gtrtjettigmitt*.
WEDNESDAY, JULY 18, 1860.
TUe printing presses snail be free to every
person who undertakes to examine the pro-
of the legislature, or any branch of
fovemment; and no law shall ever be made
o restrain the right thereof The free commu
nication of thought and opinions is one of the
Invaluable rights of men; and every citizen
may .freely speak, write and print on any sub
ject; being responsible for the abuse of that
liberty. In prosecutions for the publication of
papers Investigating the official conduct of offi
cers, or men in pubTio capacities, or where the
matter published Is proper for publlo informa
tion, the truth thereof may bo given In evi
dence.”
FOR GOVERNOR:
Hon. HIESTEB CIIMEB, of Berks Co.
JOHNSON, CLTHEB AND THE UNION.
CALL FOB A STATE CONVENTION
OF HONORABLY DISCHARGED
OFFICERS, SOLDIERS AND SEAMEN
OF PENNSYLVANIA.
The Soldiers’ Convention which met in
Pittsburg on the 6th of June last, and which
pledged their comrades in this State to the
support of the radical measures of Congress»
in opposition to the just and constitutional
policy of President Johnson, and which
promised their votes to John W. Geary, the
radical candidate for Governor, misrepre
sented the sentiments of the great mass of
the officers and soldiers of Pennsylvania.
In order that a true expression of opinion
mrght be had from thelale defenders of the
government in the field, and to counteract
the injury attempted to be done to the cause
of the Union, it was deemed advisable by
the late offlcors and soldiers of the Federal
army in this State to hold another Conven
tion.
A preliminary meeting of returned officers
and soldiers, with this object in view, was
holden on Thursduy, the2Bth of June, when
it was resolved to hold
A State Convention nt HnrriHlmrg-, on
Wednesday. August Ist, 1860,
at 10 o’clock, A. M., to bo composed of such
honorably discharged officers, soldiers and
seamen qf Pennsylvania, as subscribe to
the following doctrine, viz:
1. Who are in favor of carrying out, in
good faith, the joint resolution of Congress,
adopted July 22d, 1861, which declared that,
"This war is not prosecuted on our part in
any spirit of oppression, nor for any pur
pose of conquest or subjugation, but to de
fend and maintain the supremacy of the
Constitution and to preserve the Union,
with all the dignity, equality, and rights of
the several Slates unimpaired/’ These
were the conditions of the bond the soldiers
signed and sealed in blood with ihegovern
inont, and a refusal now to carry them out
is a gross violation of a solemn agreement;
2. Who are in fuvorof restoringtho States
lately in rebellion to all their constitutional
relations with the Federal Union as they
stood before the war broke out, according
to the humane and constitutional policy
laid down by President Johnson;
3. Who are in favor of representatives
from the South, loyal to the Constitution
and the laws, being immediately received
by Congress;
4. Who approve President Johnson’s ve
toes of the Freedman’s bureau and Civil
Rights Bills;
6. Who are opposed to any interference,
by Congress, with the rights of the States
reserved by the Constitution, and who are
opposed to the right of suffrage being con
'ferred upon the negro; *
6. And who ace in favor of the election of
Hiestor Clymer, Democratic candidate for
Governor of Pennsylvania, the representa
tive pf the constitutional and conservative
doctrine stated above.
Each county will bo entitled to send seven
delegates to the Convention; and where a
county lias more than one member in the
House of Representatives, such county will
be entitled to seven delegates for each ad-
ditional member. The delegates are to be
selected by the honorably discharged
officers, soldiers and seamen of the counties
respect ivel}’
In addition to tho delegates selected, nil
other honorably discharged officers, soldiers
and seamen who sympathize with the object
in view, are invited to meet at Harrisburg
on that occasion.
W. W. H. DAVIS, j J. WESLEY AWL.
£?iv, 1 . L) ‘ Uh P * V - Lt - Col. 201st P. V
OWEN JONES, R. P. MCWILLIAMS.
, rt 4'°T l W lHt Cavalry. Captain IvCtli P. V
JOHN P. LINTON, C. B. BRUCKWAY,
Lt. Col. 6-J.Lh P. V. I Capl. Ist Pa. Art
Veto of the Freedmen’s Bureau Bill
Its Passage over the Veto.
The President yesterday returned to
the House of Representatives the bill
extending the Freedmen’s Bureau, with
his objections thereto. He considers it
inconsistent with the welfare of the
country, and liable to the same consti
tutional objections that he made to a
similar measure a few months ago. He
adheres to the principles set forth in
that message, and reaffirms the position
then taken. He opposes military' tri
bunals for tho trial of civilians as pro
vided in the bili, and says the
administration of justice by civil
courts is no longer interrupted in
any State in tire Union. Another
ground of objection is the tendency of
agents of the bureau to use it for the
purpose of promoting their own inter
ests, as the recent investigation into its
mangement has fully shown. After the
message had been read, the question
was taken upon the bill, (the objections
of the President to the contrary, not
withstanding,) and it passed by a vote
of 103 to 33. Only three Republicans
(Raymond of Flew York, Washburne of
Indiana, and Kuykendall of Illinois)
voted in the negative. The action of
the House was communicated to the
Senate, and the bill was also passed by
that body by the requisite two-third
vote, and like the Ciyil Rights Bill it
has become a law. It will be impossi
ble for the Radicals to carry the heavy
load they are heaping on theirshoulders,
and a consciousness of impending de
feat seems to have made them utterly
reckless.
What Did the Soldiers Fight For ?
What did the soldiers of the Union
army fight for? A Republican news
paper asks that question. We will try
to answer it in a few plain words.
When the flag, the symbol of the
Union as formed by our fathers under
the Constitution, was fired upon at
Sumter, thousands of brave men rushed
toarms. Forwhat? Was it to free the
negroes? Let the RadicalHisunionists
tell the returned veterans that, if thev
dare.
When President Lincoln issued his
proclamation freeing the slaves what
was the ground on which he professed
to stand ? Was not the act justified
it was believed soldiers
fought for the restoration of the
Union under the Constitution. That
was the one great, grand, holy object
which they kept singly in view. They
did not fight to conquer equal rights for
the negro, and in the coming elections
they will show their scorn of that politi
cal party which would delay the resto
ration of the Union until the odious
conditions of negro suffrage and negro
equality are forced upon an unwilling
people. The soldiers read and thiuk
for themselves now, and they cannot
fail to see that the party which nomi
nated Geary is unequivocally committed
to all the infamous schemes of the
Radicals in Congress. Whatever the
soldiers may think of Geary’s military
record they cannot endorse his political
position. They cannot and will not
vote with any party which makes the
Union for which they fought subordi
nate to negro equality. The soldiers
fought for the Union, not for the negro ;
and they will vote as they shot.
