with the oceau of blood that his own valiant sword drew from rebels and traitors ? Does he too demand the death of nearly every white mule inhabitant of the South? Ur will he come out and repudiate and condemn the bloodthirsty utterances of his prin cipal speaker at the meetiug in York? ilr. Ewing’s Letter. Our readers will not And fault with us for surrenderingsomuch of our space to-day to the letter of the Hon. Thomas Ewing, of Ohio, cordially commending the National Convention to be held at Philadelphia. The veteran statesman has calmly reviewed the wholesituation of public affairs, the condition of the country, the action of the Executive and the errors of the majority in Con gress, praising / where praise Is due and censuring where censure plainly ought to be bestowed. If the great mass of the Republican party had not run mad on national af fairs, the counsels of such a nmn as Thomas Ewing might be expected to have some influencewlth them. Helms been Governor of Ohio, a Senator in Congress and a member of the Cabinet, and hasalwaysranked amongthe purest of our public men. He was the personal and political frlendof General Harrison, of whom our Republican friends of the “Old Guard ” may retain a faint recol lection, and by whom lie was called to a seat hi theCablnet. His voice, which for many years has not been heard in the councils of the nation, comes up like a voice from the grave of the old “ hero of Tippecanoe,” invoking those former members of the Whig party who are now following aftei Stevens to “ return to the path of constitutional rectitude,” nnd, laying aside nil vengeful and mere partisan feeling, give their support to a policy “which shall make it the inter est of men to prefer the Union and law nnd order to auarchy.” The Fenian Prisoners. President Johnson's appeal to the British Government in behalf of the Feniau prisoners in Canada was not made in vain. Immediately before his retirement from the Colonial Office, Mr. Cardwell, acknowledgingthe good faith of the United States in maintaining the neutrality law, advises Lord Monek not to sanction any unnecessary severity of procedure in dealing with the cap tured raiders. And immediately on Lord Carnarvon's accession to office, lie repeats Mr. Caldwell's injunctions to the Governor-General of Canada In even stronger terms. The prompt action of Stir Government, then, in first enforcing the authority of United States Munici pal Laws In the case of the Fenian raids, and next, lu aakiuglcnletittreat ment of the Fenhm prisoners, ought to muko tho Roberts branch of the Order, at least, feel grateful. They had a nar row escape In attempting an invasion after the fashion they did ; ami instead of joining tho Radicals to denounce the President, they ought to thank him for rescuing them from a most perilous sit uation. Wc have no doubt that our Government will continue to intercede for the captured Fenians, and wo trust the President will soon have tho satis faction of seeing all of them released, Tilt; Xntlck Cobbler. Honutor Wilson, of tho righteous colony of Massachusetts, a short time ago pathetically aunuuneed that If lie were to dlo then ho would not leave be hind him enough to buy u pine collln, This shows that ho Is no better at 11- nancleringthun ut statesmanship. Hut what has turned tho Natick Cobbler's attention to tho subject of death ? Does he desire to pey out? Is he seriously thinking about breathing his last f Has it occurred to him that he is more than half sold to “old scratch?” Does he feel that his end is near? Is he waxiny afraid that it is awl up with him ? Let him not vex his righteouß soul about a pine coffin. His corpse won't he left to pine above ground for the want of one. The New (England Yankeeswbobought pikes for old John Drown will provide a coffin for his beloved disciple when ever it may be needed. The Natick Cobbler needn't put off dying on that account, if he is otherwise prepared to toe the mark. Getting Ready.—Passing Now Cum berland, on tho Northern Contrnl road, on Friday last, wliun within a few miles of Harrisburg, a gentleman on thu train point ed out the residence of General Deary, quite an attractive place. It looks as if it has, within a few weeks, been ro-paintodand re littod, tho General, no doubt, anticipating a visit from his friends early In October, and rnnking preparations to receive them. — Ex press. When you find the occupant of a house re-palnting and re-fitting it, you may set it down as certain that he ex pects to stay there. No man ever was known to re-paint and re-fit a house that he was about to remove out of. Geary has found out that he is going to remain at New Cumberland, and he is trying to