gtrtjettigmitt*. WEDNESDAY, JULY 18, 1860. TUe printing presses snail be free to every person who undertakes to examine the pro- of the legislature, or any branch of fovemment; and no law shall ever be made o restrain the right thereof The free commu nication of thought and opinions is one of the Invaluable rights of men; and every citizen may .freely speak, write and print on any sub ject; being responsible for the abuse of that liberty. In prosecutions for the publication of papers Investigating the official conduct of offi cers, or men in pubTio capacities, or where the matter published Is proper for publlo informa tion, the truth thereof may bo given In evi dence.” FOR GOVERNOR: Hon. HIESTEB CIIMEB, of Berks Co. JOHNSON, CLTHEB AND THE UNION. CALL FOB A STATE CONVENTION OF HONORABLY DISCHARGED OFFICERS, SOLDIERS AND SEAMEN OF PENNSYLVANIA. The Soldiers’ Convention which met in Pittsburg on the 6th of June last, and which pledged their comrades in this State to the support of the radical measures of Congress» in opposition to the just and constitutional policy of President Johnson, and which promised their votes to John W. Geary, the radical candidate for Governor, misrepre sented the sentiments of the great mass of the officers and soldiers of Pennsylvania. In order that a true expression of opinion mrght be had from thelale defenders of the government in the field, and to counteract the injury attempted to be done to the cause of the Union, it was deemed advisable by the late offlcors and soldiers of the Federal army in this State to hold another Conven tion. A preliminary meeting of returned officers and soldiers, with this object in view, was holden on Thursduy, the2Bth of June, when it was resolved to hold A State Convention nt HnrriHlmrg-, on Wednesday. August Ist, 1860, at 10 o’clock, A. M., to bo composed of such honorably discharged officers, soldiers and seamen qf Pennsylvania, as subscribe to the following doctrine, viz: 1. Who are in favor of carrying out, in good faith, the joint resolution of Congress, adopted July 22d, 1861, which declared that, "This war is not prosecuted on our part in any spirit of oppression, nor for any pur pose of conquest or subjugation, but to de fend and maintain the supremacy of the Constitution and to preserve the Union, with all the dignity, equality, and rights of the several Slates unimpaired/’ These were the conditions of the bond the soldiers signed and sealed in blood with ihegovern inont, and a refusal now to carry them out is a gross violation of a solemn agreement; 2. Who are in fuvorof restoringtho States lately in rebellion to all their constitutional relations with the Federal Union as they stood before the war broke out, according to the humane and constitutional policy laid down by President Johnson; 3. Who are in favor of representatives from the South, loyal to the Constitution and the laws, being immediately received by Congress; 4. Who approve President Johnson’s ve toes of the Freedman’s bureau and Civil Rights Bills; 6. Who are opposed to any interference, by Congress, with the rights of the States reserved by the Constitution, and who are opposed to the right of suffrage being con 'ferred upon the negro; * 6. And who ace in favor of the election of Hiestor Clymer, Democratic candidate for Governor of Pennsylvania, the representa tive pf the constitutional and conservative doctrine stated above. Each county will bo entitled to send seven delegates to the Convention; and where a county lias more than one member in the House of Representatives, such county will be entitled to seven delegates for each ad- ditional member. The delegates are to be selected by the honorably discharged officers, soldiers and seamen of the counties respect ivel}’ In addition to tho delegates selected, nil other honorably discharged officers, soldiers and seamen who sympathize with the object in view, are invited to meet at Harrisburg on that occasion. W. W. H. DAVIS, j J. WESLEY AWL. £?iv, 1 . L) ‘ Uh P * V - Lt - Col. 201st P. V OWEN JONES, R. P. MCWILLIAMS. , rt 4'°T l W lHt Cavalry. Captain IvCtli P. V JOHN P. LINTON, C. B. BRUCKWAY, Lt. Col. 6-J.Lh P. V. I Capl. Ist Pa. Art Veto of the Freedmen’s Bureau Bill Its Passage over the Veto. The President yesterday returned to the House of Representatives the bill extending the Freedmen’s Bureau, with his objections thereto. He considers it inconsistent with the welfare of the country, and liable to the same consti tutional objections that he made to a similar measure a few months ago. He adheres to the principles set forth in that message, and reaffirms the position then taken. He opposes military' tri bunals for tho trial of civilians as pro vided in the bili, and says the administration of justice by civil courts is no longer interrupted in any State in tire Union. Another ground of objection is the tendency of agents of the bureau to use it for the purpose of promoting their own inter ests, as the recent investigation into its mangement has fully shown. After the message had been read, the question was taken upon the bill, (the objections of the President to the contrary, not withstanding,) and it passed by a vote of 103 to 33. Only three Republicans (Raymond of Flew York, Washburne of Indiana, and Kuykendall of Illinois) voted in the negative. The action of the House was communicated to the Senate, and the bill was also passed by that body by the requisite two-third vote, and like the Ciyil Rights Bill it has become a law. It will be impossi ble for the Radicals to carry the heavy load they are heaping on theirshoulders, and a consciousness of impending de feat seems to have made them utterly reckless. What Did the Soldiers Fight For ? What did the soldiers of the Union army fight for? A Republican news paper asks that question. We will try to answer it in a few plain words. When the flag, the symbol of the Union as formed by our fathers under the Constitution, was fired upon at Sumter, thousands of brave men rushed toarms. Forwhat? Was it to free the negroes? Let the RadicalHisunionists tell the returned veterans that, if thev dare. When President Lincoln issued his proclamation freeing the slaves what was the ground on which he professed to stand ? Was not the act justified it was believed soldiers fought for the restoration of the Union under the Constitution. That was the one great, grand, holy object which they kept singly in view. They did not fight to conquer equal rights for the negro, and in the coming elections they will show their scorn of that politi cal party which would delay the resto ration of the Union until the odious conditions of negro suffrage and negro equality are forced upon an unwilling people. The soldiers read and thiuk for themselves now, and they cannot fail to see that the party which nomi nated Geary is unequivocally committed to all the infamous schemes of the Radicals in Congress. Whatever the soldiers may think of Geary’s military record they cannot endorse his political position. They cannot and will not vote with any party which makes the Union for which they fought subordi nate to negro equality. The soldiers fought for the Union, not for the negro ; and they will vote as they shot. Pkogbess, with the Abolition ieaderg means, first. Emancipation ; next, Suf frage, and finally, Amalgamation. The first step cost more blood and treasure nation ever shed and expend ed In any one war. While the struggle for Suffrage and Amalgamation is pro gressing, the emancipated negro will perish. How Certain Yankees Manipulated the Tariff BUI. The swindling and trickery of the Yankees who control