Pkogbess, with the Abolition ieaderg
means, first. Emancipation ; next, Suf
frage, and finally, Amalgamation. The
first step cost more blood and treasure
nation ever shed and expend
ed In any one war. While the struggle
for Suffrage and Amalgamation is pro
gressing, the emancipated negro will
perish.
How Certain Yankees Manipulated the
Tariff BUI.
The swindling and trickery of the
Yankees who control the Rump Con
; gress, cannot be better illustrated than
; by,a pleceofrascaUty hatched out In the
committee which reported the tariff
; bill now under consideration. As the
bill came from the hands of its manipu
lators, a duty of $22.40 a ton was put
upon rails ufeed in laying railroads.
This was a large figure. New England
was willing to consent to .burthening
the whole railroad interests of the coun
try to that enormous extent, provided
another sharp little dodge could be suc
cessfully carried out. By another
dause of the bill, the duty on scrap
iron and old rails was fixed at the low
rate of $5 a ton.
Thiß would not attract the attention
of any casual reader or of any ordinary
business man. The thing looked to be
perfectly fair and honest. But there
was a sharp Yankee trick in it, by the
successful playing of which certain New
England capitalists were to be insured
immense fortunes. Ithadbeensuccess
fully played before. New rails, made
in England, were to be imperfectly ;
rolled and sprinkled with salt water
until they were well rusted, when they
were to come in under the low duty im
posed on scrap and old rails. The Yan
kee capitalists would take them in hand
and by a small amount of labor and an
insignificant expenditure of money,
would re-roll them and convert them
into the highest-priced rails in the
market., Thus on every ton thus
manipulated the Government would
be cheated out of $17.40, and an immense
profit would go into the pockets of cer
tain sharp tricksters.
But this shrewd contrivance extend
ed still further. Coal would be needed
to re-roll these old rails. It must be
bituminous. None was to be found in
New England. Where was it to be got ?
There was plenty of it in Pennsylvania,
but the freight would make it a costly
article. It abounded in Nova Scotia.
How was it to be imported cheap? This
was as easily fixed as the dodge about the
importation of new rails for old ones. A
tariff of $1.50 a ton wasiput upon all an
thracite coal imported. As noneof that
w T as brought into the country from
abroad there was no necessity for put
ting it into the bill, but tlieu it looked
like protection you know. On bitumi
nous coal brought from England and
other parts of Europe the tariff was also
fixed at $1.50 a ton. Here again was a
fine show of protection. But on bitu
minous coal imported into New England
from the near province of Nova Scotia
the duty was fixed at the nominal
figure of fifty cents a ton. Thus .all the
rascals engaged in the re-rolling of rail
road iron, and all the rich manufacturers
of New England were to get imported
coal at lower rates than it could be dug
from the minesofPennsylvania. When
it is remembered that New England
uses between four and five millions of
tons :of bituminous coal a year, some
estimate may be made of the extent of
this swindle. A prominent Congress
man from Pennsylvania, a radical of
course, stood by consenting to this in
famous piece of Yankee trickery. But
what else was to be expected when we
remember that a number of the radical
Congressmen from this State are itiner
ant Yankees, and that the rest are in
close proximity with the fanatics and
swildling tricksters of New England.
This is only a-single specimen of the
scondrelism constantly practiced by the
corruptcrew nowinpower. They legis
late for the benefitof individuals, of rich
corporations and ofNew England, at the (
expense of the people and the country ;
at large. How long will the people of {
Pennsylvania submit to be dragged
along as a mere appendage to the Kite
of a set of corrupt and fanatical .
Yankees?
Tim Express of yesterday eveuing
has a characteristic article. A certain
Hiram Young, a radical blackguard
who edits a newspaper in York, has
been on here giving an account of his
troubles. Upon the formation of the
York Johnson and Clymer Soldiers’
Club, this scurvy rascal, who edits a ne
gro equality newspaper there, denounced
the brave men who repudiated the paper
general Geary, as deserters, cowards and
Hessian hirelings. Whereupon some
of these Democratic soldiers called on'-
this libeller and defamer and demanded
au explanation. Conscious of having
countenanced andencouraged the mob
bing of Democratic newspapers during
the war, he thought the day of retribu
tion had come. He hastened to apolo
gize and was done to him
either in person or property. He is now
going about whimpering and whining
like a whipped cur, and such news
papers as * the Express profess to be
horrified at what it calls an attempt to
introduce Southern manners and mob
law into Pennsylvania.
While the Democratic press has persis
tently denounced and discountenanced
every act of mob violence which so often
occurred during the war, and every at
tempt to abridge the freedom of speech
and of the press, the Express and the
Republican press throughout the coun
try persistently encouraged a spirit of
violence on the part of the populace
and of intolerance on the part of
Government officials. Time and again
we have had to rebuke the Express for
the publication of articles which were
perfectly infamous. It ought to re
member a scoring we gave it just after
the last Presidential election. Surely
the Editor has not forgotten how he
then urged the suppression of Demo
cratic newspapers in Pennsylvania. His
language was of such a character as to
be admirably calculated to excite to mob
violence,
The times are changed now. The
despicable cowards who were then so
ready to insult Democrats and to perse
cute them for opinion's sake do not find
the game to be so safe as it once was.
They are liable to be called to account
for their infamous and slanderous lies,
and compelled to retract them. This is
no doubt a bitterpiliforthese intolerant
and bigoted wretches to swallow. They
do not relish the contents of the chalice
they so often held to the lips of loyal
and unoffending Democrats; and there
is a terrible row to be sure when some
stay at home coward, like the Editor of
the \ork True Democrat , is compelled
to apologize for his unmeasured and
outrageous abuse of brave Democratic
soldiers, who perilled life and limb, not
for the negro, but for the Constitution
and the Union. We deprecate all mob
violence. We will go as faras anyman'
to suppress auy attempt at outrage or
intimidation, but we do thiuk it is high
time that the Editors of negro-equality
newspapers learned that they can no
longer insult Democrats and Democra
tic soldiers with impunity.
Fair Play
Was it frank, fair or manly to ask the
Southern States to ratify the Constitu
tional Amendments abolishing Slavery
if we intended after they accepted that
Condition, to keep them out of the
Union ?
The returned veterans are responding
nobly to the call for a genuine Soldiers’
Convention. Every Democratic ex
change we pick up has a long list of the
names of true Union Soldiers calling
County Conventions of their comrades
who endorse Johnson and Clymer to
send delegates to Harrisburg. Tim
Convention will be one of the largest
ever held in this State.
A Few Texts forme Speakers fffio Ad
dressed the Geary Club on Satnrday
Night.
Gentlemen gas bags! If, as you each
hinted, you intend to take the stump
for Geary in the pendingcontest, would
it not be well for you to take’the follow
ing propositions for political texts : v
Ist. That the war was waged to re
store the Union.
2d. That the soldiers enlisted and
fought for that one sacred- object, and
for that alone.
3d. That the war is now over.