give his residence as cheerful a look os possible. This is right. If that rusty old cannon from Harper’s Ferry adorns his grounds, we hope he will give it a good coat of whitewash. He will have enough to make him gloomy after the election, and he does right to brighten up his house and its surroundings before the clouds of Octo ber settle down upon him. We con gratulate him that he lives in a section where limestone is plenty and burnt lime is cheap. We advise him to lay the “ wash" on thick, and to apply it as the patriotic negro proposed to go to war—" permlscusly.” Don't be content merely to whitewash the house, the pall fence and the trophy of Harper’s Ferry. Lay it on the trees, the shrubbery, the currant bushes and the Blop-bucket Don't forgot the pig-pen, and be sure to let the "squirrel-tall" of the bake-oven come In for a few artistio touches. The General’s own faoe might be Improved by the application of the brush, as It has completely changed color since the date of his letter to Sam. Maguire, Letter from Hod. Thomas Ewing of Ohio Lancaster, Ohio, Aog. 2,1866. Son. O. S. Browning: -.Bear Sir: Your letter enclosing a copy ;of ;a call for a Natirihal Convention, to oe hfiia at Philadelphia on the Htluinst., has long been before me. lat once expressed to you my.hearty concurrence initsobjecta, btu causes’hot within my,'control hayelhus fir delayed me in giving, asl then promised, more definitely and atlargC my views onthe subject. ~ We all feeljand know that the condition of the country is unsettled—it is, in some re spects, anomalous; the different depart* ments of the Government do not movehar moniously in their proper spheres, but in some respects, retard and disturb the action of each other. The evil requires a remedy, which can only be applied on a careful in vestigation of its causes. It is most important that we have a dis tinct understanding of the present condition of our country, the state of its organic law, as settled by recent events, and a consider ation of the errors and irregularities by which its action is disturbed. A fair pre sentation of these matters to the public, with out a mixture of the passion or prejudice of party, that they may apply the corrective, is, as I understand it, the object ot the pro posed Convention. To this object I am desirous to lend my feeble aid, as one among the thousands whose aggregate judgment make up public opinion. A large portion of the leading men of Ihe South have, for more than thirty years past, been taught intheschoolofdisumon, reared up and educated in the political faith that allegiance to the State is paramount to al legiance to the Union, and that a citizen of a State may, at the command of his State, lawfully bear arms and wage war against the United States, and, as a corollary, against any one or more of thesister.States. This is not new doctrine \ it is the same which, under ditlereut forms of government, distracted Europe for more than six hun dred years, made every barony a castle— generally a robber’s stroughold—and the whole country a military encampment. Those holding the physical force in eleven States, in 1861, declared in convention their secession from the Union, expelled its of fers and repudiated its laws, and stood pre pared to maintain, as far as they might, by force of arms, distinct and independent nationalities, confederated for the purpose of attack or defence aguinst the Union as a common enemy. On the other hand, we as serted the absolute integrity of the Union; that no Slate could secede from or cease to be an integrul part of the Union; that its laws, constitutionally enacted, were of bind ing force in all the Slates and Territories, uud that to levy war or opposo urmed re sistance to the execution of the laws of tbo Union was trouson, oven though such re sistance were in obedionce to a law ofa Slate and to the mandate of its authority. And it is this on which the issue was taken, between the Union and those who held tho physical power in the eleven suced ingStates. A civil war was tho consequence, great in its magnitude, great in its results. The supremacy of the Union bus boou maintained; the illegal und revolutionary declurafions of secession have been an nulled, together with tho ordinances in their support and their niaintenuuce ; and the several States, so far as their official actß can effect thut object, have resumed each its place as members of tho Union and ac knowledged the supremacy of its laws. Wo have contended throughout the con test that l lie seceded States were States of tho Union, and that the citizens of those States who in any way aided in tho revolt wore guilty of treason. This point is now yielded; it is settled, and not open to dis cussion. Your call invites only those who hold “ the Union in every cri.sc indissoluble and perpetual;” and H declares, "that no dele gate will take a seat in Iho Couventiou who docs not loyally accept the national situ ation, and cordially endorse the great prin ciple nbovo anuounced. Tins I must heartily approve. I would not willingly meet in conusel or Join In political action with those, if such there be, whowould ug.iin open that question, tho agitation of which lias in/lictedsuch untold misery upon the country. 