the Rump Con ; gress, cannot be better illustrated than ; by,a pleceofrascaUty hatched out In the committee which reported the tariff ; bill now under consideration. As the bill came from the hands of its manipu lators, a duty of $22.40 a ton was put upon rails ufeed in laying railroads. This was a large figure. New England was willing to consent to .burthening the whole railroad interests of the coun try to that enormous extent, provided another sharp little dodge could be suc cessfully carried out. By another dause of the bill, the duty on scrap iron and old rails was fixed at the low rate of $5 a ton. Thiß would not attract the attention of any casual reader or of any ordinary business man. The thing looked to be perfectly fair and honest. But there was a sharp Yankee trick in it, by the successful playing of which certain New England capitalists were to be insured immense fortunes. Ithadbeensuccess fully played before. New rails, made in England, were to be imperfectly ; rolled and sprinkled with salt water until they were well rusted, when they were to come in under the low duty im posed on scrap and old rails. The Yan kee capitalists would take them in hand and by a small amount of labor and an insignificant expenditure of money, would re-roll them and convert them into the highest-priced rails in the market., Thus on every ton thus manipulated the Government would be cheated out of $17.40, and an immense profit would go into the pockets of cer tain sharp tricksters. But this shrewd contrivance extend ed still further. Coal would be needed to re-roll these old rails. It must be bituminous. None was to be found in New England. Where was it to be got ? There was plenty of it in Pennsylvania, but the freight would make it a costly article. It abounded in Nova Scotia. How was it to be imported cheap? This was as easily fixed as the dodge about the importation of new rails for old ones. A tariff of $1.50 a ton wasiput upon all an thracite coal imported. As noneof that w T as brought into the country from abroad there was no necessity for put ting it into the bill, but tlieu it looked like protection you know. On bitumi nous coal brought from England and other parts of Europe the tariff was also fixed at $1.50 a ton. Here again was a fine show of protection. But on bitu minous coal imported into New England from the near province of Nova Scotia the duty was fixed at the nominal figure of fifty cents a ton. Thus .all the rascals engaged in the re-rolling of rail road iron, and all the rich manufacturers of New England were to get imported coal at lower rates than it could be dug from the minesofPennsylvania. When it is remembered that New England uses between four and five millions of tons :of bituminous coal a year, some estimate may be made of the extent of this swindle. A prominent Congress man from Pennsylvania, a radical of course, stood by consenting to this in famous piece of Yankee trickery. But what else was to be expected when we remember that a number of the radical Congressmen from this State are itiner ant Yankees, and that the rest are in close proximity with the fanatics and swildling tricksters of New England. This is only a-single specimen of the scondrelism constantly practiced by the corruptcrew nowinpower. They legis late for the benefitof individuals, of rich corporations and ofNew England, at the ( expense of the people and the country ; at large. How long will the people of { Pennsylvania submit to be dragged along as a mere appendage to the Kite of a set of corrupt and fanatical . Yankees? Tim Express of yesterday eveuing has a characteristic article. A certain Hiram Young, a radical blackguard who edits a newspaper in York, has been on here giving an account of his troubles. Upon the formation of the York Johnson and Clymer Soldiers’ Club, this scurvy rascal, who edits a ne gro equality newspaper there, denounced the brave men who repudiated the paper general Geary, as deserters, cowards and Hessian hirelings. Whereupon some of these Democratic soldiers called on'- this libeller and defamer and demanded au explanation. Conscious of having countenanced andencouraged the mob bing of Democratic newspapers during the war, he thought the day of retribu tion had come. He hastened to apolo gize and was done to him either in person or property. He is now going about whimpering and whining like a whipped cur, and such news papers as * the Express profess to be horrified at what it calls an attempt to introduce Southern manners and mob law into Pennsylvania. While the Democratic press has persis tently denounced and discountenanced every act of mob violence which so often occurred during the war, and every at tempt to abridge the freedom of speech and of the press, the Express and the Republican press throughout the coun try persistently encouraged a spirit of violence on the part of the populace and of intolerance on the part of Government officials. Time and again we have had to rebuke the Express for the publication of articles which were perfectly infamous. It ought to re member a scoring we gave it just after the last Presidential election. Surely the Editor has not forgotten how he then urged the suppression of Demo cratic newspapers in Pennsylvania. His language was of such a character as to be admirably calculated to excite to mob violence, The times are changed now. The despicable cowards who were then so ready to insult Democrats and to perse cute them for opinion's sake do not find the game to be so safe as it once was. They are liable to be called to account for their infamous and slanderous lies, and compelled to retract them. This is no doubt a bitterpiliforthese intolerant and bigoted wretches to swallow. They do not relish the contents of the chalice they so often held to the lips of loyal and unoffending Democrats; and there is a terrible row to be sure when some stay at home coward, like the Editor of the \ork True Democrat , is compelled to apologize for his unmeasured and outrageous abuse of brave Democratic soldiers, who perilled life and limb, not for the negro, but for the Constitution and the Union. We deprecate all mob violence. We will go as faras anyman' to suppress auy attempt at outrage or intimidation, but we do thiuk it is high time that the Editors of negro-equality newspapers learned that they can no longer insult Democrats and Democra tic soldiers with impunity. Fair Play Was it frank, fair or manly to ask the Southern States to ratify the Constitu tional Amendments abolishing Slavery if we intended after they accepted that Condition, to keep them out of the Union ? The returned veterans are responding nobly to the call for a genuine Soldiers’ Convention. Every Democratic ex change we pick up has a long list of the names of true Union Soldiers calling County Conventions of their comrades who endorse Johnson and Clymer to send delegates to Harrisburg. Tim Convention will be one of the largest ever held in this State. A Few Texts forme Speakers fffio Ad dressed the Geary Club on Satnrday Night. Gentlemen gas bags! If, as you each hinted, you intend to take the stump for Geary in the pendingcontest, would it not be well for you to take’the follow ing propositions for political texts : v Ist. That the war was waged to re store the Union. 2d. That the soldiers enlisted and fought for that one sacred- object, and for that alone. 3d. That the war is now over. 4th. That the Southern people are ready, willing and anxious to resume their former relations to the Govern ment of the United States, and deter mined to bear true allegiance to the Constitution. oth. That the only obstacle to a speedy and complete restoration of the Union Is the fear that with its restoration the sceptre of power may depart from the hands of such men as Thad. Stevens and Charles Sumner. 