4th. That the Southern people are
ready, willing and anxious to resume
their former relations to the Govern
ment of the United States, and deter
mined to bear true allegiance to the
Constitution.
oth. That the only obstacle to a speedy
and complete restoration of the Union
Is the fear that with its restoration the
sceptre of power may depart from the
hands of such men as Thad. Stevens
and Charles Sumner.
6th. That if the Union is ever to be
restored we must live on terms of amity
with the white people of the South, who
were almost a unit in the rebellion, or,
ignoring them, must give the govern
ment of that section into the hands of
the negroes.
7th. That the latter is the design of
the Radicals who lead the Republican
party, and the object of the proposed
amendments to the Constitution of the
United States.
Bth. That tbe Radicals in Congress
and the Republican members of the
recent State Legislature of Pennsyl
vania, showed that they were in favor
of negro suffrage, by voting to enfran
chise all the negroes in the District of
Columbia, and by conferring the right
of suffrage, upon them in all the terri
tories of the United States.
Oth. That the Republican party of the
State of Pennsylvania declared itself to
be in favor of ;negro suffrage and negro
equality, when it unqualifiedly endors
ed the course of the Radicals in Con.
gress.
10th. That when Geary endorsed that
platform he endorsed negro suffrage
and negro equality.
11th. That the Civil Rights Bill,
which was passed over the President’s
veto by a radical Republican vote of
two-thirds of each house of Congress,
was directly intended to make the ne
gro the political and social equal of the
white man.
12th. That the Freedmen’s Bureau
Bill, which has been passed a second
time, after being very properly vetoed
by the President, appropriates many
millions of money wrung from the
pockets of the working white men of
the North by burthensorue taxation, for
the purpose of supporting a horde of
negroes in idleness and aiding a set of
Yankee agents and speculators to en
rich themselves by plunder and the
emoluments of office.
13th. That the Republican party
which came into power upon loud pro
fessions in favorof retrenchment and re
form has proven to be the most corrupt
political organization which ever dis
graced this or arty other government—
that under its thieving administration
and gross mismanagement during the
war five dollars were wasted foreveryone
necessarily expended, and that, during
the present session alone, the Rump
Congress has engaged in jobs of tram
parent swindling amounting to over two
hundred millions of dollars.
We furnish the above texts gratis,
because the speakers of last Saturday
night geemed to be at a loss for subjects
on which to address their hearers. Not
a word had one of them to say on these
great vital issues. We shall add to the
list from time to time.
One word more, gentlemen gas bags,
and we have done with you for the
present. If you suppose that vulgar
slang and senseless vituyeration will
carry you successfully through the pre
sent campaign you are mistaken. The
people will demand that you shall meet
the great issues of the day fairly and
squarely. Your efforts of Saturday
night showed that you cannot do so.
Unless you can and do, j-ou might as
well prepare for the most disastrous
political defeat. -
Southern Radicals.
Certain Southern Radical hangers-on
at Washington, political mendicants,
scurvy fellows who have no standing
and no influence at home, have been
hawking about the streets and bar
rooms of the Capital a call for a Con
vention of Southern Radicals. The ex
pected appearance of this document had
been heralded far and wide by Forney
and other writers of his school. It was
published yesterday with a few names
appended. Among the signers there is
not one who has any political standing
or influence at home. Small as the list
of signers is, they are nearly every one
insignificant no-bodies who have never
been heard of before. As greedy place
hunters happened along their names
were solicited and appended to the call.
At least that is what a leading Repub"
lican newspaper says. There is no pre
tense that these signers have been in
communication with the people of the
States from which they profess to come,
or that they in any way represent any
body but themselves. Any attempt to
get up a convention to endorse such a
call would be an utter failure in any
Southern State, and not a corporals’
guard could be got together for that pur
pose in any Congressional district. For
ney blows loudly about the affair, and
says truly that it endorses the promi
nent Radical doctrine of negro equality
and negro suffrage. This bogus Con
vention is to meet in Philadelphia on
the first Monday of September.
Before that time the people of the
entire South will have been heard from
through their regularly selected and
duly authorized delegates totheNational
Union Convention of August 14th. We
have no doubt judicious conservative
men will be chosen. It may be some
will be there who served in the rebel
armies, but if they are they will display
a patriotic devotion to the country and
a regard for the constitution which will
put such northern disunionists as
Stevens, Sumner and Forney to the
blush. All who come will be expected
to stand squarely and honestly by the
Union and the Constitution. The peo
ple of the South have shown that they
are ready to do that in good faith, and
their representatives to the National
Convention will furnish overwhelming
and convincing evidence of that great
fact. No party except one reduced to
utter desperation would attempt to get
together such a gathering as that of the
Southern radicals will be. It will rep
resent nobody except the New England
fanatics and their corrupt imitators in
P<
'ennsylvaniaandelsewhere. The Radi
cal party can never be transformed into
a national party by any such agency.
It must remain what it is, a mere sec
tional organization, and the most in
famous and corrupt one the world ever
saw.
does not subscribe to the objects
of the Philadelphia 14th of August Conven
tion can no longer be officer of mine ” Such
is the substance of the last decree of the
Tennessee Tribune.— Forney'a JFVeM.
Do you hear that Messrs, office-hold
ers of Lancaster county. Forney knows.
He is keen at scenting a wind that sets
unfavorably toward place-holders. How
are you on the August Convention?
That Is a serious question. Ponder it
well and report.
SlareiT In Hassaeinuetts.
The institution of Slavery has excited
the hostility of the New England Btates
which its
tridersjppuld fill theirpockets. Up to the
time that this feet
Puri taps had do difficulty whatever in
satisfying conaidence ofthe divineright
by whjsh “ indians, mullatoee, negroes
said other held in
bondage, and traded in with the same
facility as in those States now so bitterly
denounced by Sumner and Boutwell.
We mention Messrs. Sumner and Bout
well because propose to make a few
extracts from the early history^ of the
State they represent, showing with
what ease their ancestors of less than
three generations back could sell and
otherwise use human chattels. We
shall first give an extract showing, that
like the masters of the South whom it
is the fashion now to hold up to pious
and hypocritical horror, the Puritans
had a decided liking for the fairest, and
best proportioned of their female cap
tives. We quote: “By this pinnace,
you shall receive forty-eight or fifty
fifty women and children (Pequods).
Concerning which, there is one, I
formerly mentioned, that is th q fairest
and largest that X saw amongst them, to
whom I have given a coate to cloathe
her. It is my desire to have her for a
servant, if it may stand to your liking,
else not. There is a little squaw that
Steward Culacut desireth, to whom he
hath given a coate. Lieut. Devenport
also desireth one, to wit: a small one
that hath threestrokes upon her stomach
thus: 111 X, He desireth her, if it
will stand to your liking. Solomon the
Indian desireth a young little squaw
which I know not.” M. S. Letter in
Mass. Archives quoted by Drake , 171.