1 assume, therefore, thut the laws of the Union enacted pursuant to tho Constitution are paramount, neither weakened nor af fected by the laws of the State; thut no State can secede from tho Union, either temporarily or permanently; thut the or dinances of secession, though bearing the name of the State, were tho acts of unau thorized men, who temporarily usurped tho power; that during the whole contest, from its beginning to its close*, each and ull the Stales, notwithstanding their ordinances of secession, wore Stales of tho Union und in the Uuion, und ut the close of the con test the usurped power was withdrawn und the supremacy oi tho Union acknowledged by tho authorities of the Stutos. It follows, as a necessary consequence, that even in the heat umLviolonco of the re bellion, tho Slates in which rebel violence most prevailed wore, ouch and all of them, as States, entitled to their representation In the two Houses bf Congress. Such was cloarlytbeuuderstandingofthe statesmen who then ruled tho stormy scene. Tennessee was represented lifter tho ordi nance of secession m that.Stato was passed, and I know it was tho expressed wish of President Lincoln that Mr. Sebastian, tho Senator from Arkansas, whoso term was not expired, and who had taken no purl in Iho rebellion, should come to Washington und resume his seal in Iho Senate. “ Thediiliculty existed, not in tho rightof the State to lie represented, but in the moans of electing and oorllfyingSomilorN und Repre sentatives. With thatdilllculty tho Houses oft ’(ingress lmd In the 11 rut Instance no tiling to do, but when tho State returned Its Sen ators and members, then it was the province of the two Houses of Congress each to ex amine the credentials of the proposed mem bers of its own body—ascertain whether they wore duly appointed, and whether per sonally they ’conformed to Die requisites which each House had established forMts members. It cannot, therefore, bu rationally con tended that a Stale In which the rebellion lias been suppressed, tho ordlnuneu of hooch siou rescinded and annulled, and tho power of the Union acknowledged, cun bo ilunlod its representation in Ihetwo HousesofCon gress, because It has been for a time con trolled by men in a state of revolt, when that vory condition, while it existed, did not deprive it of its right of representation. Rut thus far those States have been denied, oh i States, their representation in the two Houses of Congress, without question as to tho qualifications of the individual mem bers, or tho regularity of their election. It will bu dllllcult to establish Die position that a portion of Dm Semite and the House which Ims tints rejected the representation of a part of Dm Slates, an •States, Is a legally constituted Congress under the Constitu tion. They of course have thopowor which Die Constitution gives thorn—the {Semite to reject any and all such members individu ally, for tho reason that they do not repre sent their several States; the House bucauso they are not shown to represent their ap propriate district. Tho Constitution defines, m express terms, Die powers of each House over the members who offer themselves for recognition. ! The second section of tho first articlo of ! tho Constitution provides that “tho House j of Representatives shall be composed of I members chosen every second year by tho I peoplo of tho several States’’—that is tosay, | of each and all of the Stales. To this there I is no exception and no limitation. It in- I eludes States which have been in revolt, as ! well as those which have beon always loyal. Another clause of the same article pro ; vidos that when vacancies happen in the i representation from any State, tho execu tive authority thereof shall issue an order for an election. Here is no qualification, no requisite condition of the Slate to entitle it to its representation. How does any portion of tho two Houses of Congress, or a committeo solected by a part of tho members, acquire the power to lay down conditions and deny representa tions to States that do not conform to them? Tlnj third section provides thatthoSenate of tho United