PubijlSHbd-jcvbey-Wednesday by J. M. COOPICB,.. _ x H. G Smith, , WM. A. MOBTOJ*, ' ; AIiFBED SXNDE BSOW TERMB-r\Two Dollars per annum, payable all ca^.ln^adyance. ..uFFlOEctSouthwrst corneb or Centre SUTfARE. ' : ... letters .on business should be ad dreSSed tO COOPEB.'SANDERSON <fc Co. ptenmj. : f He'“Prince” aiidtbe Jeweler. A jeweler of Paris one day saw a .splendid..equipage drive up. to hie door, and a tail, important looking gentleman alight from it. He wanted Wset of lady’s diamond Ornaments, a complete wed ding'outfifc. The price was fixed at two hundred thousand francs. He made a choic'6 of one, said he could grant but little for executing the order, and insist ing on leaving with the jeweler a de posit of four thousand francs in billets de bangue. He also selected a ring, worth a hundred and twenty francs, and ordered it to be.sent home the next day ; and five days after the whole set of diamonds were to be completed. Ac cordingly, on the following morning a confidential messenger of the jeweler repaired to the hotel D , in the Rue dp la Paix, and inquired (or Prince Gar garin. He was shown into an aparfc .ment on the first story. Five or six lackeys were in the ante-chamber. The Prince took the ring, paid for it, aud gave a present of ten frauds to the mes senger; who joyfully returned home, and congratulated his master in having so wealthy and liberal a customer. The jeweller, with the utmost punc tuality, carried home the 1 diamonds on the tiny appointed. The Prince was in his study, sitting before a cylindrical secretaire, which was open. The jew eler handed the casket to him, aud his highness minutely,inspected the jewels; suddenly one of the valets entered the room and announced “Prince Dolgo roki.’’ “ All! my brother-in-law,” exclaimed his highness. “ T do not wish him to see the pres ent 1 design for his sister. Request him to stay in the drawing room, and I will come to him immediately. He touched the table, the cylinder moved, and the secretaire closed ; Uie diamonds were within it; bul on the table there lay an open box filled with leather bags, and numerous rouleaux of louls huddled to gether in confusion. The jeweler ob served all tliis treasure on his arrival; but his attention was particularly at tracted by a large Russian portfolio, well lined with billets de banque, the edges of which were visible. H s highness left the room, saying he would return very shortly. About twenty minutes elapsed, and assort of vague apprehension assailed thejeweler. At length tlie door opened. Oh! here is his highness, (.bought he. Rut no, it was the master of the hotel, who, step ping up to the jeweler, said: “Are you waiting for anybody, sir?” “ I am waiting forthereturn of Prince Gargarin, to whom I have justsold a set of diamonds for two hundred thousand francs. Are you his secretary ?” “ J am his dupe, and so I presume are you?” “ What doyou mean ? His dupe! Im possible ! The jewels are shut up in his secretaire. Besides, look at his money.” He seized one of the leather bags, and opening it discovered to his horror that it was filled with nails, the rouleaux contained nothing, and the portfolio scraps of paper. However, the jeweler consoled himself —the diamonds were safe. A locksmith was sent for; the secretaire was opened, and, oh, horror! it was empty. It stood on one side of the room, against a wall in which a hole had been made, and there being a cor responding hole .in the secretaire, the jewels liiul with the most perfect ease been conveyed into an adjoiniug apart ment. The despair of the unfortunate jeweler may be easily conceived. The master of the hotel, too, who had let his apart ment to the pretended Prince Gargarin, had been extensively swindled. The servants all belonged to the hotel, with the exception of the valet clc chambre , who was the companion and confeder ate of the Prince. It was ascertained that ihey had de camped in a couch, from the door of the hottl. Every exertion was made to trace them out, but several years elapsed before they were discovered. Tlie jeweler -who was nearly ruined by this robbery, removed to another quarter of Paris, and established himself under a new name., One day a messenger called on him from M. T , a gentleman holding an official situation, tf who was very ill aud wished to purefiase some rings. The poor jeweler hud naturally become suspicious ever since his fatal adventure with Prince Gargarin, and instead of sending his shopman he took the rings himself. He was showu into a bedchamber, which was partially lighted. Owing to the situation of the windows, tlie room was all in shade, ex cept in that where the bed stood. What was the surprise of the jeweler when he discovered in the invalid, M. T , the swindler, who had some years pre viously defrauded him in the assumed character of the Russian Priuce Garga rin ! For a he was struck dumb with amazement. However, he soon recovered himself, and deeming it prudent not to betray tlie discovert lie had made, he displayed the rings ; several were selected, and their price amount to about six thousand francs. "It