For some time the only authority by
which slaves seem to have been held in
Massachsetts was universal consent
not founded upon legislation. This
consent it was contended was consonant
with the “ law of nations , supported by
the express or implied authority of the
home (British) Government. ” Hurd's
Law of Freedom and Bondage.
The first slatue ESTABLISHING
SLAVERY IN AMERICA is to be
found in the famous Code of Funda
mentals, or Body of Liberties of
the Massachusetts Colony in New
England —adopted 1641. The ninety
first article of the Body of Liberties
reads as follows: “There shall never be
any bond Slaverie, Villinage, or Capti
vatie amongst us unless it be lawful
captives taken in just warres , and such
stranger as willingly sell themselves,
or are sold to us. And these shall have
all the liberties and Christian usages
which the law of God established in
Israeli, concerning such persons doeth
morally require” Mass. H. S. Call.
111., VIII., 231. It will be observed
that the spirit of Massachusetts law
under the Puritans was purely theocra
tic, that nothing was to go into the
Statute book that was not hedged all
round by that which they interpreted
as the express, or implied authority of
God. For this reason they established
slavery, as they alleged, as “God estab
lished it in Israeli.” Thisstatutenever
was repealed during the whole Colonial
period and was never expressly repeal
ed until the recent Constitutional
Amendment abolishing slavery in all
the States. Mr. Moore in his history
says that the inhabitants of Massachu
setts considered this statute [9lst, as
abovej “based upon the Mosaic code,
and that it was considered as
an absolute recognition of slavery
as a legitimate status, and of the
right of one man to sell himself
as well as that of another man to
to buy him. It sanctions the slave
trade and the perpetual bondage of
indians and negroes, their children and
their children’s children, and entitles
Massachusetts to precedence over any
and all the other colonies in similar
legislation. It anticipates by many
years any tiling of the sort to be found
in the statutes of Virginia , or Maryland ,
or South Carolina .” Massachusetts’
legal and historical authorities have
repeatedly asserted either ignorantly or
falsely, with this statute on the record,
“ that slavery seems to have crept in ;
not probably by force of any law, for
none such is found or known to exist.”
Mr. Sumner said June 28, 1854, that
“ in all her annals, no person was ever
born a slave on the soil of Massachu
setts ” and “if, in point of fact, the
issue of slaves was sometimes held in
bondage, it | was never by sanction of
any statute-ilaw of Colony or Common
wealth.” Mr. Palfrey, a Massachusetts
historian says the same thing, but Mr.
Moore puts a quietus upon Messrs.
Sumner and Palfrey by quoting from
the proceedings of the Supreme Court
of Massachusetts for the year 1799, in
which it was held that a negro girl
born in the province in 1759 to have
been the lawful slave of a citizen of the
Colony rom 1760't0 1776.
It was not our intention in this arti
cle to run into the days of Massachu
setts as a State. The “ good old Colony
times ” which were under the guidance I
of the liberty-seeking saints of the
Mayflower, and their immediate de
scendants, were those we wished to lay
before our readers. There lias been so
much claimed for the probity and piety
of the first settlers of Mass. Bay Colony,
that we are almost afraid to correct so
flatteringahistoricalimpression. Listen
to the folio wing passage from Josselyn’s
Account of Two Voyages to New Eng
land, published at London 1664:
“ Th e second of October 1639,(n ot n i n e
teen years after the landing of the May
flower), about 9 o’clock in the morning,
Mr. Maverick’s negro woman came to
my Chamber window, and in her own
Countrey language and tune sang very
loud and shrill; going out to her, she
used a great deal of respect towards me,
and willingly would have expressed her
grief in English ; but I apprehended it
by her countenance and deportment,
whereupon I repaired to my post, to
learn of him the cause, and resolved to
intreat him in her behalf, for that I had
understood before, that she had been a
Queen in her own Countrey, and ob
served a very humble and dutiful garb
used towards her by another negro
woman who was her maid. Mr. Mav-
erick was very desirous to have a breed
of negroes, and therefore seeing she
would not yield by persuasion to com-
pany with a negro young man he had
in his house, he commanded him will’d
she nill’d she (that is, whether she
would or not) to go to bed to her, which
was no sooner done than she kicked
him out again, this she took in high
disdain beyond her slavery, and this
was the cause of her grief.”
We suppose Messrs. Sumner, Bout
well, Palfrey and others, would have us
suppose that Mr. Maverick merely
wanted a 11 breed of negroes” to make
them free. Mr. Maverick doubtles would
have thrown himself upon the law of
Moses, and held the descendants of the
“ Quedn in her own Countrey” as being
of the class described as those “ bom
in the house” and hence slaves.
Frauds on the Treasury.
Duplicate and even triplicate five
twenty coupons, upon which the gold
has been paid, are beginning to come in
at the Treasury Department in large
numbers. Whether the Government is
to continue the payment of these spuri
ous coupons until the bonds become duei
remains to be seen, as no way to detect
the spurious from the genuine has yet
been discovered.
Some Lancaster county radical, who
feujj&he day may be delayed when a
BhaU be declared to be hia equal,
naa Addressed a note to George Bergner,
of the 'Harrisburg Telegraph asking
Curtin has npt called'
the Legislature together to ratify the
.negro equality amendment ta ithe Con*
TOtuUQh'-df the United States/Berguer
replies that aftef announcing his inten
tion of so doing Curtin went on to
Washington, on very urgent business,
and that before he returned a prominent
Copperhead was heard $o declare pub
licly on the streets of Harrisburg, that
the Legislature would not be ! con
vened In extra session. Bergner goes
on to state further that a meet
ing of a large majority of the Re
publican members of the last Legisla
ture was held in the city of Philadelphia
on the Fourth day of July, at which
time a committee was appointed to wait
upon the Governor and urge upon him
the propriety of the great State of Penn
sylvania being among the first to ratify
the Constitutional Amendment, and
that committee was empowered to give
assurance to the Governor that the Re
publican members of the Legislature
would come to Harrisburg without
charging one single cent for their ser
vices. This committee waited upon his
Excellency, then in the city, and urged
upon him the views of their fellow
members, but without receiving any
definite reply the committee withdrew
from his presence.
We hope the Lancaster county radi
cal is entirely satisfied with Bergner’s
explanation. We are. We do not care
what reasons may be assigned for the
action of the Governor. He is right.
The best joke we have heard for some
time, is Bergner’s assertion that the
Republican members of the Legislature
agreed to assemble without a cent of
pay. Catch those loyal patriots doing
that! They would not have been satis
fied without extra pay, beyond what
they are entitled to. Governor Curtin
has done just what was proper. He has
saved the State from no little expense,
and has given the people a chance to
decide whether they desire the endorse
ment of the Constitutional amendment.
Right both ways. Curtin is so uncer
tain a public character, however, that
we should not be surprised to hear that
he had agreed to call the Legislature to
gether any day. The Lancaster county
Radical should not be driven to despair
by what Bergner says.
