uifc.r*"T 'i.i'fXA.-*>.i f'S'-W; iV-"TVTX’Ay V'i lil.l ' I UOAVJB'I lABDBMOB A CO. H. '<s‘ SaWn, 1 J, M. Cooper, Wu. A. MOIITOK, ALVBKD fiANDBnSOIt TERMS—Two Dollars por annum, payablo nil oases In advanoe, OFFlCE—Southwest cobweb or Obhtbe S4DAIIE. W All letters. on business should bo ad' dressed to CooPEB, Sanderson & Co. SlMfowu*. Suggestions for July. From the New Xorlt Obimicr. " 'Tlb Bummor i and tlio rimming grain, Field alter Held, all o’er tbo plain, By lively, freah'ulng lire boh rollo 1, Looksliko a »ea of waving gold. The mlmlo hlllowH sink and swell Llko ocean woven boro' o the gale j Onward they roll. «o oloar and bright, The brain grows giddy at the sight; And fancy almost hears the roar Of breakers on the distant shore." Wo are again sweltering amid tho fervid heat of July, which Is often tho hottest and dryeHt month of the sum mer. But hot weather Is essential to good crops of fruit, vegetables, gross and grain. Vegetation pushes forward with amazing rapidity. The labors of the garden, os well as the farm, are exceed ingly urgent during all tills month. Hay must be made ; corn and potatoes mUBt be dressed out for the last time; wheat, In some localities where the Ob server pays its weekly visits, will be fit to harvest this month ; and when the weather is lowery, or ; there is but little to do, every farmer and gardener, min ister and lawyer, can find work in ex terminating noxious weeds. Begin to cut grass early, whether you have little or much, as early-cut grass alwayß makes more nutritious liny than if It Is allowed to become fully ripe be fore it is mowed. Wet pieces of ground, that ure always Inundated with water in the spring or full, should he drained during this and the next month. Plow up, or spade up finely, every un occupied corner, and putln turnip seed. In many parts of the country, If all hands would spend only a part of some lowery day in removing hush and old logs from some piece of new ground, more than a hundred bushels of the choicest turnips can he raised, where otherwise nothing but noxious weeds would occupy the ground. Plum and cnerry trees should be bud ded this month, In those localities where the bark will peel well. Select tho sprouts that have come up this yeur, or insort the buds In the wood that bus grown tho present suuson. 800 that tomuto plants are well sup ported with trellises, before tho vines full down. Tic a rod string around the first ears of I ndian swoot corn, for seed, us the curliest will produce Corn next your several days sooner than tho ears that sot and ripen lutu In the season. Muke It a point to stop and kill every caterpillar, and other noxious Insects, as a war of extermination Is tho only true way to save the fruit. Hue that manure and earth are not heuped against buildings, to the Injury of the siding or timber. Home farmers allow the manure to uccumuluto In the stables, till It is sometimes half a foot deep, which will Injure the door, In hot weather, far more than If it were in constant use. July is the best mouth in the year to commence improvements in neat cattle. If you have a poor cow, now is the period to get a better one. Roses should he budded during this month, if It has not already been done. Do not fail to thin out the fruit on young pear trees. The growth of young trees is of more value than the fruit. It Is ruinous to all young trees to allow them to produce a largo crop of fruit. Only a few specimens should be allowed to grow. In many localities celery may be transplanted thiß month. It should be hoed often; and the soil around it should be sprinkled at evening, In dry weather, with liquid manure. Put in turnip seed, or late peas, where early potatoes are dug. Lawns that are clipped often should have a dressing of bone dust or some other good fertilizer. If the soil is light and gravelly, a dressing of street dirt, such as is collected in the most busy streets of our populous cities, will be found excellent. If the ground is not rich where egg plants are growing dig a shallow trench all around each plant, two inches deep aud six inches from the stem, and pour in strong liquid manure, or fill the channel with fine compost, which may be obtained beneath the floors of some stables. See that every animal has access to pure water. Cows can not yield a full flow of milk unless they have some times ten gallons each per day. Let fowls also have all the water they will drink. The People of Mexico. Mexico, it is estimated, has now about the same numberof people which she lmd twenty years ago—eight millions. Of these, ouly one million are pure whites, and mixed breeds, who are whites by education and* sympathy. The remaining seven millions are In dians and the various grades of mixtures of whites, Indians and negroes, who ure properly regarded as Indians from their habits uud stylesof living. The Indians of Mexico appear to be of two races— the ono (Aztec) light color, with decided Jewish nose aud cast of features: the other dark copper color, broad face, prominent cheek bones like the North Ammicau tribes. llul they are a lotally different race from their Northern brethren, being capable of a high civilization, and being en dowed with different natural impulses, which render them agriculturists and artisans rather than warriors aud hun ters. In some tribes the love of liberty is so strong that the white man has never been able to subdue them; and the Spaniards were only too willing to live with them upon terms of equality aud friendship. The French sent sev eral expeditions against the Indians of the Sierras; but all returned worsted. The Austrians were but little more suc cessful, and, finally, were obliged to conclude a treaty with those wild sons of the mountains. In many parts of the country the wealthy Indians, descendants of the Aztec nobility, are among the best edu cated and most prominent people of the country. The ablest lawyers of Mexico are Indians ; Alvarez, Juarez, Mendez, Mejia, and several other of the first men of the nation are Indians. Miss Castro, a young lady of great poetical genius, and probably the greatest living im provisatrice, is an Indian of obscure origin; and Senor Altamirano, of tbe State of Guerrero, the most eloquent man in Mexico, and leader of the Lib eral party in the last Mexican Congress, is a full-blooded Indian. But these are emphatically of the “first families,” who have been educated, showing what Indian .nature may become by cultiva tion. The large majority, nine-tenths at least, are sunken in ignorance and vice, enduring life—not living—with a stolid indifference, and whose sole am bltion-is a drunken frolic on feast days, a fine hat and exemption from labor. They are merely “ born, vegetate and rot.” Praise lour Wife. Praise your wife, man, for pity sake give her a little encouragement, it won’t* hurt her. She has made your home comfortable, your hearth bright and shining, your food agreeable; for pity sake tell her you thank her, if nothing more. She don't expeot it; it will make, her eyes, open wider, than.they hay 6, this ten years, but it will do her .good tor all ana jyoii tod. 3£ancaster SntcUujmca: .VOLUME 67. An Encounter with the Devil-Fish, In Victor Hugo's last romance there Is a graphic description of a combat be tween the hero of the novel and devil* fish. The hero Is crab-hunting among the Channel Islands: “ Above the water level, and within reach of his hand, he observed the hori zontal fissure In the granite. Probably the crab wus there. He thrust In his fist as far as possible, and begun to group lu the dark hole. Suddenly ne felt him self seized by the arm. The sensation was one of Indescribable horror. Some thing thin, tough, flat. Ice cold, glutin ous uud living, had twined Itself around Ills arm In the dark. It was mounting to his breust, pressing like a ligature and boring like a gimlet. In less than a second,'the strange 001 l had mastered his wrist and elbow, and touched his shoulder; the end was burrowing under his arm-pit. “Gllllutt threw himself backward, but could hardly move; he seemed to be nailed fast. He took the knife from be tween his teeth in his left hand, and with the leverage of this arm against the roelt, made u desperate effort to re lease the other arm. He only moved the ligature a little, and It grew tighter. It wus pliable as leather, firm as steel, cold us night. "A second tongue-llke thong, nar row uud pointed, emerged from the crevice of the rock. It liked his naked chest, and suddenly stretching out In definitely, stuck to his skin andentirely surrounded his whole body. At the same time all his muscles were con tracted with pain like nothing else In the world, as if innumerable lips, glued to his llesh, were trying to drink his blood. “A third feeler fixes on his