6th. That if the Union is ever to be restored we must live on terms of amity with the white people of the South, who were almost a unit in the rebellion, or, ignoring them, must give the govern ment of that section into the hands of the negroes. 7th. That the latter is the design of the Radicals who lead the Republican party, and the object of the proposed amendments to the Constitution of the United States. Bth. That tbe Radicals in Congress and the Republican members of the recent State Legislature of Pennsyl vania, showed that they were in favor of negro suffrage, by voting to enfran chise all the negroes in the District of Columbia, and by conferring the right of suffrage, upon them in all the terri tories of the United States. Oth. That the Republican party of the State of Pennsylvania declared itself to be in favor of ;negro suffrage and negro equality, when it unqualifiedly endors ed the course of the Radicals in Con. gress. 10th. That when Geary endorsed that platform he endorsed negro suffrage and negro equality. 11th. That the Civil Rights Bill, which was passed over the President’s veto by a radical Republican vote of two-thirds of each house of Congress, was directly intended to make the ne gro the political and social equal of the white man. 12th. That the Freedmen’s Bureau Bill, which has been passed a second time, after being very properly vetoed by the President, appropriates many millions of money wrung from the pockets of the working white men of the North by burthensorue taxation, for the purpose of supporting a horde of negroes in idleness and aiding a set of Yankee agents and speculators to en rich themselves by plunder and the emoluments of office. 13th. That the Republican party which came into power upon loud pro fessions in favorof retrenchment and re form has proven to be the most corrupt political organization which ever dis graced this or arty other government— that under its thieving administration and gross mismanagement during the war five dollars were wasted foreveryone necessarily expended, and that, during the present session alone, the Rump Congress has engaged in jobs of tram parent swindling amounting to over two hundred millions of dollars. We furnish the above texts gratis, because the speakers of last Saturday night geemed to be at a loss for subjects on which to address their hearers. Not a word had one of them to say on these great vital issues. We shall add to the list from time to time. One word more, gentlemen gas bags, and we have done with you for the present. If you suppose that vulgar slang and senseless vituyeration will carry you successfully through the pre sent campaign you are mistaken. The people will demand that you shall meet the great issues of the day fairly and squarely. Your efforts of Saturday night showed that you cannot do so. Unless you can and do, j-ou might as well prepare for the most disastrous political defeat. - Southern Radicals. Certain Southern Radical hangers-on at Washington, political mendicants, scurvy fellows who have no standing and no influence at home, have been hawking about the streets and bar rooms of the Capital a call for a Con vention of Southern Radicals. The ex pected appearance of this document had been heralded far and wide by Forney and other writers of his school. It was published yesterday with a few names appended. Among the signers there is not one who has any political standing or influence at home. Small as the list of signers is, they are nearly every one insignificant no-bodies who have never been heard of before. As greedy place hunters happened along their names were solicited and appended to the call. At least that is what a leading Repub" lican newspaper says. There is no pre tense that these signers have been in communication with the people of the States from which they profess to come, or that they in any way represent any body but themselves. Any attempt to get up a convention to endorse such a call would be an utter failure in any Southern State, and not a corporals’ guard could be got together for that pur pose in any Congressional district. For ney blows loudly about the affair, and says truly that it endorses the promi nent Radical doctrine of negro equality and negro suffrage. This bogus Con vention is to meet in Philadelphia on the first Monday of September. Before that time the people of the entire South will have been heard from through their regularly selected and duly authorized delegates totheNational Union Convention of August 14th. We have no doubt judicious conservative men will be chosen. It may be some will be there who served in the rebel armies, but if they are they will display a patriotic devotion to the country and a regard for the constitution which will put such northern disunionists as Stevens, Sumner and Forney to the blush. All who come will be expected to stand squarely and honestly by the Union and the Constitution. The peo ple of the South have shown that they are ready to do that in good faith, and their representatives to the National Convention will furnish overwhelming and convincing evidence of that great fact. No party except one reduced to utter desperation would attempt to get together such a gathering as that of the Southern radicals will be. It will rep resent nobody except the New England fanatics and their corrupt imitators in P< 'ennsylvaniaandelsewhere. The Radi cal party can never be transformed into a national party by any such agency. It must remain what it is, a mere sec tional organization, and the most in famous and corrupt one the world ever saw. does not subscribe to the objects of the Philadelphia 14th of August Conven tion can no longer be officer of mine ” Such is the substance of the last decree of the Tennessee Tribune.— Forney'a JFVeM. Do you hear that Messrs, office-hold ers of Lancaster county. Forney knows. He is keen at scenting a wind that sets unfavorably toward place-holders. How are you on the August Convention? That Is a serious question. Ponder it well and report. SlareiT In Hassaeinuetts. The institution of Slavery has excited the hostility of the New England Btates which its tridersjppuld fill theirpockets. Up to the time that this feet Puri taps had do difficulty whatever in satisfying conaidence ofthe divineright by whjsh “ indians, mullatoee, negroes said other held in bondage, and traded in with the same facility as in those States now so bitterly denounced by Sumner and Boutwell. We mention Messrs. Sumner and Bout well because propose to make a few extracts from the early history^ of the State they represent, showing with what ease their ancestors of less than three generations back could sell and otherwise use human chattels. We shall first give an extract showing, that like the masters of the South whom it is the fashion now to hold up to pious and hypocritical horror, the Puritans had a decided liking for the fairest, and best proportioned of their female cap tives. We quote: “By this pinnace, you shall receive forty-eight or fifty fifty women and children (Pequods). Concerning which, there is one, I formerly mentioned, that is th q fairest and largest that X saw amongst them, to whom I have given a coate to cloathe her. It is my desire to have her for a servant, if it may stand to your liking, else not. There is a little squaw that Steward Culacut desireth, to whom he hath given a coate. Lieut. Devenport also desireth one, to wit: a