$B,OOO and Mijeage!
Eight thousand dollars and mileage
No less! That is the rate at which the
members of the Rump Congress propose
to pay themselves, commencing ;with
the session now happily about to close.
On Saturday last the following pro
ceedings were had in the House :
Mr. Niblack, of Indiana, from the Com
mittee on Appropriations, reported a bill to
provide for and to regulate the compensa
tion of Senators, Representatives and dele
gates in Congress. Read twice, ordered to
be printed and postponed till Wednesday.
The bill fixes the compensation at 58,000
for each Congressman and the mileage at
the rate of ten cents per mile. The Presi
dent ot the Senate is to have the same com
pensation as the Vice President of the
United States, and the Speaker is to have
double the compensation of members, ex
cept as to mileage, which is to be the same.
In case of the death of a member, his repre
sentatives are to receive at the rate of $4,000
per annum from the date of the commence
ment of Congress up to the time of death,
and his successor is to be paid from that
day. The bill is to apply to the members
of the present Congress from the 4th of
March, 1866, except as to mileage.
What do the tax payers of Lancaster
city and county think of that? Will
that serve to open their eyes ? The bill
may not pass during the present session.
The thieving scoundrels may deem it
better to postpone it. But just so surely
as the next Congress is composed of
Radicals, so surely will they lay this
further burden upon the people. They
will claim that the people have endorsed
their proposed action, and they will be
right about the matter.
The Day of Adjournment Fixed.
Let the people rejoice! The Infamous
crew of Radicals who compose the Rump
Congress have at last iixed a day when
an adjournment will take place. A
caucus was held last Saturday night.
In Forney’s Sunday Press we find the
following telegram:
The caucus meeting of the Unionists of
Congress, held this evening, was largely at
tended, and everything passed off harmoni
ously. Gen. Banks was in the chair. The
object of the meeting was to hear the report
of the committee appointed at the last cau
cus. The principal subject that the com
mittee had under consideration was the ad
journment of Congress. After the com
mittee reported, it was finally agreed that
the adjournment should takeplace on Mon
day week, July 23d, by a vote of 60 yeas to
40 nays.
Many of these men go home to use all
their influence to secure a re-election.
They ought, without exception, to be
repudiated by the people. A number
of those who now misrepresent Penn
sylvania districts will be defeated. All
good men will combine for this purpose,
and their efforts will be rewarded with
success.
Curtin’s Latest Definition or his Position.
| Just as we expected. No sooner does
Bergner commence abusing Governor
Curtin in regard to his action in refer
ence to the negro equality amendment,
I than out comes his Excellency with an
explanatory letter. If the troubled
Lancaster County Radical will take the
time to read through a long epistle from
Curtin, which appears in yesterday’s
Press, he will be able to ascertain what
views our Executive flow entertains.—
He may have some trouble in making
out what he means, but we think a very
little faith will enable him to reach the
pleasant conviction that the Governor
is eminently sound on the negro.—
Among much silly twaddle we find the
following: •
“It (the proposed amendment,) isjust and
equitable in overy sense, and, while it leaves
the question of suffrage wholly with the
States, where it properly belongs, it makes
every appeal to the interests and pride of
the States to liberalize their policy, and
give to all classes the benefit of American
civilization.”
If we can understand English that
means negro suffrage and negro equal
ity. The Governor is a candidate for
the United States Senate and resolved
not to be outbid by Forney. Forney is
for negro suffrage—so is Curtin. The
only question is which is most so.
An llonor Well-Deserved.
I We notice at the commencement of
Princeton College, N. J., a few weeks
ago, that, among others, the Honorary
degree of A. M., was conferred upon
Prop. Albert N. Raub, a native of
this county. Prof. Raub is a graduate
oftheMilieravilleNormalSchool. Dur
ing the last four or five years he has
very satisfactorily filled several impor
tant positions. Lately he has been
called to the Professorship of English
Literature and Science in the Keystone
State Normal School. He is also en
gaged in writing a series of School
Books; Spellers and Readers. Two of
which—the Normal and Primary
Spellers have lately been published by
Tower, Barnes & Co., Philadelphia; and
have been already quite extensively in.
traduced into Schools. We predict a
successful future for Prof. Raub. The
Honorary degree of A. M. by the Prince
ton College is one worth having, and In
the present instance well deserved. We •
are pleased to make a note of it.
It is said that Gov. Fenton, of the
New York “grand moral idea party,”
has pardoned Ketchum, the forger. He
lately pardoned a notorious mock auc
tioneer.
weisidh of the Supreme Conrt on the
Deserter Law.
We publish to-day the decision of
the Bupreme Court of this State upon
the laws of Congress under the provis
ional which many men were denied
thd'right, to vote in this State at the last
election, ffhe opinion of the Court was
delivered by Judge Strong, a staunch
Republican, and settles the fact that in
future no man can be denied the right
of suffrage In this State or a charge of
desertion unless he shall first have been
tried convicted and sentenced by a
court martial. Jn this opinion Chief
Justice Woodward and Justices Strong
and Thompson agreed, while Reed and
Agnew dissented. f
The Patriot & Union, in an able edi
torial, sayß;
The decision of the Court does not as-
Bume the unconstitutionality of the act
Congress, under which the case arose
though it recites the grounds upon
which its constitutionality has been as
sailed : first, that it is ex post facto:
second, that it is an attempt to regulate
the right of suffrage in the States: and.
third, that it proposes to inflict pains
and penalties before and without trial
and conviction by due process of law.
Upon the first, it is stated that it may
ha insisted that the penalty is not pre
scribed for the original desertion but for
persistence in desertion.
Upon the second, it is stated that the
only upon the individual
offender, and does not override State
laws, but leaves each State to determine
the qualifications of the voter.
Upon the third, it is stated that the
law does not presume to inflict the addi
tional punishment of disfranchisement
upon deserters, except upon trial and
conviction by court martial according to
the provisions of previous acts to which
the act in question is only supplemental.
According to this view a person who
deserted from the military service pre
vious or since the passage of the act of
March 3, 1860, might be disfranchised,
but only after trial by regular court mar
tial, conviction , sentence and approval
of sentence, the same as in other cases
in which desertion is punished. Ac
cording to this view, also, a record from
a provost marshal’s office, the War De
partment, or Adjutant General’s office,
charging a man with desertion and
classifying him as a deserter, is not suf
ficient to entail disfranchisement, and no
election officer or board of election can ■■
assume authority to reject any man's I
vote upon such grounds. There is no I
authority, therefore, under which an I
election board can assume to reject such I
vote except through the regular record I
of an approved sentence of a court mar- I
tial.
Election officers cannot presume to
try men for the crime of desertion, be
cause, among other reasons, their de
cision would not be a bar to subsequent
trial for the same offence by acompetent
tribunal, and it -is not lawful to have
two courts to try one offence—each to
administer a portionofthepunishment.