is u large sum of money for a poor ruined man," said Mr. T . “I have not ready cash sufficient to settle the whole amount, and I shall feel obliged If you will take In payment tills ourlous old snuff-box, which lm>f great value,” He naked for Ills dressing-case, and opened It,,took out an octagon-shaped china snuff-box, set In gold and rubles." It was perfectly unique and uf Inestima ble value. On beholding It, the Jeweler well nigh betrayed himself. The snuff box which M. T. presented to him was the one which had been stolen from him a few days before the robbery of his diamonds. The box was too remarkable to admit of the possibility of a mistake. Besides, lthadasecret spring, by means of which all the mlnatures could be tak en out of their settings. On the rever ses were painted similar subjects, but treated in the style of indelicacy peculiar to the age of Louis XV. This circum stance was important in proof of his claim to the possession of the box. When M. T. .asked him to set a value on it, he said, without hesitation: "I consider it worth more than ilfty thousand francs.” "Fifty thousand francs!” exclaimed M. T “ I thought It valuable, but this far exceeds my estimation of it,” “Bir,” resumed the jeweler, “I will not retract what I have said. lam an expert dealer, and to me it may possibly be worth far more than the sum I have mentioned. I will make this proposi tion to you, you shall tuke the rings you have selected, and you shall put the box under an envelope, stating it to be my property, and if it does not bring more than fifty thousand francsyoushall have my rings for nothing.” M. T-— was completely blinded by this scheme. He was' a good con -Tyft.nMv's^fcag , .:.'22gr: VOLUME 67. noisseur of objects of virtue, and be was not a little gratified to find his box so much overvalued, and to be enabled to obtain the rings without opening his purse. The most exaggerated valuation of the snuff-box would scarcely have exceeded seven oreightthousand francs. He sent for two of his neighbors, one of whom was a notary, and the matter was arranged comfortably with the jeweler’s proposition. This being done the inva lid said: “ Who will fix the price of the box?” “ You, sir,” coolly replied the jeweler. “M&? you are jesting.” “ I assure you, sir, I am quite serious. I would willingly lay a good wager that you will value the box at-five hundred thousapd francs.” M. T directed at the two wit nesses a look which seemed to say the man is mad, hut the jeweler added— -11 You will value it at ,hat price. I am sure that you will But first of all I have to acquaint you with a little cir cumstance connected with this box, which will enable you to perceive its real value.” M. T , full of curiosity and anx iety', consented to hear the jeweler’B communication in private. The two neighbors, taking the box with them, adjourned to the drawing room M. T and the jeweler being left alone, the jeweler said— “Bir, it is now about sixteen years since thatsnufi'-box was stolen from me, and a short time after you robbed me of fifty thousand crown’s worth of diamond under the assumed name of Prince Gar garin. I have now discovered you. j\ly evidence relative to the robbery is on record. You have declared the snufl box to be yours, and I can prove hav ing purchased it at public sale. I know a secret which will place the truth of my assertion beyond a doubt h»ow, sir, tqll me whether you are inclined to defend yourself in the criminel suit which I intend forthwith to institute against you.” Every word uttered by the jeweler fell like a thunderbolt on the ears of M. T. , Overwhelmed with the con sciousness of his guilt, his immagina tionpicturedall the horrors of imprison ment, trial, ‘sentence and the scaffold. He reflected, and tile jeweler said: ” Sir, I give you five minutes to form your determination.” At tlie expiration of that interval M. T in a faltering voice directed the jeweler to open a drawer in which he would find hitleta de banque for five hundred thousand fraucs, payable at his banker’s that same day. This being doue, the jeweler then called in the witnesses. “Gentlemen,” said he, “I have at -length convinced M. T of the real value of tlie snuff box. You see the price at which liehas purchased it back from me.” “ I have given five hundred thousand francs,” said M. T . “Here is your box,” said the jeweler, restoring it, “and X will let you have the rings into tlie bargain.” The notary who was no less amazed than the other witness, said— “Tnere is some mystery in all this.” “Probably there is,” replied the jewel er. “M. T. muy explain if he pleases ; for my part, I promise him eternal secresy.” With these words, he took his de parture, leaving the witnesses bewilder ed in a maze of conjectures. M. T. , though immensely rich, never recovered from the mortification attendant on this unexpected discovery. “Brick” Pomeroy to BUI Arp. Bill, for why do you still Arp on my daughter—so to speak ? There must be something very wrong in your nature. Reckon you must have lost something, or fouud a horse shoe and no horse to hang it on. We believe you are a very bad Bill, and so we don’t want to pass you in silence. You write as if there was something wrong with you—as if there were clouds floating over the land of magnolias aud the sunny South gen erally. Really, Bill, we are surprised. There never was so ungrateful a peo ple as you Southern gentlemen are, and now after all has been done for you, to see letters written by you so full of in sinuations, is too much. The fault of all this lies with you.