small one that hath threestrokes upon her stomach thus: 111 X, He desireth her, if it will stand to your liking. Solomon the Indian desireth a young little squaw which I know not.” M. S. Letter in Mass. Archives quoted by Drake , 171. For some time the only authority by which slaves seem to have been held in Massachsetts was universal consent not founded upon legislation. This consent it was contended was consonant with the “ law of nations , supported by the express or implied authority of the home (British) Government. ” Hurd's Law of Freedom and Bondage. The first slatue ESTABLISHING SLAVERY IN AMERICA is to be found in the famous Code of Funda mentals, or Body of Liberties of the Massachusetts Colony in New England —adopted 1641. The ninety first article of the Body of Liberties reads as follows: “There shall never be any bond Slaverie, Villinage, or Capti vatie amongst us unless it be lawful captives taken in just warres , and such stranger as willingly sell themselves, or are sold to us. And these shall have all the liberties and Christian usages which the law of God established in Israeli, concerning such persons doeth morally require” Mass. H. S. Call. 111., VIII., 231. It will be observed that the spirit of Massachusetts law under the Puritans was purely theocra tic, that nothing was to go into the Statute book that was not hedged all round by that which they interpreted as the express, or implied authority of God. For this reason they established slavery, as they alleged, as “God estab lished it in Israeli.” Thisstatutenever was repealed during the whole Colonial period and was never expressly repeal ed until the recent Constitutional Amendment abolishing slavery in all the States. Mr. Moore in his history says that the inhabitants of Massachu setts considered this statute [9lst, as abovej “based upon the Mosaic code, and that it was considered as an absolute recognition of slavery as a legitimate status, and of the right of one man to sell himself as well as that of another man to to buy him. It sanctions the slave trade and the perpetual bondage of indians and negroes, their children and their children’s children, and entitles Massachusetts to precedence over any and all the other colonies in similar legislation. It anticipates by many years any tiling of the sort to be found in the statutes of Virginia , or Maryland , or South Carolina .” Massachusetts’ legal and historical authorities have repeatedly asserted either ignorantly or falsely, with this statute on the record, “ that slavery seems to have crept in ; not probably by force of any law, for none such is found or known to exist.” Mr. Sumner said June 28, 1854, that “ in all her annals, no person was ever born a slave on the soil of Massachu setts ” and “if, in point of fact, the issue of slaves was sometimes held in bondage, it | was never by sanction of any statute-ilaw of Colony or Common wealth.” Mr. Palfrey, a Massachusetts historian says the same thing, but Mr. Moore puts a quietus upon Messrs. Sumner and Palfrey by quoting from the proceedings of the Supreme Court of Massachusetts for the year 1799, in which it was held that a negro girl born in the province in 1759 to have been the lawful slave of a citizen of the Colony rom 1760't0 1776. It was not our intention in this arti cle to run into the days of Massachu setts as a State. The “ good old Colony times ” which were under the guidance I of the liberty-seeking saints of the Mayflower, and their immediate de scendants, were those we wished to lay before our readers. There lias been so much claimed for the probity and piety of the first settlers of Mass. Bay Colony, that we are almost afraid to correct so flatteringahistoricalimpression. Listen to the folio wing passage from Josselyn’s Account of Two Voyages to New Eng land, published at London 1664: “ Th e second of October 1639,(n ot n i n e teen years after the landing of the May flower), about 9 o’clock in the morning, Mr. Maverick’s negro woman came to my Chamber window, and in her own Countrey language and tune sang very loud and shrill; going out to her, she used a great deal of respect towards me, and willingly would have expressed her grief in English ; but I apprehended it by her countenance and deportment, whereupon I repaired to my post, to learn of him the cause, and resolved to intreat him in her behalf, for that I had understood before, that she had been a Queen in her own Countrey, and ob served a very humble and dutiful garb used towards her by another negro woman who was her maid. Mr. Mav- erick was very desirous to have a breed of negroes, and therefore seeing she would not yield by persuasion to com- pany with a negro young man he had in his house, he commanded him will’d she nill’d she (that is, whether she would or not) to go to bed to her, which was no sooner done than she kicked him out again, this she took in high disdain beyond her slavery, and this was the cause of her grief.” We suppose Messrs. Sumner, Bout well, Palfrey and others, would have us suppose that Mr. Maverick merely wanted a 11 breed of negroes” to make them free. Mr. Maverick doubtles would have thrown himself upon the law of Moses, and held the descendants of the “ Quedn in her own Countrey” as being of the class described as those “ bom in the house” and hence slaves. Frauds on the Treasury. Duplicate and even triplicate five twenty coupons, upon which the gold has been paid, are beginning to come in at the Treasury Department in large numbers. Whether the Government is to continue the payment of these spuri ous coupons until the bonds become duei remains to be seen, as no way to detect the spurious from the genuine has yet been discovered. Some Lancaster county radical, who feujj&he day may be delayed when a BhaU be declared to be hia equal, naa Addressed a note to George Bergner, of the 'Harrisburg Telegraph asking Curtin has npt called' the Legislature together to ratify the .negro equality amendment ta ithe Con* TOtuUQh'-df the United States/Berguer replies that aftef announcing his inten tion of so doing Curtin went on to Washington, on very urgent business, and that before he returned a prominent Copperhead was heard $o declare pub licly on the streets of Harrisburg, that the Legislature would not be ! con vened In extra session. Bergner goes on to state further that a meet ing of a large majority of the Re publican members of the last Legisla ture was held in the city of Philadelphia on the Fourth day of July, at which time a committee was appointed to wait upon the Governor and urge upon him the propriety of the great State of Penn sylvania being among the first to ratify the Constitutional Amendment, and that committee was empowered to give assurance to the Governor that the Re publican members of the Legislature would come to Harrisburg without charging one single cent for their ser vices. This committee waited upon his Excellency, then in the city, and urged upon him the views of their fellow members, but without receiving any definite reply the committee withdrew from his presence. We hope the Lancaster county radi cal is entirely satisfied with Bergner’s explanation. We are. We do not care what reasons may be assigned for the action of the Governor. He is right. The best joke we have heard for some time, is Bergner’s assertion that the Republican members of the Legislature agreed to assemble without a cent of pay. Catch those loyal patriots doing that! They would not have been satis fied without extra pay, beyond what they are entitled to. Governor Curtin has done just what was proper. He has saved the State from no little