ribs; a fourth on Ills stomach ; afifth embruees his neck. Then the ussailant’s body uppeurs. "Suddenly came up from the bottom of the hole a broad, round fiat, viscid muss, the hub of which the five feelers were the spokes ; on the other side of it might ho seen the beginning of three more feelers, concealed by the rook. In the midst of tills glutinous were two eyes looking at Gllliut, and he knew It wuh the devil-fish.” After which the reader Is kept in sus pense u whole chapter by u descrlptlonof this “livecupping glass,” which drinks men’s blood with Its four hundred suck ers. Such was the being In whoso power Gllllutt found himself. He had put his arm Into Its hole, and the devil-fish had caught him and was holding him us a spider holds a fly.. Ho stood In water up to his waist, his feet clinging to the round slippery pebbles, his light arm slightly imprisoned In the coils of the devil-fish, and his body ulmost hidden by the crossfolds of this horrid envelop. With five arms It stuck to him, with three to the rock. * * * * " You cannot pull yourself loose from the dovll-ilsh’! Gllllutt had but ono re source, his ktillb! There is no cutting the feelers; their material cannot be separated by steel; besides It sticks so close that a gash In the feeler would pierce your own skin. It Is only vener able lu the head. “Gilllatt held his knife firmly. The pressure of the two hundred and fifty suckers increased. He and the monster looked at each other. Suddenly the creature loosened its sixth feeler from the rock, aud darting It at Gilllatt, tried to seize his left arm. At the same time it advanced Its head. “But Gilllatt avoided the feeler, and just as the devil-fish was on the point of biting his breust, his armed hand came down upon It. There was a con vulsive struggle like the meeting of two thunder clouds. Gilllatt plunged the point of his knife into the fiat, tough mass, and making a circle around the two eyes with a whirling movement, like the curl of a whip, wrenched off the head as a dentist wrenches out a tooth. The combat was over. The four hundred suckers let go their hold of man aud roelt together. Their whole creature collapsed and fell like a bundle of old linen.” Eastern Origin of Modern Utilities. The .following extract from Draper’s last work, “ Civil Policy in America,” shows the Eastern origin of much that is useful and admirable : In the times of which history has failed to preserve any account, that con tinent (Asia) must have been the scene of prodigious activity. In it were first developed those fundamental inven tions and discoveries which really lieat the basis of the progress of the human race—the subjugation of domestic ani mals, the management of fire, the ex pression of thought by writing. We are apt to overlook how much man must have done ; how much he must have added to his power iu prehistoric times. We forget how many contributions to our comforts are of Oriental origin. Their commonness hides them from our view. If the European wishes to know how much he owes to Lhe Asiatic, he has only to cast a glance at one hour of his daily life. The clock which summons him from bed in the morning, was the invention of the East, as were also clepBy-dras and sun-diuls. The prayer for his daily bread, that he has said from infancy, first rose from the side of the Syriuu mountain. The linens and cot tons with which he clothes himself, though they may be very fine, are in ferior to those that have been made, from time immemorial, in the looms of India. The silk was stolen by- some missionaries, for his benefit, from China. He could buy better steel than that with which he shaves himseif, iu the city of Damascus, where it was first in vented. The coffee he expects for breakfust was first grown by tbe Arabians, and the natives of Upper India prepared the sugar with which he sweetens it. A schoolboy can tell tbe meaning of the tiauacrit words, “ sacchara cancia.” If his t»*ics are light and he prefers tea, the virtues of that excellent leaf were first pointed out by the industrious Chinese. They also taught him how to make and use the cup and saucer in which to serve it. His breakfast tray was lacquered in Japan. There is a tradition that leavened bread was first made of the waters of the Ganges. The egg he is breaking was laid by a fowl whoseancestors were first domesticated by the Malaccans, unless she may have been—though that will not alter the case—amodern Shang hai. If there are preserves and fruits in bis board, let him remember with thankfulness that Persia gave him the cherry, the peach, and the plum. If in any of these pleasant preparations he detects the flavor of alcohol, let it re mind him that that substance was first distilled by the Arabians, who have set him the praiseworthy example, which it will be his benefit to follow, of abstain ing from its use. When he talks about coffee and alcohol, he is using Arabic words. A thousand years before it had occurred to him to enact lawß of restric tipn in the use of intoxicating drinks, thtss Prophet of Mecca did the same thing, and, what is more to the purpose, has compelled to this day all Asia ana Africa to obey them. The German Conscription. There are now in Germany, actually uuder arms, more than ten hundred thousand soldiers, and forced levies are being made every day in the Prussian States and the States Prussia lately seized upon. Luckless Holstein, as a reward for her German proclivities, which pre vented her from remaining quiet under Denmark, is condemned to furnish in three weeks' time a contingent of forty thousand men. Saxony, only invaded the other day, will be forced, should Austria not by that time have gained some signal victory in the North, to contribute half as many more within a specified time, which is too sjiort to en able the military contractors of King William's army to clothe the new regi ments. Orders have been given to press into the service of Prussia the young men of. Hanover and the two Hesses.- What things Increase the more you contract them Debts, Life at Saratoga. The Saratoga correspondent of the Boston Journal says; " Besides the regular races that are to come off this season, a new club has been formed that brings to the Springs the sporting men of the land. Those already here race their steeds every day. About twenty-five race-horses from the South, West and North have arrived, and more are to oome. James Clay, the son of Hon. Henry Clay. Is In town. Col, Buford, of Kentucky, has two racers of great speed, called the Delaware and Onward. Captain Moore, of the same State, has four blood horses. Mr. Watson, of New York, has five blood horses. Some of these horses could not be bought for $25,000. They are not allowed to be harnesßed. Indeed, the real race horse Is unbroken to the collar. The famed Lexington is here, and will compete for the prize of $2,000. But men in the Becret say that he will be beaten this year by some steeds which in the practice have made un usual time. Each morning between three and four o’clock, the owners of the fast horses, with their grooms, leave the stable for the track. A walk Is first had of a few miles. Then the steeds trot, and after this exercise for about half an hour, they are put to the full speed In the race. These blood horses seem to know quite a» much as their riderß. They smell the battle ufar off, like Job’s war horse, and round and round the course they go. neck and neck, each competing steed doing his utmost. From thirty to fifty of the leading horsemen, horse breeders and horse owners of this country can be seen on the course at that early hour, taking part In the excitement of the race, if not riding their favorite steeds. This class of horses and horsemen are multiplying In (-Saratoga. Sporting will be the great business of the Springs by and by.” “Burleigh,” of the Boston Journal, thinks that John Morrissey is likely to lose his control over the gambling fra ternity and fast men of Saratoga. He says : He has found a rival. A woman from New York has taken a house on the same street where his club house is located. It Is elegantly fitted up. It hus a bur of choice wines and liquors. A hop Is held each night, at which men arc admitted on the payment of five dollars. Young women, quite pretty and well dressed, parade the streets and call at the hotels, und with handsomely printed circulars call men Into this new place of dissipation. The circular holds out the price of the hops, the muslo. the wlues and refreshments, asdoes a bill of fare In a restaurant. The lady of the mansion keeps a hand-ln-hand team. The outfit is Hplendld. The horses are stately and aristocratic. A driver holds the reins, dressed lu livery. Two lackeys sit behind lu chairs of Immense breadth and buttons big as half