Besides this, it is held that it is not in
the power of Congress to conferuponan
election board, which is exclusively of
Statecreation, jurisdiction to try offences
against the United States. Congress can
not vest the judicial power of the United
States in any Siate or sovereignty. Hence
even the Legislature of Pennsylvania
cannot prescribe penalties for offences
against the Jj nited State , nor authorize
either State courts or election boards to
try or punish offenders against the United
States. disfranchisementact,
based as it is upon the act of Congress,
and intended to be co-operative with it,
is therefore a nullity. Only through
courts martial can deserters be punished,
and as no State is authorized to consti
tute such courts, the legislative act falls
to the ground. *
Although the constitutionality of the
act of Congress was not at issue in the
cause, and although the court does not
consider that subject in full in all its
bearings, Chief Justice Woodward does
not hesitate to say that he considers the
act to be ex post facto in respect to all
soldiers who deserted prior to March 3.
1860. ’
This decision of the Supreme Court
will enable every man in Pennsylvania ,
qualified under the State election laws, to
vote, unless he has been tried , convicted
and sentenced to disfranchisement for
desertion by court martialß.nd\xu\eßQ the
sentence has been approved by the Com
mander-In-Chief of the Federal army.
Should any election officer or board re
fuse the vote of any man, except as
above, he or they will be subject to severe
punishment. Notwithstanding these
facta, however, there may be attempt
made to intimidate persons from voting
by threats of arrest and trial by court
martial for desertion. It can be author
itatively declaredthatcourt-martialsare j
ended. There will be no more trials for I
desertion! The armies are disbanded; I
the Government has no use for their
services; and it is not so vindictive as
to hunt up victims now to punish. Be
sides all this it cannot afford to send out
guards to hunt up deserters and main
tain courts-martial for their trial. Each
tiial would coat the Government many
thousands of dollars —which is an ex
pense which the President will not by
any means sanction, merely to aid poli
ticans in making or destroying a few
votes.
Greeley Alarmed.
The New York Tribune has been most
bitter in its denunciation of the National
Union Convention to be held In Phila
delphia on the 14th of August- Its fears
are excited to such a pitch that it raves
frantically from day to day. At first it
affected to despise the movement as in
significant; of late, however, it has al
tered its tune. In yesterday's issue it
says:
This Philadelphia Convention has the sub
stantial support, to start with, of the party
which polled over 1,800,000 votes for Mc-
Clellan and Pendleton in 1864. Then it is
backed by the essentially unchanged rebels,
with scarcely an exception. Add to these
the Federal Executive, with its despotic
power over what Mr. Randall jerms the
1 bread and butter” of more than One Hun
dred Thousand Republicans now in office,
yet who are given to understand that their
official heads must fall if they fail to sup
port “my policy,” and the Philadelphia
Convention movement is seen to be suffi
ciently formidable to justify and demand
fixed attention.
No wonder the Tribune is startled by
its own figures. We will not complain
about the terms of classification it em
ploys, or the names it applies to oppo
nents. It is at liberty to style every
Southerner who is not ready to endorse
the doctrine of negro suffrage an “ un
changed Rebel.” It may stigmatize
the vast body of Conservative Republi
cans who stand by President Johnson
as it sees fit. Its ill names will make
them nonetheless numerous or respect
able. The fact stands out well ascer
tained and acknowledged, according to
the Tribune's own showing, that the
radical wing of the Republican party is
already hopelessly in the minority
when the vote of the whole country is
taken into account. The Philadelphia
Convention will represent a large ma
jority of the people of the United States.
It is no wonder Greely is alarmed at
the formidable character of this politi
cal movement. It promises to destroy
the radical disunion party in the North,
and that speedily, for whlcn all good
men should be thankful.
Forney In the Dumps.
Mrs. Swisshelm, the Radical editress,
is the Washington correspondent of the
Chambersburg Repository. In last
week’s paper is a letter in which she
says: .
John W. Forney, Wilkinson, late cor*
respondent of the New York Tribune here
and other men of that stamp, have been
feeling gloomy during the past week and
talking of “ Btormy times ” ahead.
The country will rejoice to hear that
The “ dead duck ” is beginning to re
alize that he is really a defunct orni
thological specimen. He sees the near
approach of the downfall of the corrupt
political organization which has enabled
him to wax fat on public plunder.
When such men as Forney feel gloomy
in regard to the political situation the
people have good cause to rejoice. The
reign of the thieves is drawing to a
close.
Often as it has been charged that
Geary is in favor of negro suffrage and
negro equality, he has never yet denied
it. Let every voter remember that.
BepresensUdft'
We commend to the consideration of
the editor of the Express the following
extract from a speech of Senator Hen
.drickfl. He showed up the Insincerity
of the radical rant about unequal repre
sentation most effectually, and forced
the Republicans in Congress to take a
position which proves clearly that they
are only maneuvering In this matter to
Becure some advantages for the next
Presidential election. If they were sin
cere in their dread of increased repre
sentation for the South, why did'they
reject Mr. Hendricks’ proposition. Mr.
Hendricks said:
But, sir, if you will amend the Constitu
tion at this most unfortunate time, and
while the States most to be affected are
unrepresented, I will meet you upon a
ground you cannot question, and will pro
pose that the Southern States shall have no
increase of representation by reason of the
freedom of the slaves; and to that end I
offer the following amendment, so that the
section shall read:
“Representatives shall be apportioned
among the several States which may be
included ■within the Union according to
their respective numbers, counting the
whole number of persons in each State, ex
cluding Indians not taked, and excluding,
also, two-tilths of such persons as have been
discharged from involuntary service by anv
proclamation of the President of the United
States or by the amendment of the Consti
tution of the United States since the year
1861, and to whom the elective franchise
may be denied.”
If, now, the objection is made in good
faith that the evil you would avoid is the
increase of Southern representation by the
freedom of the slaves, then this amendment
is agreeable to you and will be accepted.
But it will not be accepted if the purpose
really is to reduce the representation of the
agricultural sections and thus relatively in
crease the power of the manufacturing in
terests, perpetuate a policy that enriches the
capital of one section and bears heavily
upon the capital and labor of another. For
110 opportunity has been lost to
build up the interests ot the New England
States. With that end in view, tariff and
internal tax laws and drafts have been ad
justed, and banking capital distributed;
so that now almost every investment of
capital in that section yields from
fifteen to one hundred per cent, pro
fit, while in Indiana and Illinois the
bushel of corn that ought to bo worth to
the farmer fifty cents, being manufactured
into whiskey, is taxed eight dollars; the
bushel yieldingfour gallons. Mr. President,
I rejoice in the prosperity of any section
wheu.it is the result of legitimate trade,
under equal laws, for then it is the prosper
ity of the whole country ; but I call upon
Senators to hesitate before they surrender a
representation that is a reliable support to
our great interest, agriculture.