expense, and has given the people a chance to decide whether they desire the endorse ment of the Constitutional amendment. Right both ways. Curtin is so uncer tain a public character, however, that we should not be surprised to hear that he had agreed to call the Legislature to gether any day. The Lancaster county Radical should not be driven to despair by what Bergner says. $B,OOO and Mijeage! Eight thousand dollars and mileage No less! That is the rate at which the members of the Rump Congress propose to pay themselves, commencing ;with the session now happily about to close. On Saturday last the following pro ceedings were had in the House : Mr. Niblack, of Indiana, from the Com mittee on Appropriations, reported a bill to provide for and to regulate the compensa tion of Senators, Representatives and dele gates in Congress. Read twice, ordered to be printed and postponed till Wednesday. The bill fixes the compensation at 58,000 for each Congressman and the mileage at the rate of ten cents per mile. The Presi dent ot the Senate is to have the same com pensation as the Vice President of the United States, and the Speaker is to have double the compensation of members, ex cept as to mileage, which is to be the same. In case of the death of a member, his repre sentatives are to receive at the rate of $4,000 per annum from the date of the commence ment of Congress up to the time of death, and his successor is to be paid from that day. The bill is to apply to the members of the present Congress from the 4th of March, 1866, except as to mileage. What do the tax payers of Lancaster city and county think of that? Will that serve to open their eyes ? The bill may not pass during the present session. The thieving scoundrels may deem it better to postpone it. But just so surely as the next Congress is composed of Radicals, so surely will they lay this further burden upon the people. They will claim that the people have endorsed their proposed action, and they will be right about the matter. The Day of Adjournment Fixed. Let the people rejoice! The Infamous crew of Radicals who compose the Rump Congress have at last iixed a day when an adjournment will take place. A caucus was held last Saturday night. In Forney’s Sunday Press we find the following telegram: The caucus meeting of the Unionists of Congress, held this evening, was largely at tended, and everything passed off harmoni ously. Gen. Banks was in the chair. The object of the meeting was to hear the report of the committee appointed at the last cau cus. The principal subject that the com mittee had under consideration was the ad journment of Congress. After the com mittee reported, it was finally agreed that the adjournment should takeplace on Mon day week, July 23d, by a vote of 60 yeas to 40 nays. Many of these men go home to use all their influence to secure a re-election. They ought, without exception, to be repudiated by the people. A number of those who now misrepresent Penn sylvania districts will be defeated. All good men will combine for this purpose, and their efforts will be rewarded with success. Curtin’s Latest Definition or his Position. | Just as we expected. No sooner does Bergner commence abusing Governor Curtin in regard to his action in refer ence to the negro equality amendment, I than out comes his Excellency with an explanatory letter. If the troubled Lancaster County Radical will take the time to read through a long epistle from Curtin, which appears in yesterday’s Press, he will be able to ascertain what views our Executive flow entertains.— He may have some trouble in making out what he means, but we think a very little faith will enable him to reach the pleasant conviction that the Governor is eminently sound on the negro.— Among much silly twaddle we find the following: • “It (the proposed amendment,) isjust and equitable in overy sense, and, while it leaves the question of suffrage wholly with the States, where it properly belongs, it makes every appeal to the interests and pride of the States to liberalize their policy, and give to all classes the benefit of American civilization.” If we can understand English that means negro suffrage and negro equal ity. The Governor is a candidate for the United States Senate and resolved not to be outbid by Forney. Forney is for negro suffrage—so is Curtin. The only question is which is most so. An llonor Well-Deserved. I We notice at the commencement of Princeton College, N. J., a few weeks ago, that, among others, the Honorary degree of A. M., was conferred upon Prop. Albert N. Raub, a native of this county. Prof. Raub is a graduate oftheMilieravilleNormalSchool. Dur ing the last four or five years he has very satisfactorily filled several impor tant positions. Lately he has been called to the Professorship of English Literature and Science in the Keystone State Normal School. He is also en gaged in writing a series of School Books; Spellers and Readers. Two of which—the Normal and Primary Spellers have lately been published by Tower, Barnes & Co., Philadelphia; and have been already quite extensively in. traduced into Schools. We predict a successful future for Prof. Raub. The Honorary degree of A. M. by the Prince ton College is one worth having, and In the present instance well deserved. We • are pleased to make a note of it. It is said that Gov. Fenton, of the New York “grand moral idea party,” has pardoned Ketchum, the forger. He lately pardoned a notorious mock auc tioneer. weisidh of the Supreme Conrt on the Deserter Law. We publish to-day the decision of the Bupreme Court of this State upon the laws of Congress under the provis ional which many men were denied thd'right, to vote in this State at the last election, ffhe opinion of the Court was delivered by Judge Strong, a staunch Republican, and settles the fact that in future no man can be denied the right of suffrage In this State or a charge of desertion unless he shall first have been tried convicted and sentenced by a court martial. Jn this opinion Chief Justice Woodward and Justices Strong and Thompson agreed, while Reed and Agnew dissented. f The Patriot & Union, in an able edi torial, sayß; The decision of the Court does not as- Bume the unconstitutionality of the act Congress, under which the case arose though it recites the grounds upon which its constitutionality has been as sailed : first, that it is ex post facto: second, that it is an attempt to regulate the right of suffrage in the States: and. third, that it proposes to inflict pains and penalties before and without trial and conviction by due process of law. Upon the first, it is stated that it may ha insisted that the penalty is not pre scribed for the original desertion but for persistence in desertion. Upon the second, it is stated that the only upon the individual offender, and does not override State laws, but leaves each State to determine the qualifications of the voter. Upon the third, it is stated that the law does not presume to inflict the addi tional punishment of disfranchisement upon deserters, except upon trial and conviction by court martial according to the provisions of previous acts to which the act in question is only supplemental. According to this view a person who deserted from the military service pre vious or since the passage of the act of March 3, 1860, might be disfranchised, but only after trial by regular court mar tial, conviction , sentence and approval of sentence, the same as in other cases in which desertion is punished. Ac cording to this view, also, a record from a provost marshal’s office, the War De partment, or Adjutant General’s