dollars, and otherwise dresseain the mostarlstocratlo style. Alone, In the open carriage, the owner sits In all her glory, uud Is driven up and down, luandoutof the town, and of course Is the center of general obser vation. The thing has made und will make a profound excitement here. Men have been waylaid by girls pre tending to have lost their way. Men have been into the house under various pretenses, and the bold, defiant, open, buelness-llke way in which the house Ib managed strikes all with astonishment. The M ill of Dr. Benjamin Franklin. Among the bequests made by Dr. Benjamin Franklin was one of one thousand pounds to be loaned to young married artificers. In making the be quest, Dr Franklin says ; “I have con sidered that among urtisans good ap prentices are most likely to make good citizens, and having myself been bred to a manual art, printing, in my native town, and afterwards assisted to set up my business In Philadelphia, by kind loans of money from two friends which was the foundation of my fortune and all the utility in life that may be ascribed to me, I wish to be useful, even after my death, if possible, in forming and advancing other young men that may be serviceable to their country. To this end I devote one thousand pounds to the inhabitants of Philadel phia, in trust, for the uses, intents and purposes hereinafter mentioned aud de clared. The said sum to be let out, the same upon interest, at five percent, per annum, to such young married artificers, uuder the age years, as have served an apprenticeship in said city, and faithfully fulfilled the duties required In their indentures so as to ob tain a good moral character from at least two respectable citizens who are willing to become their sureties In a bond, with the applicants, for the repayment of the money so lent, with interest. And as these loans are intended to assist young mar ried artificers in setting up their busi ness, they are to be proportioned so as not to exceed sixty pounds sterling to one person, nor to be less than fifteen pounds. And if the numberof appliers so entitled should be so large as that the sum will not suffice to afford to each as much as might otherwise not be im propier, the proportion to each shall be diminished so as to afford to every one some assistance. These aids may there fore be small at first, but as the capital increases by the accumulated interest, they will be more ample. And in order to serve as many as possible In their turn, as well as to make the repayment of the principal borrowed more easy, each borrower shall be obliged to pay, with the yearly interest, one-tenth part of the principal, which sums of princi pals and interest so paid in shall be again let out to fresh borrowers.” Tills fund is managed by Mr. Oat, Superintendent of Trusts, under the di rection of Councils, and who has be tween thirty and forty thousand dollars invested, until the proper applications are made for loans. There have been a number of applicants within the past two years, but no loans have been granted, as the applicants did not fur nish the required security. The amount to be given out to each person at present isSfifio. Two sureties are to be given, one of whom must be a freeholder. The Equipment and Appearance of the Austrian Soldiers. We should take a hint from the Austrians as to the manner they dimin ish the weight of the cartouche-box with sixty rounds of ammunition. This is a very great improvement, with little or no expense, by a small round belt which passes through rings. This belt is attached to the pouch, and also to about the middle or the pouch belt, so that when the men run the cartouche box remains steady, prevents the de struction of the cartridges in striking against the soldiers’ hips, and prevents the painful abrasion of the skin of the hip on a long days’ march in hot weather. A British soldier, in action, if running, is obliged to use one hand to hold the pouch steady if he do not wear a waist-belt, a capital contrivance either to rupture him or to deprive him of breath. The Austrian soldiers are in general strong, heaithy fellows, and look as if they would stand “a lot of killing.” Their white uniform, which always looks clean, (I suppose by hot pipe clay,) has a very good effect, with their neat little light blue “kepi,” always worn except on fete days, when they have the old British cap at top, with a little stripe of common lace of yellow color, This cap is made of common pasteboard, and costs the soldiers, when all ready, about one shilling and three pence. They are well shod, and in wet weather wear black cloth gaiters, turned in at the ankles, buttoned over the Kentish gray trousers. —London News. . I say, old fellow, what are your politics ? said one friend quizzing an other. “Conservative—my father was a Conservative,” Be replied. “And what Ib your religion ?” said the Yither. “ Protestant—my father was a Protest ant,” was the answer. “ And why are you a bachelor ?” said the other. "Be cause my father was a—oh, confound it, don’t bother me with your Btunid aues tloris.” The Mississippi River is a tide in the affairs Of men . which, taken at Its flood, leads bit to niisfdrtune. LANCASTER, PA., WEDNESDAY MORNING, JULY 18, 1866. The Deserter Case* Opinion and Judgment of the Nupremo Court on the Diafipanehleement Aet. Huber va. Belly. Error to the Court of Common Plena of Franklin county. Strong, Justice. The not of Congress under which the de« fondant below justices his refusal to receive tho vote of the plaintiff Is the one approved ou tho 3d day of March, 1803. Tho twenty first section Is the only ono applicable to this case, and it 1b as follows: *' And be it further enacted , That In addition to the other lawful penalties of the crime of de* surtlon from the milltarj' or naval service, all persons who have desorted the military or naval sorvloe of the United Stales, who shall uot return to said service, of report themselves to a provost marshal within sixty days after the proclamation hereafter mentioned, shall be deemed and taken to huve voluntarily relinquished and forfeited their rights of citizenship and their rights to become citizens; und such deserters shall be forever incapable ot holding any office of trust or profit under the United States, or of exercising any rights of citizens thereof; and all persons wbb shall hereafter desert the military or nara service, and all per sons who. being.duroenrolled, shall depart the jurisdiction of tu&dlstrlct in which he is enrolled, or go beyood the limits of the United States, with Intent to avoid any draft into the military or naval service, duly or dered, shall be liable to the penalties or this section.” This is followed by a clause au thorizing and requiring the President to issue his proclamation setting forth the pro* visions of the section, and wtfknow Judic iously that this was done on the 11th of Murch, 1805. The act of Congress is highly penal. It imposes forfeiture of citizenship uud depri vation of the rights of citizenship us penal ties for the commission of a crime. Its avowed purpose is to add to the penalties which the law bad previously affixed to the offense of desertion from the military or naval service of the United States, And it denominates the additional sanctions pro vided as penalties. Such being its character, it is, unaor the well known rule uf law, to receive a strict construction in favor of the citizen. Tho constitutionality of the uct has been assailed on three grounds. The first of these is that it is un ex post facto luw, im posing un additional punishment for an of fense committed before its passage, uud ultorinir the rules of evidence so us t« re quire different und less proof of guilt thau wus required at tbo time of tbo perpetration of tbocrlmo. Tho second objection Is that the act is an attempt by Congress to regu late the right of suffrage in tho Slates or to impair it; and the third objection is that the act proposes to Itifilcl puiua aud penal ties upon offenders before aud without a trial aud conviction by due process of law, und it is therefore prohibited by the Rill of Rights. Jn the view which wo take of this case, and giving to the enactment the construc tion which we think properly belougs to it, it is unuecussury to consider ut length either of those objections to its constitutionality. It may bo insisted with strong reason that the ponulty of foriulturu of citizenship im posed upon those who had desorted the military or naval service, prior to the pas sage of tho uct, is not u ponulty for the orig inal desortion. but for porsislouce in tho crime, for failure (lu the language of the statute) to return to suid service, or to re port to u provost marshal within sixty days after the issue of the President’s