Of course the Radicals rejected Sena
tor Hendricks’ amendment. It did nol
suit the Yankee fanatics, whose political
bond-slaves we are ail under the present
radical rule.
The Republican Caucus—Authorized
Statement.
The New York Tribune publishes the
following under the above heading :
In the Republican caucus last night
Gen. Banks took the chair, and stated
that the object of the meeting was either
to fix the date of the adjournment of
both Houses, or to agree upon a recess.
Mr. Ashley favored a recess. Sena
tors, he said, could stay in executive
session, to prevent removals from office.
He was sure that four members of the
Cabinent would go out after the Phila
delphia Convention.
A member from Wisconsin, whose
name the Iribunc reporter could not
hear distinctly, offered a resolution bind
ing each member of the caucus to abide
byits action, and to maintain secresy as
to its proceedings. Messrs. Hale and
Bingham opposed this.
While Mr. Bingham was speaking, a
member jumped up and remarked that
he did not see the use of pledging to
secresy, as there was an audience pres
ent. Several members inquired where
the audience was, and it was soon found
that a colored man had found his way
into the gallery, and was listening at
tentively to what was being said. The
doorkeeper was immediately sent after
him, and he was arrested. On beiug
interrogated, he said he had come to see
Congress. He was asked how he had
got into a caucus meeting, and he re
plied that he found a door open and
went in, not knowing that visitors were
denied admittance.
Theresolution of the Wisconsin mem
ber was amended so as to relate only to
secresy.
Here followed an animated discussion
on a resolution condemning the Phila
delphia Convention, which was offered
by Thaddeus Stevens.
Mr. Raymond discoursed as stated in
yesterday’s Tribune, asserting that
when he favored the call it was
his understanding that it was to he a
Union Convention. Mr. Hale of New
York said The Nov York Evening Post,
one of the best Republican papers iu
the country, indorsed the Convention.
Mr Wilson of Massachusetts said he
differed from Mr. Hale in his estimate
of The Post. It was true it was an able
paper, and he had great respect for its
editor, but one of its proprietors had
been convicted of an infamous crime
and only escaped punishment by tecn
nicalities. Mr. Hale said he was acquit
ted on the merits of the case. Mr. Wil
son denied this. He was acquitted on a
mere quibble, and there were two other
charges brought against him.
Mr. Wilson then referred to the Presi
dent and his course, bitterly denouncing
both. He knew now, what hehad been
unwilling to believe heretofore, that
the President was about to sell the
country out to the Democratic party.
Mr. Cook, 111., offered the following
resolution:
Resolved, That Congress ought not to ad
journ until it passes some law to prevent
the removal of Union men from office.
Mr.Shellabargeroffered the following
as a substitute for the above :
Resolved, That a committee of five beap
pointed to take into consideration thetime
of adjournment or recess, and what shall
be done in regard to keeping our friends in
office.
On motion, the committee was made
to consist of nine—three Senators and
six members. Mr. Boutwell of Massa
chusette then took the floor, and in an
excited manner said that the battle had
commenced, and the President would
take the Capitol unless the Union men
took measures to prevent him.
Mr. Garfield, Ohio, took similar
ground, and announced the resignation
of Postmaster-General Dennison.
Mr. Harding, 111., said he was not
afraid of Johnson’s usurpations ; still
he thought something ought to be done
as was suggested, in the matter of ap
pointments.
Mr. Ingersoll, 111., said he would as
soon trust a bull inachinashop as leave
Andy Johnson in possession of the Gov
ernment untrammeled.
The vote on the Philadelphia Con
vention was then taken by Yeas and
Nays. Mr. Hale (N. Y.) voted in the
negative. Mr. Raymond did not vote.
All others voted in the affirmative.
The Designation of the Postmaster-Gen^
'The following correspondence has
just been published:
Washington, Julv 11, 1866.
sib: I have the honor to tenderyou here
with my resignation of theoffice of Postmas
ter General, to take effect upon your notify
mg me of its acceptance. J
In thus withdrawing from your Cabinet
it is proper to say that I do so chiefly be
cause of the difference of opinion between
ns in regard to the proposed amendment of
tne Constitution, which I approve, and the
movement for the convention to be held in
Philadelphia on the 14th proximo, to which
I am opposed.
My confidence in the patriotism of the
u mon Republican party, and conviction that
upon its permanent control of the Govern
ment depends in a large measure the peace
and happiness of the country, will not per
mit of my holding any equivocal attitude in
respect to it.
Assuring you of my personal regard and
appreciation of the uniform courtesy I have
received from you, I am, very respectfully,
yours, <fcc. W. Dennison.
To the President.
Executive Mansion,
Washington, D. C., July 11.
Sir: Your resignation of the office of
Postmaster-General, tendered in your letter
of the 11th inst., is hereby accepted. I
Fully appreciating your kind assurance)
of personal regard, I am, very truly and!
respectfully yours,
Andrew Johnson.
To the Hon. Wm. Dennison, Washington,;
D. C. i
The question is not was Geary a good
soldier, but is he a proper man to be
elected Governor of Pennsylvania? If
he stands on the Radical platform, he
is
opposed to the restoration of the
Union and in favor of negro equality.
No true soldier can vote for such a man.
It is the duty of every true friend of his
oountry to vote against him.
Hettoa of Electing Palled Stife*
-•t'v- Be QH9 n ’~ '-i 1
, J?® Se ° af « of the United Stated hag
just passed the following bill regulating
e T ° 0 , n , 0f Benatorß by the different
State Leguiatures. If adopted by the
law • Se> no doubt become the
StateYvhtehahnn'kYY* Whdature of each
“ho eipirauon ir^h oh sf en " ext Preceding
Senator wus Ume tor w bloh any
in Congress, shall nn State
after the meeting and Tuesday
proceed to elect a Senstn??n n? Uon thereof,
place of such Senator |n in the
in the following innnnm- 0 - 11 L 1 | u t°fflce
shall ODenlv bv « .jk Dner ‘ t'lech House
member present the name onho°rm ° f eS f h
Seriator in Congress from anld stL, f 5 r
name of the person ®
shall have a majority ,ho° r
number of votes cast in u llOlO
shall be entered on the
House by the Clerk or SrereUrY ?L r e “° f h
but if either House shall fall to gWo
majority to any person on said da? that
shall be entered on the journal. aY 12
o'clock, meridian, of the dav following that
on wh ch the proceedings are required to
take place, as aforesaid, 3ie members of the
two Houses shall convene in Jointassemblv
and the journal of each House shall then hi
read; and “the same person shall have re
reived a majority of afi the votes In each
House, such person shall be declared duly
T, ro P reaent said State in the
Congress of the United States; but if the
same pemon shall not have received a ma-
Jonty of the votes in ench House, or if either
House shall have failed to tako proceedings
n ? j S oct ’ the joint assembly
?Yt 1 ,,Yf h pnr4, rOCOOd 1° choose by a viva voce
%oteof each member present a person for
ho purpose aforesaid, and the person bav
,.g a majority of all the votes of the said
joint assembly a tnalority of all the mom
bers elected to both Houses being present
und \otmg, shall ho declared duly olected ;
and in case no person shall roceive such
majority on the first day, the joint assembly
shall meet at I- o clock each day during the
session and take at least one vote ufitil a
Senator be elected.