office, charging a man with desertion and classifying him as a deserter, is not suf ficient to entail disfranchisement, and no election officer or board of election can ■■ assume authority to reject any man's I vote upon such grounds. There is no I authority, therefore, under which an I election board can assume to reject such I vote except through the regular record I of an approved sentence of a court mar- I tial. Election officers cannot presume to try men for the crime of desertion, be cause, among other reasons, their de cision would not be a bar to subsequent trial for the same offence by acompetent tribunal, and it -is not lawful to have two courts to try one offence—each to administer a portionofthepunishment. Besides this, it is held that it is not in the power of Congress to conferuponan election board, which is exclusively of Statecreation, jurisdiction to try offences against the United States. Congress can not vest the judicial power of the United States in any Siate or sovereignty. Hence even the Legislature of Pennsylvania cannot prescribe penalties for offences against the Jj nited State , nor authorize either State courts or election boards to try or punish offenders against the United States. disfranchisementact, based as it is upon the act of Congress, and intended to be co-operative with it, is therefore a nullity. Only through courts martial can deserters be punished, and as no State is authorized to consti tute such courts, the legislative act falls to the ground. * Although the constitutionality of the act of Congress was not at issue in the cause, and although the court does not consider that subject in full in all its bearings, Chief Justice Woodward does not hesitate to say that he considers the act to be ex post facto in respect to all soldiers who deserted prior to March 3. 1860. ’ This decision of the Supreme Court will enable every man in Pennsylvania , qualified under the State election laws, to vote, unless he has been tried , convicted and sentenced to disfranchisement for desertion by court martialß.nd\xu\eßQ the sentence has been approved by the Com mander-In-Chief of the Federal army. Should any election officer or board re fuse the vote of any man, except as above, he or they will be subject to severe punishment. Notwithstanding these facta, however, there may be attempt made to intimidate persons from voting by threats of arrest and trial by court martial for desertion. It can be author itatively declaredthatcourt-martialsare j ended. There will be no more trials for I desertion! The armies are disbanded; I the Government has no use for their services; and it is not so vindictive as to hunt up victims now to punish. Be sides all this it cannot afford to send out guards to hunt up deserters and main tain courts-martial for their trial. Each tiial would coat the Government many thousands of dollars —which is an ex pense which the President will not by any means sanction, merely to aid poli ticans in making or destroying a few votes. Greeley Alarmed. The New York Tribune has been most bitter in its denunciation of the National Union Convention to be held In Phila delphia on the 14th of August- Its fears are excited to such a pitch that it raves frantically from day to day. At first it affected to despise the movement as in significant; of late, however, it has al tered its tune. In yesterday's issue it says: This Philadelphia Convention has the sub stantial support, to start with, of the party which polled over 1,800,000 votes for Mc- Clellan and Pendleton in 1864. Then it is backed by the essentially unchanged rebels, with scarcely an exception. Add to these the Federal Executive, with its despotic power over what Mr. Randall jerms the 1 bread and butter” of more than One Hun dred Thousand Republicans now in office, yet who are given to understand that their official heads must fall if they fail to sup port “my policy,” and the Philadelphia Convention movement is seen to be suffi ciently formidable to justify and demand fixed attention. No wonder the Tribune is startled by its own figures. We will not complain about the terms of classification it em ploys, or the names it applies to oppo nents. It is at liberty to style every Southerner who is not ready to endorse the doctrine of negro suffrage an “ un changed Rebel.” It may stigmatize the vast body of Conservative Republi cans who stand by President Johnson as it sees fit. Its ill names will make them nonetheless numerous or respect able. The fact stands out well ascer tained and acknowledged, according to the Tribune's own showing, that the radical wing of the Republican party is already hopelessly in the minority when the vote of the whole country is taken into account. The Philadelphia Convention will represent a large ma jority of the people of the United States. It is no wonder Greely is alarmed at the formidable character of this politi cal movement. It promises to destroy the radical disunion party in the North, and that speedily, for whlcn all good men should be thankful. Forney In the Dumps. Mrs. Swisshelm, the Radical editress, is the Washington correspondent of the Chambersburg Repository. In last week’s paper is a letter in which she says: . John W. Forney, Wilkinson, late cor* respondent of the New York Tribune here and other men of that stamp, have been feeling gloomy during the past week and talking of “ Btormy times ” ahead. The country will rejoice to hear that The “ dead duck ” is beginning to re alize that he is really a defunct orni thological specimen. He sees the near approach of the downfall of the corrupt political organization which has enabled him to wax fat on public plunder. When such men as Forney feel gloomy in regard to the political situation the people have good cause to rejoice. The reign of the thieves is drawing to a close. Often as it has been charged that Geary is in favor of negro suffrage and negro equality, he has never yet denied it. Let every voter remember that. BepresensUdft' We commend to the consideration of the editor of the Express the following extract from a speech of Senator Hen .drickfl. He showed up the Insincerity of the radical rant about unequal repre sentation most effectually, and forced the Republicans in Congress to take a position which proves clearly that they are only maneuvering In this matter to Becure some advantages for the next Presidential election. If they were sin cere in their dread of increased repre sentation for the South, why did'they reject Mr. Hendricks’ proposition. Mr. Hendricks said: But, sir, if you will amend the Constitu tion at this most unfortunate time, and while the States most to be affected are unrepresented, I will meet you upon a ground you cannot question, and will pro pose that the Southern States shall have no increase of representation by reason of the freedom of the slaves; and to that end I offer the following amendment, so that the section shall read: “Representatives shall be apportioned among the several States which may be included ■within the Union according to their respective numbers, counting the whole number of persons in each State, ex cluding Indians not taked, and excluding, also, two-tilths of such persons as have been discharged from involuntary service by anv proclamation of the President of the United States or by the amendment of the Consti tution of the United States since the year 1861, and to whom the elective franchise may be denied.” If, now, the objection is made in good faith that the evil you would avoid is the increase of Southern representation by the freedom of the slaves, then this amendment is agreeable