proclama tion. If this is so, the act of Congress is in no sense cx post facto, and it is not for that reusou in conillct with the Constitution. Its operationlsentirely prospective, Ifadraft eu man owes service to tnu Federal Govern ment, every new reiusul to render tho service may be regardod as a violation of public duty, u public offence for which Congress may impose a penalty. And as it is the duty of every court to construe a statute, if possible, so il ut res magis valcat, quam percat," that construction of this act must be adopted which is in harmony with the acknowledged powers of Congress, and which applies the forfoitureof citizenship to tho new offence described as failure to return to service, or to report to the provost mar shal. The second objection also assumes more than can be con eded. It is uot to be doubted that the power to regulate suffrage iu a State, and to determine who shall not be a voter belongs exclusively to the State itself. Tho Constitution of tbo United States con fers noftutborityupon Congress to prescribe the qualifications of electors within tho several Slates that compose the Federal Union. Congress is Indeed empowered to make regulations for the time, place und manner of holding elections lor Senators and Representatives, or to alter those made by the Legislature of a State, except those in relation to the places ofchoosingSenators, but bore its power stops. The right ofsuf i'rage at a State election is a State right, a franchise conferrable only by the State, which Congress can nolther jjivo nor take away. If, there tore, tho uct now uuder cousideratiou is in truth an attempt to regulate the right of suffrage in the States, or to prescribe the conditions upon which that right may be exercised, it must be held unwarranted by the Constitution. In the exercise of its ad mitted powers, Congress may doubtless deprive au individual of the opportunity to enjoy a right that belougs to him as a citi zen of a State, even the right of suffrage. But this is a different thing from taking away, or impairing, the right itself. Under the laws of the Federal Government, a voter may be sent abroad iu the military service of the country, and thus deprived of the privilege of exercising his right; or a voter may be imprisoned for a crime against tho United States, but it is a per version of language to call this impairing his right of suffrage. Congress may pro vide laws for tho naturalization of aliens, or it may refuse to provide such laws. Its action or non-action may thus determine whether Individuals shall or shall not be come citizens of the United States. And I cannot doubt that as a penalty for crime against the General Government Congress may impose upou the criminal forfeiture of his citizeusblp of the United States. Dis franchisement of u citizen as a punishment for crime is no unusual punishment— Barker vs. the People 20 ; Johns 458. If by the organic law of a State oltizeus of the United States ouly are ullowod to vote, the action or non-action of Congress muy thus indirectly affect the number of those en titled to the right of suffrage. Yet, ufter all. tho right is one which its possessor holds as a citizen of a State, secured to him by the State Constitution, and to beheld on the terms prescribed by that Constitution alone. It is an integral part of the State Government. But it is not a correct view of the act of Congress now before us to regard it as an attempt to override State Constitutions, or to prescribe the qualifications of voters. The act makes no change in the organic law of the State. It leaves that us before, to confer the right of suffrage as it pleases. The enactment operates upon an individual offender, punishes him for violation of the Federal law, by deprivation of his citizen ship of the United States, but it leaves each State to determine for itself whether such an individual may be a voter. It does no more than increase the penalties of the law upon the commission or crime. Each State defines for itself what shall be the conse quences of the infliction of such penalties. And with us it is still our own Constitution which restricts the right of suffrage and confers it npon those only who are inhabi tants of the State and citizens of the United States. The third objection against the validity of the act of Congress would be a very grave one, if the act does in reality im pose pains and penalties before and with out a conviotlon by due prooess of law. The fifth article ot the amendments to the Constitution ordains “ that no person shall be held to answer for a capital or other infamous crime, unless on a pre sentment, or indictment of a grand jury, except in cases arising in the land or naval forces, or in the militia, when in actual service, in time of war or public danger; nor shall any person be subject for the same offence to be twice put in jeopardy of life or limb; nor shall be compelled in any criminal case to be a witness against himself; nor be deprived of life, liberty or property without due process of law.” The sixth article se cures to the accused in all criminal prose cutions certain rights, among which are a speedy and public trial, by a jury of the vicinage, information of the nature and cause of the accusation, face to face in presence with the witnesses < agaiDst him, compulsory process for his own wit nesses, and the assistance of counsel. The spirit of these constitutional provisions is briefly that no person can be made to suffer for a criminal offence unless the penalty be inflicted by due process of law. What that is has been often defined, but never better than it was both historically and critically by Judge Curtis of the Supreme Court or the United States in Den vs. Murray et al, 18 Howard 272. It ordi narily implies and includes a complainant, a defendant and a judge, regular allegations, opportunity to answer, and a trial accord ing to some settled course of judicial pro ceeding. It must be admitted there are a few exceptional cases.- Prominent among these are summary proceedings to recover debts due to the Government, especially taxes and sums due by defaulting public offices- But I can call to mind no instanoe in .which has been held, that the ascertain ment of guilt of a public offence, and the imposition of legal penalties, can be in any other mode than by trial according to law of the land, or due process of law, that Is the law of the particular case, administered by a Judicial tribunal authorized to adjudicate upon it. And I cannot porsuudo myself that a Judge of elections or a board of election of ficers, constituted under State laws, is suob a tribunal. Icannotthinkthoyhavepower to try crlmlnut offenders, still less to ad judge tho guilt or innocence of an alleged viouitor of the laws of the Unitod States. A trial before such officers Is uot due process of luw for tho punishment of offences, ac cording to the meunlng of that phrase In the Constitution. Tbore are, It Is true, many things which they may determine, such us tho age and residence of a person offering to vote, whether he has paid taxes, and whether, if born an alien, he hus a oertifi cute of naturulizatien. These things per tain to the ascertainment of a political right. But whether he has been guilty of a criminal offence, und hus, as a consequence, forieited his right, is an Inquiry of a differ ent character. Neither our Constitution nor our law has conferred upon the judges of elections any Buch judicial functions. Theyarenotßwornto try issues iu criminal cases. They have no power to compel the attendance of witnesses, and their j uagment if rendered would be binding upon no other tribunal. Even if they were to assume jurisdiction of the offence described in the act of Congress, and proceed to try whether tbo appliaint for a vote had been duly en rolled and drafted, whether he hud received notice of the draft, whether he had desert • ed, and failed to return to service, or fulled to report to a provost marshal, and whether he had Justifying reasons for such failure, and if after such trial they were to decide that ho had not forfeited his citizenship, all this would not umouul to an acquittal. It would not protect him against u subsequent similar accusation aud trial, it would not protect him against trial and punishment by court martial. Surely, that is no trial by due process of law, the Judgment In which is not final, decides nothing, but leaves the accused exposed to another trHkl in a differ ent tribunal, aud to the imposition by that other tribunal of tbo full punishment pre scribed by law. Moreover, it is not iu the power of Con gress to confer upon such u tribunal, which is exclusively of Stuto creation, jurisdiction to try offences against the United States, Notwithstanding tho decision lu Buck waiter vs. Tho United .Stulea, 11, S. and R,. 