States shall bo composed of two Senators from each State, chosen by tho Legislature thereof for six years. The fifth articlo provides, that “no State without its consent shall,” oven by an amendment to the Constitution, “bo de prived of its equal suffrago in tho Senate." So dear is tho construction of tho Consti tution, so fixed tho purpose of the Conven tion, that even an umendinontofthoConsti tution would be void that should attempt to deprive a Stateforasingleday.undorany conditions, of its duo representation in that body. Rut the Constitution makes umplo pro vision for tho prevention of illegal intrusion m either of those bodies, and puts it in .the powor of each to oxciudo from itsolfall •nembers and Senators who ore unlit from any cause, nationnl or morul, for want of due election, due certificate, defect of loy alty to the Union, or moral character, to hold their places in either of those bod ies. Hence it, is very clear to my mind that the exclusion of States as Mates, for any reason, supposed or alleged, is the indirect violation of their constitutional privileges. The members who may bo in possession of the Senate Chamber and House of Representa tives have the same right to assume that Now York as that Georgia is unfit to bo represented until it complies with their pro scribed requisitions; nnd if they may ex clude eleven Stutes they muy exclude twenty, and each will affect alike tho constitutional lugitimuev of tho body which thus lays down conditions for admission nnd refuses it to those who do not comply with those conditions. Tho wrong would bo more glaring if a majority wore excluded, but tho prluciplo would bo the snmo. It may be said that in the Wonnto thoro could not bo a constitutional quorum if twenty States were excluded. But what of that? Admit tho binding ofllcacy of tho Constitution, and thoro Is an ond oV tho ar gument. With a viow to tho present and future quiet of tho country. I am anxious that the prosent state of things should cease to exist. Laws formally enacted by the inombors, and certified and approved by the offlcors of the two Houses and the President, must be recognized by our courts without in quiring into tho regular constitution or each of the powers enacting them; but whatever comes in the form of Taw, emanating from a single branch of the law-making power, is, in my judgment, open to examination; as for example., if but one-third of the States should meet and take possession of the hallsfof Ihe Senate and House of Repre sentatives, enact resolves in the form of law, without Executive v sanction or recog nition, it would.be absurdto Bay that the coarts would-be bound to hold that such resolves were law, without haying power to inquire into the constitutionality of the as sembly enacting them. This is but an a fortiori case ; the principle is precisely the same with that before us ; it is quite im material whether one-third or two-thirds of the States be excluded from participation in the enactment. Admit the right of in- quiry into the constitution of the enacting body; the same right follows in the other, and the illegitimacy in the one case is as dear as in theother. This difficulty applies to the Civil Rights bill, to the last Freed men’s Bureau bill, and to the Constitutional amendment. This objection, together with the con stitutional difficulties in the several bills, can be brought before the courts, and it is not too much to say that their decision will be doubtful on that point, if on that alone. On such reflection ns I can give it, I thiDk those enactments would be each and all of them held void. This, of course, does not apply to cases where the States did not appear at the pro- per time and place and offer their Senators and Representatives. It would have a quieting effect, and bo but a reasonable sacrifice to the Constitution and law, to re- peal at the earliest possible mouieut all such enactments of tbo last session of Congress which have not received the sanction of the President; for whatever the decision of the courts may bo on the subject, it is quite clear that tho opinion of the bench ana bar of tho United States, out of political circles and beyond political influence, will not be unanimous iu favor of tho validity of those laws; they will not be absolutely and en tirely respected by the mass of the people, ns they would have neon ifenuctedbya Congress in which all of the United States were supposed to bo represented. „ There are reasons urged for the refusing the admission of the elevou rejected States into the legislative councils of the nation. I Stripped of all ambiguity, the result is the I same; exclusion is necessary in order to I retain power