to you and will be accepted. But it will not be accepted if the purpose really is to reduce the representation of the agricultural sections and thus relatively in crease the power of the manufacturing in terests, perpetuate a policy that enriches the capital of one section and bears heavily upon the capital and labor of another. For 110 opportunity has been lost to build up the interests ot the New England States. With that end in view, tariff and internal tax laws and drafts have been ad justed, and banking capital distributed; so that now almost every investment of capital in that section yields from fifteen to one hundred per cent, pro fit, while in Indiana and Illinois the bushel of corn that ought to bo worth to the farmer fifty cents, being manufactured into whiskey, is taxed eight dollars; the bushel yieldingfour gallons. Mr. President, I rejoice in the prosperity of any section wheu.it is the result of legitimate trade, under equal laws, for then it is the prosper ity of the whole country ; but I call upon Senators to hesitate before they surrender a representation that is a reliable support to our great interest, agriculture. Of course the Radicals rejected Sena tor Hendricks’ amendment. It did nol suit the Yankee fanatics, whose political bond-slaves we are ail under the present radical rule. The Republican Caucus—Authorized Statement. The New York Tribune publishes the following under the above heading : In the Republican caucus last night Gen. Banks took the chair, and stated that the object of the meeting was either to fix the date of the adjournment of both Houses, or to agree upon a recess. Mr. Ashley favored a recess. Sena tors, he said, could stay in executive session, to prevent removals from office. He was sure that four members of the Cabinent would go out after the Phila delphia Convention. A member from Wisconsin, whose name the Iribunc reporter could not hear distinctly, offered a resolution bind ing each member of the caucus to abide byits action, and to maintain secresy as to its proceedings. Messrs. Hale and Bingham opposed this. While Mr. Bingham was speaking, a member jumped up and remarked that he did not see the use of pledging to secresy, as there was an audience pres ent. Several members inquired where the audience was, and it was soon found that a colored man had found his way into the gallery, and was listening at tentively to what was being said. The doorkeeper was immediately sent after him, and he was arrested. On beiug interrogated, he said he had come to see Congress. He was asked how he had got into a caucus meeting, and he re plied that he found a door open and went in, not knowing that visitors were denied admittance. Theresolution of the Wisconsin mem ber was amended so as to relate only to secresy. Here followed an animated discussion on a resolution condemning the Phila delphia Convention, which was offered by Thaddeus Stevens. Mr. Raymond discoursed as stated in yesterday’s Tribune, asserting that when he favored the call it was his understanding that it was to he a Union Convention. Mr. Hale of New York said The Nov York Evening Post, one of the best Republican papers iu the country, indorsed the Convention. Mr Wilson of Massachusetts said he differed from Mr. Hale in his estimate of The Post. It was true it was an able paper, and he had great respect for its editor, but one of its proprietors had been convicted of an infamous crime and only escaped punishment by tecn nicalities. Mr. Hale said he was acquit ted on the merits of the case. Mr. Wil son denied this. He was acquitted on a mere quibble, and there were two other charges brought against him. Mr. Wilson then referred to the Presi dent and his course, bitterly denouncing both. He knew now, what hehad been unwilling to believe heretofore, that the President was about to sell the country out to the Democratic party. Mr. Cook, 111., offered the following resolution: Resolved, That Congress ought not to ad journ until it passes some law to prevent the removal of Union men from office. Mr.Shellabargeroffered the following as a substitute for the above : Resolved, That a committee of five beap pointed to take into consideration thetime of adjournment or recess, and what shall be done in regard to keeping our friends in office. On motion, the committee was made to consist of nine—three Senators and six members. Mr. Boutwell of Massa chusette then took the floor, and in an excited manner said that the battle had commenced, and the President would take the Capitol unless the Union men took measures to prevent him. Mr. Garfield, Ohio, took similar ground, and announced the resignation of Postmaster-General Dennison. Mr. Harding, 111., said he was not afraid of Johnson’s usurpations ; still he thought something ought to be done as was suggested, in the matter of ap pointments. Mr. Ingersoll, 111., said he would as soon trust a bull inachinashop as leave Andy Johnson in possession of the Gov ernment untrammeled. The vote on the Philadelphia Con vention was then taken by Yeas and Nays. Mr. Hale (N. Y.) voted in the negative. Mr. Raymond did not vote. All others voted in the affirmative. The Designation of the Postmaster-Gen^ 'The following correspondence has just been published: Washington, Julv 11, 1866. sib: I have the honor to tenderyou here with my resignation of theoffice of Postmas ter General, to take effect upon your notify mg me of its acceptance. J In thus withdrawing from your Cabinet it is proper to say that I do so chiefly be cause of the difference of opinion between ns in regard to the proposed amendment of tne Constitution, which I approve, and the movement for the convention to be held in Philadelphia on the 14th proximo, to which I am opposed. My confidence in the patriotism of the u mon Republican party, and conviction that upon its permanent control of the Govern ment depends in a large measure the peace and happiness of the country, will not per mit of my holding any equivocal attitude in respect to it. Assuring you of my personal regard and appreciation of the uniform courtesy I have received from you, I am, very respectfully, yours, no doubt become the StateYvhtehahnn'kYY* Whdature of each “ho eipirauon ir^h oh sf en " ext Preceding Senator wus Ume tor w bloh any in Congress, shall nn State after the meeting and Tuesday proceed to elect a Senstn??n n? Uon thereof, place of such Senator |n in the in the following innnnm- 0 - 11 L 1 | u t°fflce shall ODenlv bv « .jk Dner ‘ t'lech House member present the name onho°rm ° f eS f h Seriator in Congress from anld stL, f 5 r name of the person ® shall have a majority ,ho° r number of votes cast in u llOlO shall be entered on the House by the Clerk or SrereUrY ?L r e “° f h but if either House shall fall to gWo majority to any person on said da? that shall be entered on the journal. aY 12 o'clock, meridian, of the dav following that on wh ch the proceedings are required to take place, as aforesaid, 3ie members of the two Houses shall convene in Jointassemblv and the journal of each House shall then hi read; and “the same person shall have re reived a majority of afi the votes In each House, such person shall be declared duly T, ro P reaent said State in the Congress of the United States; but if the same pemon shall not have received a ma- Jonty of the votes in ench House, or if either House shall have failed to tako proceedings n ? j S oct ’ the joint assembly ?Yt 1 ,,Yf h pnr4, rOCOOd 1° choose by a viva voce %oteof each member present a person for ho purpose aforesaid, and the person bav ,.g a majority of all the votes of the said joint assembly a