103. which was ail action for penalties, declared to be recoverable as other debts, the doctrine seems a plain one that Congress eauuot vest any of the Judicial power of the United .Stales In the courts of any other govern ment or sovereignty. Martin vs. limiter's lessee, 1 Wheaton. 304, 330; Ely vs. l’eck, 7 Conn., 242, and Soovllle vs. Canfield, U .Johns, 335. And clearly, If this Is mo, (.'on grass uunuot make a board of State elec tion officers competent to try whether a per son Ims been guilty of an offence against the United States, and if they fiud him guilty to enforce a part of tho proscribed pouufty. If therefore the act of March 3,1805, really contemplates the infliction of its proscribed penalty or any part of it without duo pro cess oiluw, or if it ultompts to confer upon the election officers of a State tho power to delonnlno whethor there bus boon a viola tion of the uct Incurring tho penalty, and to enforce tho penally or any purl of It, it may well bo doubted whether It is not Inins gresslve of the authority vested in Congress by Lhe Constitution. But such is not the falrconstruclion of the urmctmtMit. It is not to bo presumed that Congress Intended to Lmngruas its powers, and especially is this true when tho uot* admits of another construction entirely cou- Houant with all tho provisions of tho Consti tution. What then Is Its true meaning? As al ready observed, forfolturo of citizenship is prescribed as a penalty for desertion, an additional penalty ; uot for an offence com mitted before the passage of the act, but for continued desertion and failure to return or report. It is not a new consequence of a penalty, but it is an integral part of tbo thiug itself. Nor is it tbo whole. It is added to what the law lmd previously enacted to be tbo penalty of desertion, as imprison ment is sometimes added to punishment by flue. It must have beeu intended therefore tlmt it should bu Incurred in the same way, and imposed by the same trlbunul that was authorized to impose tho other penalties for tho offence. It would be very absurd to suppose that two trials and two condemna tions for ono crime were intended, or that it wus desiguod thut a criminal might be sentenced in one court to undergo part of the punlshmout denounced by tho law, and be punished in another court oy the impo sition of the remainder. Tho law as it stood when the act of 1805 was passod had provi ded u tribunal in which alone the crime of desertion could bo tried, aud by which alouo the penalties for desortion could be iufilcted. The consequences of conviction may be no ticed in other courts, but tho tribunal ap pointed by tho law for that purpose is the only one that can determine whether the crime has been committed, nnd adjudge tho punishment. The act of March 3d, 1865, is not to be con sidered apart from the other legislation re specting the crime of desertion. It is one of a series of nets pertaining to the same subject matter. It must therefore be in terpreted with them all in view. This is an admitted rule of statutory construction. So long ago as Rex vs. Laxdule, I Burrows, 147, Lord Mansfield said, when speaking of acts of Parliament, “that all which relate to the same subject, notwithstanding some of them may be expired or not, notice must bu taken to be one system and construed consistently.” So Chancellor Kent, in the first volumeof his commentaries, page 463 4, said: “It is to be inferred thatacodeof stat utes relating to one subject, was governed by one spirit and policy, and was intended to be consistent and harmonious in its sev eral parts and provisions." Iu looking through the numerous uots of Congress re lating to Lhe desertion from the military or naval service, it is plainly to be seen that they all conteuiplute a regular trial and con viction prior to the infliction of any ponulty, ami courts martial are constituted and regulated for such trials. The 20th article of war, enacted on the 10th of April, 1806, (Brightly’s Dig. 75) is in these woius: “All officers and soldiers who huve received pay, or have boon duly enlisted in the service of the United States, und shall be convicted of having deserted the same, shall suffer death or such other punishment us by sentence of court martial , shall be inflicted.” Other en actments have been made at different times respecting the punishment to be Inflicted for the offence. The punishment of death in time of peace was abolished in 1830. Corporeal puuishment by stripes was abol ished by tho act of Muy 16, 1812, and by the act of Murch 2d, 1833, that section of the re pealing act was itself repealed, “ so far as it applies to any enlisted soldier who shall be convicted by a general court martial of tho crime of desertion.” Bv the act of .January It. 1812, an additional ponulty was proscribed for de sertion, uud it was declared thut ” such sol dier shall and may be tried by a court martial and punished.” Brightly’s Di. 89. The 13th section of the act of March 3, 1863, which declared that any person failing to report after due service of notice that he had been drafted, shall be deemed a deserter, enacted that such a person “shall be ar rested by the provost marshal and sent to the nearest military post for trial by court martial, unless upon proper showing that he is not liable to military duty, the board of enrollment shall relieve him from the draft.” All these acts of Congress mani festly contemplate trial for desertion in courts martial, and the infliction of no punishment or forfeiture except upon con viction and sentence in such courts. The act of 1806 provided for general courts mar tial, and made minute and careful regula tions for their organization, lor the conduot of their proceedings, and for the approval or disapproval of their sentences. Subse quent acts made some changes but they have not restrained the jurisdiction or dimin ished the powers of such courts. It is to such a code of laws, forming a system de vised for the punishment of desertion, that the 21st section of the act of March 3d, 1865, was added. It refers plainly to pre existing laws. It has the single object of Increasing the penalties, but it does not undertake to change or dispense with the machinery pro vided for punishing the crime. The com mon rules of construction demand that it be read as if it had l>een incorporated into former acts. And if it had been, if the act of 1806 and its supplements had prescribed that the penalty for desertion or failure to report within a designated time after notice of draft, (which the act of 1863 declares de sertion) should be punished on conviction of the same, with forfeiture of citizenship and death,or in lieu of the latter, such other punishment as by the sentence of a court martial may be inflicted, would any one contend that any portion of this punishment could be inflicted without conviction and sentence? Assured ly uot, And if not, so must the act of 1865 be construed now. It means that the for feiture which it prescribes, like all other penalties |pr desertion, must be adjudged to the convicted person after trial by a court martial and sentence approved. For the conviction and sentence of such a court there can be no substitute. They alone establish the guilt of the accused and fasten upon him the legal consequences. Such, we think, is the true meaning of the act, a con struction that oahhot be denied to it with out losing sight of all tho previous iegisla- Ition respecting the same subject matter, no part of whlcih aoea this act profess to alter. It may be added that this construction is not only required by the universally admitted rules of statutory interpretation, but it Is lu harmony with tho personal rights secured by tbe Constitution, and whloh Congrosa must be presumed to have kept In view. It gives to the n ceil sod trlul betoro sworn judges, aright to challenge, an opportunity of defence, tho prlvllogo of hearing tbe witnesses ngalnst him, aud of cnlllng witnesses In his behalf. It preserves to him tbo common law presumption of 111- noconoe umll lie hus been adjudged guilty, aocordlng to the formsof law, It glvestlnal lty to u single trial. If tried by a court murtial uud acquitted, Ills Innocence call Dover again bo called in question, und he can be made to sutler no part of the penal ties prescribed for guilt. Ontlieotlior hand, If a record of convictlou by a lawful court be not a pro requisite to suffering the pen alty of tbo law, the aet of Congress may work Intolerable hardships. The accused will then be obliged to prove Ills innocence whenever tho registry of the provost mar shal is adduced against him. No decision ot a board of electiou officers will protect him ugainst the necessity of