— Weren’t you folks mostdoggoned wick ed before this war? Honest Indian now, Bill! Didn’t you get proud, and is not pride a sin ? And didn’t you own niggers down there, and larrup them continually to raise cotton for New Eng land nabobs to spin—sugar to sweeten our coffee, rice to eat in our puddings and tobacco to chew aud squirt over meeting house floors? Answer us, Bill. And didn’t you folks stay down there and attend to business a little too close? And didn’t you have better horses, bet ter clothes, better houses, liner grounds, better furniture and more laud than we had? We are all Christians in the North.— We felt that all these fine things were dragging your souls down to hell. We didn’t want you to rest in brimstone being in torment, so we tried to correl you in Abraham’s bosom. Abraham was a great and good man who died some time since, as we read of some where. And then, Bill, you kept your niggers too fat. Our factory operatives grew jeal ous. And our girls went down there to teach your girls something, and fell in love witli your boys, and forgot to come lunne. We felt that you were wicked. We didn't want you to go to hell! All the line tilings you hail were leading you away from salvation, so we sent Butler, utid Curtis, and Banks, and Washburn, and Steele, and Hovey, and Prentiss, and Hurlburt, and several of the elect of our Christian chureheßdown there to win you out of the Jaws of hell, by withdrawing your fine furniture, such us pianos, books, pictures, rosewood bedsteuds, marble tables, sllverwure, horses, cotton and all such plunder, to a place of safety! You were wrong to engage in war— very wrong to do that tiling. New Fug land alone could conquer you. Why, Bill, lfyou had u billion of millions of dollars, and enough nice furniture to furnish all of the houses in the country, New England could steal it in four years; and if New England Abolition ists could not, tlie Kansas saints and western children of Christian Aboli tionists could. Haven't we prayed for you in nearly ail our churches? And hqven't we told you better? Youwant ed to get out of the Union! Ah, Bill, States once in can never get out! That 1b what we always told you. All those friends of the great martyr tell you so. We wanted to keep you in. We fought you at Antietam, Pea Ridge, Gettys burg, Vicksburg, Fredericksburg, Shi loh, Mobile, Fort Donelson and devil only knows where, to keep you in the Union. And then we sent Christian missionaries down there, Bill, to rescue your valuables and remove them North, for safety you know. And we burnt down your houses, aud we took what food your wives and children badsnksd we sent your cotton to market rfor you, you know, Bill 1 And we sent three million men to war to keep you durned fellers In this happy Union. God only knows how many of yon folks we killed, for one northern man was always good for five southern men, to say nothing about mules, niggers, cotton and keep sakes. And, Bill, we have stepped Into Borne little debt on yo*ur account. You see, Bill, cotton waß too cheap. Tobacco was too cheap. Rice was .too cheap. Sugar was too cheap. Hupplness was too cheap. Our national debt was too small. It was costing too much to keep that negro boardlng-honse of yours, so we remedied that by killing your nig gers oifelving them;the benefit of liberty, rags, old bones and Abolitionism. And we made your cotton more valuable.—« And, Bill,]we enhanced the price of everythingforyon, and made a demand for carpenters and house builders down there. You forget how we have bene fited your wicked county, Bill, or you would hot Arp so continually on im aginary evils; And we did all this to keep you in the Union. Wesentold Johnßrown,peace to his ashes ! fresh from stealing horses in Kansas, to atone for his sins by rescuing negroes from your grasp in Virginia. And for this little pleasantry on the part of one of our martyrs—one of our illuminated title pages to history —you never thanked us as you should. And didn’t we throw some few iron into Charleston harbor ? The waters of that pool will be a good tonic for years, Bill! And didn’t Curtis save your cot ton ? Didn’t Butler save your gold and protect your women ? And didn’t Banks save the Red River property? And didn’t two hundred and eighteen generals get rich as mud from finding things you folks had lost ? And is not there housefull after housefull of keep sakes up North, picked up in the woods and on wood piles by our army chap lains and our moral boys, while you were trying, to kill those of our folks who -wanted to visit you to keep your souls from hell ? Bill, you are ungrateful! And then