tnalority of all the mom bers elected to both Houses being present und \otmg, shall ho declared duly olected ; and in case no person shall roceive such majority on the first day, the joint assembly shall meet at I- o clock each day during the session and take at least one vote ufitil a Senator be elected. Sec.'2. That whenever, on tho meeting of the Legislature ol any State, a vacaiioy Irsha eiist in tho representation of such Mute in tho Senato of theUnitodStates said Legislature shall proceed, on the second Tuesday alter the commencement of Its ses sion, to elect a person to till such vncancy in tho manner hereinbefore provided for the election of a Senator for a full term; and if a vacancy Bhali happen during the session of the Legislature, then on the second Tues day after tho Legislature shall have been organized, and sltall have notice of such vacancy. Sec. .1. That it shall bo the duty of tho Governor of the State from which any Sen ator shall have been chosen as aforesaid to certify hia election, under tho seal of the State, to the President of the Sonate of tho United States, which certitlcate shall be countersigned by the Secretary of State of the State. The Philadelphia National Convention. The National Intelligencer publishes the following circular from the Nation al Union Committee in reference to the Philadelphia National Convention: In tunny of th© States active steps have been taken to have full and able delega tions to the proposed National Union Con vention ut Philadelphia, August 14th. In others there seems to be some misunder standing as to the manner in which dele gates are to bo chosen. With a viow to givo the proper information, the following cir cular, emanating from the National Union Committee, has just been issued and sent into all the States and Territories. The in dications arc that this Convention will be one of the most imposing and important assemblages over held in this country : [circular.] Washington, p, c., July 10, 1800. i our immediate and earnest attention is invited to the annexed call for a National Convention, issued by the National Union Executive Committee, and the accompany ing endorsement thereof by prominent gon tmu6n u . re known to the country. The undersigned have been duly appoint ed a committed to facilitate anti expedite by correspondence and otherwise, such action as may seem uecepsary to brinir together at Philadelphia a Convention o the ablest men ofthe nation, without regard to their party antecedents, who favor, gen erally, the restoration policy of President Johnson has advocated as against the dangerous course pursued by the majority ol Congress. J ■ W u, .J 11 it proper to suggest that itisde sirable that there be sont from each State tour delegates at large and two from each Congressional district who favor iLe princi ples set forth iu the call, to bo taken from i su PP° r tera of Lincoln and Johnson In : 1864, and a like number from their oppo nents. Also, four delegates from each Terri tory, and fourfrom the District ofCoiumbia. In ihoso States whereof a portion ofthe peo ple were lately in rebellion,©corresponding number of delegates may bo chosen by the people generally who accept the principles stated in the call. It is not intended, how ever, that these suggestions shall interfere with any arrangements already made for the selection of delegates. It is entirely to the political organizations in the different biates aud districts thatconcur in the princi ples of the call to decide whether they will choose their delegates by joint or separate meetings, by their executive coinmitees We have been authorized to appoint tem porary executive committees in the States where the same are presumed to be neces sary. You are, therefore, requested to act as such committee, and tondopt immediate measures to secure a full delegation to the proposed Convention, not interfering how ever, with the action which existing organ izations may have taken lor tho same ob ject. Your uction will be such as to aid such movements—the purpose of your ap pointment being to provide for .the selection or delegates if no adequate preliminary arrangements have yet been made. The day fixed fortbeNational Convention is near, and we desero to impress on you and on all friends of this cause, that it is of 4I 10 * irst . importance that district or State conventions, or State executive committee 6 immediately appoint delegates. And it Is particularly requested that a list of dele gates and committees appointed bospoedily iorwarded to the chairman of this commit tee. In conclusion, wo have to add that tho paramount object of this movement is to bring into a great National Conference, irom all parts of our distracted country, wise and patriotic men, who may devise a plan of political action calculated to restore notional unity, fraternity and harmony, and secure to an afflicted people that which is so sincerely desired by all good men, tho practical blessings of an enduring place. Alex. W. Randall, Lewis D. Campbell, Montgomery Blair. Speed’s Resignation Accepted. A special despatch to the PhUa. Ledger The resignation of Attorney General bpeed was accepted this afternoon, and his connection with the office ceased this evening. It appears that Mr. Speed announced his withdrawal from the Cabinet to the President in person on Thursday last, assigning the reasons heretofore|stated in this correspondence It being necessary that he should finish certain cases under consideration in hiß department, his formal lettedihf resigna tion was not delivered till and not formally accepted till this after noon. The correspondence with the President is as brief as possible. Mr. Harlan’s formal resignation has not yet been tendered, and the indications to-day are that this, as well as Mr. Stan ton s, may, for reasons not made public be sometime withheld. Remains or Col. 8. W. Black Recovered. AVe are gratified to announce that the remains of the lamented and gallant Colonel Sam. W. Black, who was killed in the fierce contest at Gaines’ Hill In June, 1862, have been recovered by Mr. Will Black, brother of the Colonel, and Captain Crider, of the 62d Regiment who went to the battle-field for that purpose. Mr. Black, who reached home yesterday, informed us this morning that he found the Colonel’s remains under the tree where the body was left when the 62d Regiment was compelled to fall back, and identified them by a flag handkerchief found in the pocket of the clothing. The fact will he re membered that Colonel Black was one of the first to mount the ramparts at Yorktown as the rebels were fleeing, and that he hoisted the flag, placing It upon a pole. This handkerchief, al though considerably faded, was easily identified, and as its counterpart was la the possession of the widow of the de ceased, there can be no doubt whatever' of the identity of the remains. In ad dition to this, Mr. Black brought home a portion of the clothing and a leek of hair, all of which have been identified The remains are now in Washington! City, but will be brought home In a few days. The officers and members of the 62d as well as other regimen ts v have already taken measures for appropriate funeral obsequies. The old Duquesne Grays will also participate. The Scott Legion, of which deceased was a member, wili un iJ?“. b , tedl y take action to participate.. —Pittisburg Chronicle.. Dishonest Army o fleers.. The records of the Second Auditor’s- Bureau show that large numbers of officers have fraudulently received pay several times for the same month’s ser vice. In one case, an officer was paid thirteen times for ope month’e, spryiw».