in the hundH of the present | majority, and I think it is not generally claimed to be strictly constitutional, but right nnd reasonable in tho present anomal ous case. But allow this as a precedent and special ly expected, and anomalous cases will con tinually arise in the opinion of the party in power, Tho prosoul Congress, in estab lishing the precedent, cannot say authori tatively, thus far and no further. The Constitution allows no exceptions, it provides for no anomaly; If violated but for a day, it is violated. Tills I look upon as tho great source of evil, pregnaul with iitical mischief. Uis a sup applied to tho very foundation of our nulionul edltlce, and if pressed forward to its results must shako, if not destroy U, It is needless and idle to dwell upon the past, that which belongs to history; but it is not, perhaps, Improper for me to say that I have not, In all things, concurred in the uctlon of the past or the present Executive. In tho direct political movement neces sary to preserve tho integrity of tho Union and onforco its laws—in the conduct of the war—l fell no hesitation, no difficulty; uml I felt, too, the necessity as a war measure to remove from those tho power of mischief who actively and openly uttomptod to ob struct the raising of our armies or to in duce desurtioH from tho army. Their crime approached treason, but did not fall within its dollnitlon. The position of those in its commission was ambiguous, occupying middle space between traitor and spy, but whatever the Judgment!* of courts might bo upon their acts, the per formance of a duty which tho President owed the Constitution required thut they , should be deprived of power of mis- I i i It was necessary to protect our armies in I the process of formation against lmstilo <>l>- | Hlructlons, as well as to protect thorn against meeting and opposing armies iu the held. Military commissions are warrantable only in cases in which the commanding general is justified in ordinary execution on his own inundate without trial ; then he muy properly organize a commission to advise and share with him tho responsibility; but I have never been satisiied with trials and convictions by military courts, where our civil courts held undisturbed sessions, and our civil laws could bo executed. Such things have, novertheloss, been done, and I have not failed to protest against it in the proper quarter, and use all my powers of reason and argument to provent it. Tho prevention of mischief isonu thing; the trial und punishment of a crime complete Is an other. For this tho administration of President Johnson is not entirely free from responsi bility, but, as far us I know, it was only when be was fresh In his office, near to the surrounding eircuinstances which influen ced tho action of his predecessor and of his counsellors, that he fell into what 1 consi dered a vltul error ; nnd he early showed a purpose to apply to the mischief', whenever possible, an efficient remedy. Thus, in the only instance In which ho greatly erred, it was by uniting in tho policy of thoso who now most condemn him f it was by suffering himself to lie borne onward by the wild tide of events which threatened to sweep away and obliterate tho ancient land-marks of our Republic; uml it was only when lie uLlempled to chuck the mischief that ho encountered ilereu resistance, contumely, and reproach. Besides tho illegal constitution of tho two Houses of Congress, by tho exclusion of Hie eleven Slates, there was a vice, a novelty in the proceedings of those two nssomblbtH by the appointment of a Joint committee on all tho Important questions of reconstruc tion, ami liie admission of members to each body—a committee similar to thut of public safety In theconslituonlassembly ol Frunce in the days of tho revolution, and almost equally potent. Thu two Houses, by the appointment of this committee, and the powers grunted it, consolidated, and there with no longer for tho inoro important purpose* of the session two Houses of Congress—two deliberative assemblies. Indeed, there could be no de liberation in either of thoso bodies. They - woro fullered and bound by the action of the Joint eomriiltteo, and no member could be permitted to introduce a measure with -1 out It first passing through lids ordeal; and 1 It was us much as the political standing of any Nmiulor or Representative wiin worth to‘dispute Its behests, In a few. Instances 1 It was attempted, but on each occasion fol * lowed by an explanation ami an apology. Moil are drilled by the strong current of events whorolholr own dellberatajudgrnont would not oarrydluim—ln the composition i of most, oven men possessing Intolllgonco 1 and some