didn’t we keep this war up, till the States were all back in the Union? And didn't we go to war and keep on going to war to keep your dog goued States from going out of tlie Union? And didn’t you want to get out of the Union ? And didn’t we act magnanimous, and as soon as war was over, unite in saying that you were out of tlie Union? Really, Bill, it seems as if you had it all your own way ? This war has proved a suc cess. We were bound to push it through in ninety days, and we should but for your stubborness. All we wanted was your niggers—and your cotton, mules, furniture, silver ware and such odu trickswhich your folks could buy better than we could for you had more money ! It was wrong to keep slaves, Bill, but it was not wrong to steul. This war was to preserve the Union. Everybody said so. The Union has been preserved —so much for us. * Now } J)rethren , let us pray. Your States are kept out of the Uflion, which is still preserved! You wanted reconstruction. We’ll reconstruct you ! You folks are very wicked, Bill. God punishes wickeduess. God’s agents live in the North exclusively, Bill ! And we’ll let you back in the Union, which has been preserved, when we get ready. First, you must hunt up the balance of your property and give it to some of our great and good agents or generals. Then you must move out of your houses, that is, what are left, and let the niggers in. Aud you must give the niggers your plautations. And, Bill, you must give them all your property, aud then support the innocent cause of the late war by manual labor. Ami you must let the niggers vole, for they are wanted for Republican Congress men, Senators and sich. And you must ignore all your personal or war debts, and not pay them even upon the basis of honor. Aud you must help us pay for licking you. And ere you do this, you mint have all your property taken from you, so it will be easy. We are a just aud a magnanimous people in the North! We are liberal and brother ly! We want peace, aud harmony! We don’t want you folks to go to hell, nor do we want you to dress better than we do. Personally, we know but little of your country. In eighteen-hundred and sixty-three we left your country imme diately in advance of a bayonet for say ing that some of our folks were stealing from some of your folks and for writing naughty letters to the La Crosse Demo crat, charging some of our generals with robbing and cowardice. And we have had a very pleasant time of it at home for thinking much as you think, but now we are convinced that the war for the preservation of the Union was a splendid success—that the country is better oil—that the negroes are happier —that people are in better circum stances, especially the thieves add robbers who have fattened upon blood and stolen their enemies poor — that the way to make one section of the country love another section is to fight, rob, steul and desolate them into hap piness—that our taxes are lighter—that republican retrenchment ami reform is a good thing for poor people and lax payers—that the sure way to national greatness is to quarrel with sections con tinually—that a people are apt to love their persecutors—that it is honorable and au evidence of manly Christianity to hammer a man after he is down—that it is a blessing’for poor men to pay in terest on bonds the rich hold not taxa ble —that the negroes arc better off in rags, sickness and shallow graves than aicontented labor —thatit is unchristian to resent insults, and that you folks down South, and especially you, Bill Arp, so called, are an ungrateful people not to admire the present state of affairs in tlie Union, so called. indignanlly yours, “Brick.” Poueroy. The Cattle Plague, A report in the London Times says : “ The cattle plague is the fatal murrain from the steppes of Russia, and its proper home is in the grassy steppes of Central Asia, where it is a common epi demic disease. In all England the re turns from the Veterinary Department of the Privy Council-office to the end of December, were as follows: Attacked, 73,549; died, 41,491; killed, 13,931; re covered, 7,045; remaining, 11,082. The extent of its l’utuie progress can hardly be estimated, for with the present mode of dealing with the disease it may re main with us for years. At the lastvis itation in 1745 it stayed in the country for twelve years, and it destroyed at least 200,000 animals, 100,000 of which died and the rest were killed. The prospect belore us, therefore, is noteficouraging, and it is high time we should review the knowledge we have gained anil ap ply i! tothe future Ueuiemberingtliat it is au imported disease, we are in con stant danger of a similar visitation, and the utmost vigilance should ho exer cised at our places of import, the num ber of which should ho reduced to one or two, having a sufficient stuffofskill ful inspectors to supervise all Imported animals. "As regards the symptoms of the disease, it is thought thut the longest period of incubation Is nine days, and that a quarantine of ten days is abso lutely safe. In some cases of great ma lignity the animals