renewing his defence ut every subsequent election, and each time with Increased difficulty arising from the possible death or absence of wit nesses. In many cases this may prove a gross wrong. Tt cannot bo doubtod that In some instances there were causes that prevented a return to Bervlce, or u report by persons registered ns deserters by provost marshals, that would have been held justifying reasons by a court murtial, or at least would have prevented an ap proval of the court’s sentence. It is well know, also, that some wiio were registered desorters were, at tho time, actually in the military service as volunteers, and honora bly discharging their dutlos to tho liovern tnent. To hold that the act of Congress imposes upon such lhe necessity of proving their innocence, without any conviction of guilt, would bo an unreasonable construc tion of tlio act, and would bu attributing to tho Nullonul legislature au intention not warranted by the language anil connection of the enuctinent. It follows that the Judgment of tbe court below, upon the case stated, was right The plaintiff no! having been convicted of desertion and failure to return to the service, or to report to a provust marshal, and not having been sentenced to tho pen alties and forfeitures of tlio law, was entitled to vote. The Judgment Is affirmed. WoODWAIID, (J. J. I concur Pylho conclusion staled iu the above opinion, and iu most of (lie reasonings by which tlmt conclusion is reached. But I do uot concur in treating tbo aet of Congress iih a valid unactrnent, lor I beliovo It to lie au ex prist facto law, lu reaped to all soldiers, except such us commit the crime of desertion after the dale of tho law. This is not a case of desertion subsequent to tho enactment, hut prior to It, end tho penalties of the offence are such as were by law, when tho otieuco was committed, und It Is not competent for the Legislature lo Increase them, except for future cases. Interesting Conversation Between Two Kepubllcnns In front of tho Court- House. How ure you, B.’.’ You liavojust beeu to the Treasurer's office. Beeu paying your tux I supposo. Mr. B.—Yes, I have been paying an amount of tuxes which might be uon- Hldered a good rout on myllttlo place. Lust year I w6rked hard, uud as the re sult of my labor my wheat turned out a fullure. und what corn and pork I had, fell so In price that it hardly paid me for the labor bestowed upon it; uud then I hud to pay the Government a per cent, per bushel for the privilege of raising the corn, and a per cent, per head for the privilege ofkllllng my hogs. And now, after paying my taxes, I will not realize anything for my year’s lubor. Y r ou are a very wealthy man Mr. A. ; I have heard your wealth estimated at $lOO,OOO. Your taxes must be enormous. You must have difficulty in scarcity of money to raise funds to pay them. Mr. A.—Oh !no; My taxes nre light. They only amount to about fifteen dol lars per year. Mr. B.—How is that? I am not worth one-tenth tbe amount that you are, and yet my taxes are over $lOO per year. Mr. A.—You see I bad foresight. I knew that tbe enormous cost of the war would eutail grievous burdens of taxa tion upou the people, and us hoou as the Government put Its bonds upon the market promising to exemptthem from State, eounty;and township, as well as National luxutlou. and to pay au inter est in gold equal to what my income was In greenbacks, I Immediately sold my two farms, my town lots, collected in what was owing to me, und even sold my family residence, uud invested every dollar of it in Government se curities. 1 am worth about $120,00(1, upon which I receive an interest which is equivalent of eight per cent, in cur rency, and I don’t pay a cent of tax for any purpose, except about $l5 ou the furniture in my house. Mr. B.—But don’t you semi your children to the common schools? Don't you ride on the public highways? Haven’t you the benefit of protection from our State laws? Mr. A.—Yes, but the whole thiug is complimentary to me on the part of my neighbors. I never pay school or road tax, or for the support of tile State Gov ernment. Mr. B.—But bow is the Government to be supported if this large amount of money is exempted from taxation ? Mr. A. —Very easily. My friends and neighbors who own farms or town lots, or who have merchandise, manufactur ing establishments, farm products, or any kind of chattels, aud ull men of small or moderate means, who cannot afford to live ou tbe Interest of their little pittance, but must keep it moving to secure food uud raiment for them selves und families, have the amount of tax which I am exempt from paying added to their own taxes, and they are eoinpetled to pay tluc whole amount. Persona who pay taxes are requ ired to pay their o ten, and mine also. Mr. 11.—I see the matter now in Us proper light, and cun easily comprehend why my taxes have boen doubled with in a few years. I have been paying my own taxes and part of yours also. lam opposed to this unjust discrimination, aud shall help the Democratic party to bring Government bonds, like other property, ou the tax duplicate. ChiUi eothc Advertiser, Ventilating a Car. Prof. Hamilton, the horse tamer, of Hagerstown, Ind., is an original genius, and as fond of a joke as he is of fresh air. The other day on the train going home from Cincinnati, he tried to raise a win dow in the car where he was sitting, but could not move it. He called the conductor to assist him, with no better result. Instantly he knocked the pane of glass out with his cane saying, “ Now we will have a little fresh air.” “ Sir,” said the conductor, “ you must pay for that.” “How much?” asked the Pro fessor. “One dollar,” answered the conductor. Professor Hamilton passed him a two dollar bill. The conductor was about to hand back a dollar in change, when the cool tamer of wild animals quietly Bald: “Never mind, I’ll take another pane,” and with an other stroke of his cane let God’s fresh atmosphere in through a second win dow. “ Well,” exclaimed the con ductor, “you can’t have any more at that price. It’s not first cost.” A Zoological Cariosity, The Jardin d' Aeelimitation in Paris has recently been enriched by a species of guinea-hen from Australia called the Weelat by the natives. It bears a strong resemblance to the vulture, and procures the hatching of its egg by what may be called artificial heat in a curiouß way. In the beginning of spring it collects all the vegetable refuse it canjget'into a heap, for the site of which it generally selects the shady side of a hill. Round this heap it lays its eggs, each five or six inches from its neighbor, with the big end turned upwards; it then buries them under the refuse three feet deep and lets the heat generated by the pu trefaction of the vegetable matter hatch them. It has never been ascertained how the little ones get out of their prison, but when they do they are ready fledged and able to fly. NUMBER 28. More Proof of We Inlfemr of tbe Radicals, Singular Discoveries In Washington-**- The Assassination of PresldentLlncoln -••Subpenainff WltneuM to Prove the Complicity of Jefltorion Davis null others. IProm Washington Correspondent of tho Now York Uorald.i Tho investigations of tho Judiciary Com* mlttoo of the Houso of Roprosontatlves lu relation to tho alleged complicity of Jeff. Davis. Clay aud other* In tuo murder of Presldont Lincoln have dovnlopod ouo of tho moßt villainous conspiracies ovor con* cooted In tho civilized world. Strango to toll. It is not the conspiracy for tho assassi nation of President Lincoln aud his Cabinet, but an equally bloody and far more cowardly and cruel one, to murder, through the forms of law, ex-Presidont Davis and others of tho defunct confederacy. This revelation will no doubt astound tho public, and well It may; but to none who Lave observed the malignant and fiondlsb spirit of the radicals in Congress and other high places will it seem incredible. The Judiciary Committee, anxious as most of its members are to suppress the evidence it has educed and screen the conspirators from the opprobrium theyjustly merit, will not venture to deny my averments. \Vhence or from whom I derived the In formation I am Imparting need not, aud with propriety could not, be specifically disclosed ; but I may observo, for tbe gen eral interest of your readers, that at this capital there is no time equal to a holiday, and during a session of Congress uo holiday equal to the Fourth of July for eliciting State secrets. On that day severul honor able gontlemon were seen in the streets and other public placos entre efut'x vinn, and one at least was overheard blnbbiug to a patrou more than one a rcanwn imperii widen may uuon create another sensation. But to return to the conspiracy. Tho Judiciary Committee, us soon us