force of character, there is more ’ of the ozlor than of tho oak ; hence it Is that ■ in times of high polilloul excitement tho > more rock less und violent govern in political assemblies sober-minded men, their i superiors in knowledge and intellect. ' Jleneo measures woro udoplud almost unanimously which would not have passed tho |two Houses by tho free votes ot the r members without this restraint. Ltsulllcucy 1 must have been understood, and its no f cessity foreseen, or this strange anomaly in » American legislation would not have been , rosortod to. | By the report of tho Commitlecon Recon struction, it appears to have been their i opinion that what is generally understood as an executiveduty—the right of determin ing when the insurrection or rebellion in a i State has ceased, nnd it is in a condition for self-government—pertain to the two Houses of Congress and not to the President. They sav it was his duty to execute the ■ lawn of Dublic°neuce anil th ? n tho re3tor er of tho public peace and order, not tbo avenger of private wrongs, or the instrument by which private vengeance was to bo gratlfledT and it became a question, what was the best mode of reconciling all men to their com dilions and establishing peace and harmony in the country. J lhat popular passions and preiudico still exist in the South is undoubted. The opin ions of men as to their abstract rights tire unchanged ; lor no man or men were ovor reasoned iuto u change of opinion by the cannon or the bayonet, though llioy may well be taught that it is bettor to live ut peace, and enjoy freedom nnd sufoty of life and property undor a regular consti tutional government than to suffer a repeti tion ot the horrors and desolation of a civil war. It is the remark of n writer who liveil through tlie French Revolution, who reas oned sagelv, and who observed much, that “the remedy for popular passions is to bo found, not in despotism or arbitrary inflic- m the assured sovereignty of the law.' I concur in this opinion, aud for these reasons : I do not uniloin the censure which Senator Trumbull casts upon the President because wo discover humane in ins otllcial action for tho liberies 1 who had most wronged him, ospo* .s I mn conscious that his kindness •beurunco tended much more than ' to the establishment of union and not the apologist of the President; pI,V my aim to do him and all others d justice, according to my own con ations. In these I may greatly err, but y opinions are founded on the observa nt ot passing events, and with aviowonly o the interests of my country. It is idle to impugn the motives and ipply personal abuse to those who ditl'er with us in political opinion, to call names, to use contemptuous epithoLs and thus depreciate personally those whose argu ments we found to be unanswerable. There is much of this that is neither creditable nor MtuteHimmllki* In tho wpoodi of Mr. Trumbull, which is now boloro mo, but 1 will not comment upon It. My wish is that thu Republican purtv, very many of whoso members I highly respect, may return to the path of coustitu* lional n-chiuilc, and walking In that path, 1 wish them a lonjj and successful admlnis* trillion uf their appropriate sphere In the a Hairs of govurnuumt; but if they ami the VotMtituhun and the 6’/mm oimnoi oxlsl to gether, I as earnestly desire their speedy ami llnal overthrow. Rradically, my opinion is that a Uutimne forbearanct' in the execution of penal laws, which Hindi make it the interest of men to preief the Union and law and order to an archy, is the only Hound policy. Some will undoubtedly become outlaws, but as few as possible should he driven to that condition ; ami the few that, lmvlim boon allowed the privileges of citizens and the rights of properly, choose to form them* Helves into predatory bands, whether they plunder upomlhe laud or water, should be exterminated as enemies of the human race. 1 hope much from the good oiled of your convention. I am sure that it will he con- ducted in a spirit of kindness ami concilia tion, at the same time with firmness and decision. 