have died In from I- to 14 hours after the commencement of the attack, but In most cuhbs the dis ease is protracted to the fifth or sixtli day, and occasionally to the eighth aud ninth. In some places, where the na ture of tlie disease was not recognized, aud the animals were let alone, tlie mortality was only 50 pel cent. This was so in the outbreak among the Dutch cattle at Mr. Leed’s farm in Norfolk, where out of 26 cows that were at tacked 13 recovered. During the first two mouths of the visitation of the disease in Holland, 3,319 animals were infected, and of these 1,169 died and 674 were slaughtered. This is at the rate of 55 per cent. In 1862 the number of cattle attacked by the plague in the Austrian domiuious was 296,000, of which 152,000 died. This is about 51 percent. Again, in the year 1863, when the disease invaded Galicia and over ran the whole kiugdom of Hungary and its dependencies, 14 per cent, of the cattle took the disease, but the average mortality in Hungary was not above 65 per cent. In Russia, also, during the year 1864, 159,470 cattle were attacked, .and 104,714 died or were killed. This, also, is only at the rate of 66 per cent.; but in London, where the mortality has been raised to 87 per cent., while In all England the deaths have only been 68 percent., and the total loss but 75 per cent. There Is no actual cure for the malady, but there are means of aSsist ingnature In the progress of the disease and of supporting the vital powers." Divorces are, now culled "segrega tion,” A woman segregates from her husband. Matrimony, we suppose is integration. Sfiidi -aid -va *yt a. oil ‘(uin JadT .him! LANCASTER, .PA., WEDNESDAY MORNING, MARCH 14, 1866. The Stereos, Speeehßefore. the, fieorgla teclala' Review of the Faith of People—Thrtv Effort* for Restoration—Slavery Abol ished Forever. Gentlemen of the Senate and House of Rep resentatives: I appear before you In answer .to your calL This call, comingin the imposingform it does,and under theclrcamat&Dcesitdoes, requires a response from me. You have as signed ; to me a very high, a very honorable and responsible position. This position you know 1 did not seek. Most willingly would I have avoided it; and nothing but au extraordinary sense of duty could have iuduced me to yield my own disinclinations and aversions to yourwishes arid judgment in the matter. For this unnsal manifesta tion of esteem and confidence, I return you my profoundest acknowledgment of grati tude. Of one thing only can I give you any assurance, and thaUis, if I shall be permit ted to discharge the trusts thereby imposed, they will be discharged with a singleness of purpose to the public good. The great object with me now is to see a restoration, if possible, of pe'ace, prosperity and Constitutional liberty in this once happy, but now disturbed, agitated and distracted country. To this end, all my energies aud efforts, to the extent of their powers, will be devoted. You ask my yiews on this existing state of affairs; our duties at the present; and the prospects of the future. This is a task from which, under ordinary circumstances, I might very well shrink; He who ventures to speak, and to give counsel and udvice n times of peril, or disaster, assumes no envi able position. Far be that rashness from me, which sometimes prompts the forward to rush in where angels might fear to tread. In responding, therefore, briefly to your in quiries, I feel, I trust, the full weight and magnitude of the subject. It involves the welfare of millions now living, and that of many more who are to come after ns. I am fully impressed with the consciousness of theinconceivably small effect of what I shall say upon the momentous results in volved in ihe subject itself. It is with those feelings that I now offer my mite of counsel at yonr request. And, in the outset of the undertaking, limited as it is intended to be, to a few general ideas only, well may I imitate an illustrious ex ample in invoking aid from on High; “ that I may say nothing on this occasion which may compromise the rights, the honor, the dignity, or best interests ot the country.” I mean specially the rights, honor, dignity and best interests of the people of Georgia. With their sufferings, their losses, their misfortunes, their bereavements, aud their present utter prostration, my heart is in deepest sympathy. We have reached that point in our affairs, at which the great question before us is— ** To be or not to be?”