authorized to investigate tho charges against Messrs. Dnvls, Clay und others, entered zealously upon their duties, and sent for such persons aud papers as they hud boon led to believe would furnish criminating evidence. Tho principal persons sent for had alreudy been examineu cxparte in tho Bureau or Mili tary Justice, and tho papers sent for con sisted mulnly of the depositions of thoso porsons und some letters of doubtful import written by supposed rebels before the as sassination, all of which woro under tho euro of tho Judge Advoento Goneral. To recite from memory tho papers verbatim would be Impossible, aud it would be no less so to give in cxtcnno the oxamluatiou of tho persons before tho committee; but enough will be given to show the most devilish und damuableconsplracy, tho most disgusting aud dastardly perlluy undiho coolest and cheapest porjury you woro over culled upon to chronicle. Immediately after the execution of Mrs. Surratt and her follow culprits tho Judge Advocate General Hot to work In dead earnest to procure ovidonco for tho convic tion of Davis, Clay and others as co-con spirutors. Hovoraldetectives woroemployod to hunt up and hunt down every person supposed to huvo hud any correspondence or communication with the suspected pur tlos. or any knowledge tending directly or Indirectly to connect thorn with the con spiracy. But, after woeks of Industrious labor ami research, tho detoctives failed to discover anything of tho slightest consequence bear ing upon the subject. This result was com municated to tho Kudlcals In the Cabinet, and by them confided to tho leading radi cals—then about to ussumblo—in Congress, and probably to many, certuinly to a few, culebretles of tholr faction not In any office. These parties, as will bo readily surmis ed, were disappointed nnd sorely grieved. They had already arrived at tho conclusion tliut It would be futile and impolite to try Davis and other rebel leaders for treason, and their thirst for blood and vengeance, and desire to increase tho humility und ig nominy of tho Southern people by hanging like n dog their late chief, was aggravated by the unexpected report that nothing had been found to Implicate him in tho assassi nation. But tho bloodthirsty are neitbor easily discouraged nor over scrupulous as to what means they omploy for obtaining their ends. Another agent of groat experi ence and shrewdness whs engaged to per form the work which the others had failed to accomplish. He was charged to find the necessary witnesses at all hazards; to pro ceed a la Forney, or in any way ho deemed host calculated to inshro success, but on no account to fall. With a zeal worthy of a better cause bo entered upon his duties, and in a few weeks produced nearly a dozen witnesses who disposed undor oath, In tho the Bureau of Military Justice, to matters und facts enough to hung both Davis uud Clay higher than Human. One of these witnesses, calling himself William Campbell, deposod that he was a natlvo of New Orleans, and had been a Con federate soldier; that in tho latter part of March or first of April, 1865, he was called on at Richmond by John H. Surratt, who bore a letter of introduction from William C. Cleary, then in Canada; that said letter requested him to introduce Surratt to J udab P. Benjamin, Secretary of State, with whom he (deponent) was intimately acquainted, und assured him that Surratt would unfold a grand scheme in which he (deponent) was earnestly solicited to participate; that Sur ratt did on tho same day disclose to him the plot to assassinnte the President and Cabi net ; further that, in compliance with Cleary’s request, he introduced Surratt to Benjamin, when, after an interchange of civilities, Surratt delivered to the Secretary a package of letters, which were immedi ately opened and perused; that Benjamin then turned to address Surratt on the sub ject of the letters, when deponent arose to withdraw, but, owing to a suggestion by Surratt that ho (deponent) was one of the parties to engage In tho murdorous work, was requested by Benjamin to remain ; that the letters so delivered to Benjamin, after referring to Surratt’s business, requested him to present the bearer to the President, and help him through with his mission; that his mission was to obtain express au thority from the government to execute tho plot tor the destruction of Lincoln; that Benjamin said thore was no doubt but the President would give the authority desired, and proposed to go to him at once, which was aono, doponont by Invitation accom panying him. That after they had been presented to the President, his Excellency and Benjamin retired to another room and remained for half an hour or more in close conversation ; that on returning to the room Davis re quested Surrutt to explain precisely what was desired, as the despatches from Canada stated that he would do so more minutely thun they did ; that Surratt then explained at length that several determined Confed erates and others in tho North had resolved to make way with “Old Abe” and his Cabinet if tho project would be authorized by the government and the adventurers Eromisea protection in the event of their eing captured; that Davis replied that there had “ been so many schemes set on foot for this purpose, all of which had proved miserable failures, that he had ceased to hope for any good results from any such project, but that at any rate no special authority more than the agents in Canada could confer was necessary to war rant tho proposed proceedings; tnat Lin coln being the Commander-in-Chief of the armies of the United States, Confederate soldiers had the same right, and that it was as much their duty to destroy him, if they could, as to kill any private soldier in his armies, and that if they should bo captured while engaged in such an undertaking they must be treated as prisoners of war. Sup pose that two or three Yankees should steal into my house, and, without warning, at tack and kill me, can there bo any doubt that their government would applaud, pro tect and reward them and declare their ac tion legitimate warfare? Not at all. That Surratt replied that all his Excellency had observed was undoubtedly true, but that some of the parties anxious to embark in tbe enterprise were not wholly satisfied that tbe government would recognize their action, and with the assurance of protection given by the agents in Canada, inasmuch as tbe protection promised by the agents in other cases—for instance, in the case of Beali, Kennedy, Burleigh and the St. Albans raiders—had not been extended, and that the present project could not be executed without express authority and assurance of protection from the government; that after some further conversation between Davis and Benjamin, which it is not necessary to give here, the President dhected Surratt to call the next day at noon on the Secretary, when he would receive all the authority, Ac., he required. That on the following day (Surratt and deponent), accompaniedby a man named Snevel, called on Benjamin as directed, but the papers had not been sent to him; that as Surratt was anxious to return to the North immediately, Benjamin at once started with them to Davis’ office; that Davis plead indisposition for not having the papers ready by the time indicated, but said they had Just been finished. (Snevel was now presented to his Excellency as one of the braves ready to enter upon the bloody work.) That after a little conversation, during which Davis inquired of Surratt what route he intended to take and when he expected to pass the federal lines. His Excellency placed a letter in Surratt’B hand, saying, “This is for Colonel Thompson; it confers all the power he reauires, to author ize the proceeding proposed, and to promise for the government the necessary protec tion to au who engage in it.” That he then shook hands with each of them, and said that he “trusted they would behave bravely MATES OF ADTERTIAUrOt Bfflimi ADVJUTUXJCXJITf, $l9 ft TNIMI aqo&rt of ttn llnti; ton per o*nt» lnerMatfor frftotiou of ft veftr. RIAL EfITATB, PWOffA& PmO*SßTT.ftll4 o>*" bbal adveetuikg, 7 otnU ft linft tot tat flrat,ftnd4 oenu for Moh int»Mu«nt Inier tion. Patuct Midiciwx» And other adver’A by the oolamni one oolumn, 1 veer $lOO Half ooltaa, 1 ntr M oo Third oolumn, 1 year 40 quirttr oolumn, so Burnt km Oabds, of ten lines or leu, one year, 10 Business Cards, five lines or less, one year 9 LXOAL AMD OTHXB NOTICKS— Executors’ notioes 9.00 Administrators’ notioes, 9.00 Assigneei’ notioes, - 9.00 Auditors’ notioes,,. 