Sec.'2. That whenever, on tho meeting of
the Legislature ol any State, a vacaiioy
Irsha eiist in tho representation of such
Mute in tho Senato of theUnitodStates said
Legislature shall proceed, on the second
Tuesday alter the commencement of Its ses
sion, to elect a person to till such vncancy
in tho manner hereinbefore provided for the
election of a Senator for a full term; and if
a vacancy Bhali happen during the session
of the Legislature, then on the second Tues
day after tho Legislature shall have been
organized, and sltall have notice of such
vacancy.
Sec. .1. That it shall bo the duty of tho
Governor of the State from which any Sen
ator shall have been chosen as aforesaid to
certify hia election, under tho seal of the
State, to the President of the Sonate of tho
United States, which certitlcate shall be
countersigned by the Secretary of State of
the State.
The Philadelphia National Convention.
The National Intelligencer publishes
the following circular from the Nation
al Union Committee in reference to the
Philadelphia National Convention:
In tunny of th© States active steps have
been taken to have full and able delega
tions to the proposed National Union Con
vention ut Philadelphia, August 14th. In
others there seems to be some misunder
standing as to the manner in which dele
gates are to bo chosen. With a viow to givo
the proper information, the following cir
cular, emanating from the National Union
Committee, has just been issued and sent
into all the States and Territories. The in
dications arc that this Convention will be
one of the most imposing and important
assemblages over held in this country :
[circular.]
Washington, p, c., July 10, 1800.
i our immediate and earnest attention is
invited to the annexed call for a National
Convention, issued by the National Union
Executive Committee, and the accompany
ing endorsement thereof by prominent gon
tmu6n u . re known to the country.
The undersigned have been duly appoint
ed a committed to facilitate anti expedite
by correspondence and otherwise, such
action as may seem uecepsary to brinir
together at Philadelphia a Convention o
the ablest men ofthe nation, without regard
to their party antecedents, who favor, gen
erally, the restoration policy of President
Johnson has advocated as against the
dangerous course pursued by the majority
ol Congress. J
■ W u, .J 11 it proper to suggest that itisde
sirable that there be sont from each State
tour delegates at large and two from each
Congressional district who favor iLe princi
ples set forth iu the call, to bo taken from
i su PP° r tera of Lincoln and Johnson In
: 1864, and a like number from their oppo
nents. Also, four delegates from each Terri
tory, and fourfrom the District ofCoiumbia.
In ihoso States whereof a portion ofthe peo
ple were lately in rebellion,©corresponding
number of delegates may bo chosen by the
people generally who accept the principles
stated in the call. It is not intended, how
ever, that these suggestions shall interfere
with any arrangements already made for
the selection of delegates. It is entirely to
the political organizations in the different
biates aud districts thatconcur in the princi
ples of the call to decide whether they will
choose their delegates by joint or separate
meetings, by their executive coinmitees
We have been authorized to appoint tem
porary executive committees in the States
where the same are presumed to be neces
sary. You are, therefore, requested to act
as such committee, and tondopt immediate
measures to secure a full delegation to the
proposed Convention, not interfering how
ever, with the action which existing organ
izations may have taken lor tho same ob
ject. Your uction will be such as to aid
such movements—the purpose of your ap
pointment being to provide for .the selection
or delegates if no adequate preliminary
arrangements have yet been made.
The day fixed fortbeNational Convention
is near, and we desero to impress on you
and on all friends of this cause, that it is of
4I 10 * irst . importance that district or State
conventions, or State executive committee 6
immediately appoint delegates. And it Is
particularly requested that a list of dele
gates and committees appointed bospoedily
iorwarded to the chairman of this commit
tee.
In conclusion, wo have to add that tho
paramount object of this movement is to
bring into a great National Conference,
irom all parts of our distracted country,
wise and patriotic men, who may devise a
plan of political action calculated to restore
notional unity, fraternity and harmony,
and secure to an afflicted people that which
is so sincerely desired by all good men, tho
practical blessings of an enduring place.
Alex. W. Randall,
Lewis D. Campbell,
Montgomery Blair.
Speed’s Resignation Accepted.
A special despatch to the PhUa. Ledger
The resignation of Attorney General
bpeed was accepted this afternoon, and
his connection with the office ceased
this evening. It appears that Mr. Speed
announced his withdrawal from the
Cabinet to the President in person on
Thursday last, assigning the reasons
heretofore|stated in this correspondence
It being necessary that he should finish
certain cases under consideration in hiß
department, his formal lettedihf resigna
tion was not delivered till
and not formally accepted till this after
noon. The correspondence with the
President is as brief as possible. Mr.
Harlan’s formal resignation has not
yet been tendered, and the indications
to-day are that this, as well as Mr. Stan
ton s, may, for reasons not made public
be sometime withheld.
Remains or Col. 8. W. Black Recovered.
AVe are gratified to announce that the
remains of the lamented and gallant
Colonel Sam. W. Black, who was killed
in the fierce contest at Gaines’ Hill In
June, 1862, have been recovered by Mr.
Will Black, brother of the Colonel, and
Captain Crider, of the 62d Regiment
who went to the battle-field for that
purpose. Mr. Black, who reached home
yesterday, informed us this morning
that he found the Colonel’s remains
under the tree where the body was left
when the 62d Regiment was compelled
to fall back, and identified them by a
flag handkerchief found in the pocket
of the clothing. The fact will he re
membered that Colonel Black was one
of the first to mount the ramparts at
Yorktown as the rebels were fleeing,
and that he hoisted the flag, placing It
upon a pole. This handkerchief, al
though considerably faded, was easily
identified, and as its counterpart was la
the possession of the widow of the de
ceased, there can be no doubt whatever'
of the identity of the remains. In ad
dition to this, Mr. Black brought home
a portion of the clothing and a leek of
hair, all of which have been identified
The remains are now in Washington!
City, but will be brought home In a few
days.
The officers and members of the 62d
as well as other regimen ts v have already
taken measures for appropriate funeral
obsequies. The old Duquesne Grays
will also participate. The Scott Legion,
of which deceased was a member, wili
un iJ?“. b , tedl y take action to participate..
—Pittisburg Chronicle..
Dishonest Army o fleers..
The records of the Second Auditor’s-
Bureau show that large numbers of
officers have fraudulently received pay
several times for the same month’s ser
vice. In one case, an officer was paid
thirteen times for ope month’e, spryiw».