1 trust much in its died upon public opinion, much, indued, lu its oiled ou the opinions amt adionsof the present Congress. I hope at the nextsesslou of Hilh Congress to find a slate of'feeling such that no considerable change may be necessary to secure a triumph of consiituflonal law and tho Union, peace and prosperity of each and every purl uf'our common country* 1 am, very respedfullv, yours, ’l\ low I Nd. Convention ut Sarntoga. The National Colon Convention of the Stale of New York met aL Hurutogu yesterday umi elected General John A. Dix, Henry J. Raymond, Chun. J. My ers, H. L. Comstock, H. J. Tilden, Wil liam Kelley, Hirum Devine and Han ford K. Church as DulugutuH at large to the Philadelphia Convention. Pour memberH from each Congressional dis trict were also elected. Honutor Doo little, of Wisconsin, was present and uddressed tho Convention. Mr. Doolittle suid ho hud been so long a resident of u Western Htutc, that lie felt almost ns u stranger hero In Ills na tive Htate. He was a delegate from lilh own Htate, on Ids way to Philadelphia. He oume here because lie was anxlnuH to know the feeling of thu great Htate of New York on the vllul question of tile day. Tho war hnsended, and peuco has come. Ho trusted It hud come to stuy. Tile riucHtlon Is, whether the American people cun lie uh great and magnanimous in peace as they were powerful In war—how powerful, the world now well knows since tho war Ih over. Can we moot thu problems which peuco has brought? In Ids Judgment we should follow In the lootstep of Lincoln, In that same pulli which his successor Is now treading. (Cheers.) Hut If we shall follow tho suggestions of ThaddeUH Hluveos and Ills followers In tlioir cry for vengeance upon the conquered, wo shall lie unworthy of America's earlier traditions. (Cheers.) There are somu who say that tile South has not been sullleluntly punished. This lie denied. They have lost that Institution for which they stulted their all. They huvu been desolated, while we of thu North, although our suffer ings and hisses have been great, are not to lie compared In this respect with tho people of thu South. Tho war was cur ried to their very doors, their property destroyed by hundreds of millions, and their population fairly deelmatud. They have Indeed sufl'ered most terribly und almost beyond precedent In tho history of either anelunlor modern warfare. Thu duHolutlofi created by tho famous ami proud march of Sherman to thusua was enough to satisfy thu spirit of re vengu of Thudduus Stevens; but from the spirit of revenge exhibited by some men, It really seemed that there were tliose who believed we were stlllatwar. There wore some men who were ioohL warlike in peace. He confessed to no respect for such men. When wo must have wur, let It bo as sburp uh a people can make it, for it is a mercy to their adversary; but when that adversary cries enough, and laying down his arms submits to the conqueror, men who would still continue the warfare upon him are not fit to govern and ought not to be trusted by a magnanimous people. The wildest Indians on theplainswhen at war practice all Horts of enormities, but even they could give lessons in hu manity totheStovensesofto-day. Then* arc- some who say thut Mr. Johnson does not use the sume language to the rebels of the South that ho did two or three years ago. Thutlsso. J donot—do you? Then they were ut war. They lost, we won, and we are ut peaco with them. The speaker briefly alluded to the pa triotic career of the President hi the Senate, and especially from the begin ning oi the rebellion. After tho assas sination of Mr. Lincoln, after our great victories, and after thu Southern armies hud surrendered, he proved himself true to his country, und he proved to the world thut he, and through him tho people of America, could he as greut and magnanimous in peace us they were strong and powerful und brilliant in war. (Cheers for President Johnson and Senator Doolittle.) Tbc Louisiana Convention. As our Radical cotemporaries are as serting the legulity of tho Convention gotten together ten days ago by the pro fessional agitators and revolutionists of New Orleans, we commeud to their at tention the following from the Spring field RcjmbUcan : "It may seem cruel, but we cannot help reminding our Radical friends, who aro now so earnestly maintaining tho legitimacy of (ion. Banks' Reconstruction Convention in Louisiana, thut it is the very same Convention u hich Senator Sumner pronounced * nothiny but a stupendous hoax ,' nnd moreover, * a mere sovon months' abortion, begotton by tho bayonets in criminal conjunction with the spirit of caste, and born before Its time, rickety, unformed, unfinished.' On this ground tho Radicals united with the Demo crats to oxeludo tboSonutorsund Represen tatives of Louisiana from Congress. They havo now discovered that Gen. Banks' Con vention was not only legitimate In 1804, but that it Is still a living body, with vitality enough to hold on as long as It plousos." Tho Cincinnati Cb//ir/icrc/ai*t&teßthat Thaddeus Stevens not only denounced tho Convention as bogußlnlBQ4,butre Thejournala which are busily striving to invest the reassembling of the Conven tlonlsts with Importance, wagewar upon upon their leaders os well as upon tho i law and Its administrators.