1.90 Other “Notioes,” ten lines, or less, three times ,50 and that their efforts would bo crowned with success.” That Hnovol tbon observed that thoy “must uot bravely and succeed'; for If caught in the act tnoy would all bo made to danco on nothing,” That Benia min ropliod. “No, if any of you are cap turod and tho Yankees thrsutln to hang you, wo will glvo tho Yuukoo government nottco that for ovory ono thoy hung a dozen will bo oxocutud in retaliation”' That Davis rospondod, “Yes, you shall bo fully protocted. Tho undertaking proposod is, undor tho circumstances! perfectly Just, and lu perfect harmony with tho laws of war,” Ami again ho Illustrated with tho query. “Supposo two or throe Yankoos should stoal Into my houso and without warning kill mo, cun there bo any doubt that their government would applaud and protect thorn, und declare tholr exploit In accordance with honorable warfare?” That Benjamin again chimed in, that “it was just llko falling upon and surprisingu camp and putting tho foo to tho sword without giving him time to seize his arms and got in line for dofenco.” That Surratt, Snovol and deponent thon bade tho Presldont nnd Secretary farowoll aud departed. Such, almoqfc word for word, is tho depo sition made by Campbell for tho Bureau of Militury Justice, and his statement of what was said and done by Davis and Benjamin alter the ollegod presentation of Snovel to tho robol chief, was fully corroborated by Snovel in another deposition made aLtho same time, lor the samo Bureau and for tjio sumo end. And here we eomoto tho most astounding part of my disclosure. This man “ Willlum Campboll.” und his l'riond “Snovel,” whoso first namo. or rather alias, 1 do not remomber, on being brought beforo tbo Ju diciary Committee for examination ac knowledged that tho above names did uot belong to them, but woro fictitious; that they had never boon in tho rubol sorvico nor iu Richmond; that thoy had novor seen Davis, or Bonjnmln, or Surratt in tholr lives; that thoy had novor beard of any plot to destroy Lincoln until alter his death; that there was not a word of truth in tho depositions thoy mado for tho Bureau of Military Justice, but thut they mado such depositions for a pecuniary reward, bolng first furnished with tho Htatoinont thoy were desired to swear to and committing ft to memory for the purpose; aud ilintof tho other parties, sonio seven or eight iu num bor, who made depositions for the buroau referred to, ovory ono of them deposed un der false names to false statements tor pe cuniary considerations. Tho depositions of tho other “ witnesses,” under tho assumed names of Wright, Wil liams, Fatten, Douglass, Morodlth, Knapp, Ac., licensed Davis of complicity In tho as sassination just as positively, and wero as Ingeniously concocted us those of Campboll and Snovel. Ilavingaccomnllshed ho much iu tho way of procuring ovidonco, tho radi cal conspirators urged President Johnson with all tbelr force to appolnta commission for tho trial of u distinguished culprit. Campboll and oilier “witnesses” wero tukon before his Excellency umllho Cabinet, iu order that their frank demeanor anti honorable appearance could lie observed, and woro asked a few questions by tho President and examined at considerable longht by Mr. Howard, to tho apparent satisfaction of all that thoy wero lolling tho truth und nothing but tho t/uth. Tho President, us is known, did not til once ap point the commission, hut lie was prevailed on to call for tho opinion of tho Attorney Uonorul as to tho legality ami propriety of trying by military court parties implicated In the assassination, and tho Attorney Uon erui soon after gave tbe opinion und tho argument upon which lie based it, that it would not only bo legal and proper to try partios so uccusecl by a military court, but that it would be clearly illegal anu im proper to arraign them before a civil tri bunal, Tho radical conspirators now ro f;arded Davis us good os disposed of, and icked their Jaws with gleo. But, unfortunately for thorn, tho Presi dent would imt bo hurried into ordoriug a military trial. His penetrating oyo had probably discovered something about Campbell and others paraded before him suificiont to convince him that thoy woro falsifying. He know Davis well enough to know that if ho would descend to conspire at murder at nil, it would bo only with men of honor—that kind of honor to bo found among thieves und bold desperadoes—who would sooner dio than compromise them selves or their chief, and not with mon of ignorance und low standing, and compara tively unknown to bun. like tho witnesses purauod, who wero willing to swear to tholr own shamo and betray tholr master for thirty pieces of silver. Finding it impossible to induce tho Presi dent to convuko a military court for tho immolation of tho robol chief, tho radicals woro bitterly disappointed, und some of them were furious, Thoy determined, how ever, not to be beaten altogether; not to throw aside as worthless, “evidenco” which had been procured at so much trouble und exponso, but if possible to turn it to some account. With Muchiuvolian adroitness they conceived a scheme wheroby, if they could nothang Mr. Davis thoy could nt least load him with infamy, and at tho same time wreak exquisite vengeance on President Johnson for declining to aid their murder ous designs. The process relied on for tho consumma tion of this double-headed project was re markable for its simplicity. Tho deposi tions of the spurious witnesses wero to be preserved in tho Bureau of Military Justice, and at a proper time rendered accessible to the press and tho historian. None of tho alleged criminal proceedings of Davis set forth in the numerous depositions, with tho exception of those pretended to have oc curred in tho presence of Benjamin (who being accused as particips criminis would not be believed), were susceptible of refuta tion, all his criminal conversations and transactions bolng, us alleged, in either tbo presencoof prominent rebels, slncodeccased, and the witnesses, or In tbo presonce of tbe witnesses alone. Davis could and would, therefore, bo published to tho world as a monster and a murdoror deserving to bo curaed like Cain and driven irom Christen dom ; and no matter how much ho might say to vindicate himself, or how eloquently his friends might expiate on his Christian character ana high sense of honor, three fourths of his countrymen, and posterity generally, would bolieve him guilty. This tho radical conspirators thought would effectuality dispose of DavJs. and bo as great a punishment us ho could bear. But how wero they to reuch Mr, Johnson? He had already been denounced for his le niency toward the rebel leaders, and with endeavoring for political purposes to Ingra tiate himself with tbo South, and they would now go beforo the cuntry with tho argument that his failure to put Davis on his trial for tbe murder of Lincoln,’ in face of the overwhelming evidence that could have been brought against, as appeared from the depositions in the Bureau of Mili tary Justice, was the result of his desire and scheme to obtain tho friendship and favor of tho South, and of his gratitude to Mr. Davis for removing his predecessor and thus ele vating him to the Chief Magistracy of the nation. It willbereadilyseenthatamost powerful weapon thut could have been maao of all this against Mr. Johnson in the North. What a pity that so beautiful a scheme should be spoiled. But it is another verifi cation of the old adage that “murder will out.” Costome at Panama. A newspaper correspondent at Panama says: “The chariest maid of Panama is prodigal enough only when she unmasks her beauty, not merely to the moon, but to the blazing sun and entire populace. The whiteness of her drapery is In sharp contrast with her tawny skin. Some boys of 12 years, and,under, wear shirts, but most are en tirely naked, while girls appear ‘in ele gant costume of the Greek Slave. 1 They form striking couples for promenade— young arrayed only in straw hats, and juvenile gentlemen in the same attire with hats omitted. If there be any Calvinism in dress, they are hopeless examples of total depravity.” The editor of the Kokoma Herald lately published an article that brought down upon him the vengeful ire of some enraged female. He apologizes to her thusly: “Butreally we hope she will over look thiß little mistake in us, and al ways in the future have some fellow feeling in her bosom.” The New Albany Ledger man says this is adding insult to injury. Does the Kokoma man suppose any woman would be willing to expose the various products of the cotton field, saw mill and gristmill, which she carries, by allowing some fellow to be feeling in her bosom?” “I never shot a bird in my life,” said j a friend to an Irishman, who replied, “I never shot any thing in theahape or a bird, but a Bquirrel, which ! killed with a stone, when it fell Into the river and was drowned,” ■. M
Significant historical Pennsylvania newspapers