—and if to be, how? Hope, ever springing in the human breast, prompts, even under the greatest calamities and adversities, never to despair. Adver sity is a dear school, a terrible crucible, both for individuals aud communities. We are now in this school, this crucible, and should bear in mind that it is never negative in its aeliou. It is ever decided in its effects one way or the other. It either makes better or worse. It either brings out unknown vices, or raises dormant virtues. In morals, its tendency is to make saiuts or reprobates— in politics to make heroes or desperadoes. The first indication of its working for good to which hopo looks anxiously, is the man ifestation of a full consciousness of its ua tureand extent, and the most promising grounds of hope for possible good from our present troubles, or of thiqgs with us get ting better instead of worse, is the evident general realization, on the part of our peo ple, of their present situation, of the evils now upon them, and of the greater ones still impending. These it is not my pui po.so to exaggerate if I could—that would be useless ; nor to lessen or extenuate —that would bo worse than useless. All fully un derstand and realize them. They feel them. It is well they do. Can these evils upon us—the absence of l<tw, the want of protection and security of person and property, without which civili zation can not advance—be removed? or can those greater ones which threaten our very political existence, be adverted? These are the questions. It is true we have not the control of all the remedies, even if the questions could be satisfactorily answered. Our fortunes and destiny are not entirely inourown hands.— Yet there are some things that we may, and cun, and ought, m my judgment, to do"; from which no harm can cotne; and from which some good may follow in betteringour pres ent condition. States and communities, as well as individuals, when they have done the best they can in view of surrounding cir cumstances, with all the lights they have be fore them—lot results be what they may cun at least enjoy the consolation—no small recompense that—ofhaving performed their duty, and of having conscience void of of fense before God and man. This, if no more valuable result, will, I trust, attend Lhe doing of what I propose. The first great duty, then, I would enjoin at this time, is the exercise of the simple, though difficult and trying, but neverthe less indispensable quality of patience.— Patience requires of those afflicted to bear and suffer with fortitude whatever ills may befall them. This is often, and especially is it the case with us now, essential for their ultimate removal by any instrumen talities' whatever. YVe are in the condition of a man with a dislocated limb,ora broken leg, and a very bad compound fracture at that. How it be came broken should not be with him a question of so much importance as how it can be restored to health, vigor andstrength. This requires of him as the highest duty to himself, to wait quietly and patieutly in splints and bauduges, until nature resumes her active powers—uutil the vital functions perform their office. The knitting of the , bones and the granulation .of the flesh re quire time. Perfect quiet and repose, even under the severest pain, is necessary. It will not do to make 100 great haste to get well. An attempt to walk too soon will only make the matter worse. We must or ought now, therefore, in a similar manner to discipline ourselves to the same or like degree of patience. I know the anxiety and restlessness of the popular mind to be fully on oar feet again—to walk abroad as we once did—to enjoy once more the free out-door air of heaven, with the perfect use of all our limbs. 1 know how trying it is to be denied representation in Congress while we are paying our proportion of the taxes—how annoying it is to be even par tially under military rule, and how injuri ous it is to tho general interest and business of tho country to be without post-offices and mail communications, to say nothing of divers other matters on the long list of our present inconveniences and privations. AM these, however, we patiently bearand endure for u season. Withquietund repose we may gel well—may get once more on our feet again. One thing is certain, that bad humor, ill-temper, exhibited either in rest lessness or grumbling, will not hasten It. Next to this, another great duty we owe to ourselves Is the exercise of a liberal spirit of forbearance among ourselves. Tho first step toward local or general har mony is the banishment from our bronsts of every fooling and sentiment calculated to stir the discord of the past. Nothing could be more injurious or mlsobievous to the future of this counLry, than tho agitation at present of questions that divided the people anterior to, or, during the existence of the late war. On no occasion, and especially in the buHtowmont of office, ought such differ ences of tho past evor to oe mentioned, either for or against any one, otherwise equally entitled to confidence. These ideas or sentiments of other times and circum stances are not the germs from which hope ful organization can now rise. Let all alf forences of opinion touching errors, or sup posed errors, of tbe head or heart, on tne purt of any in the past, growing out ofthese matters, be at once in the deep ocean of ob livion forever buried. Let there bo no crim inations or reoriiuinations, on account of acts of other days; no cauvassing of past conduct or motives. Great disasters are upon us and upon the whole country; and without inquiring how these originated, or at whose door the fault should be laid, let us now, as common shar ers of common misfortunes, on all occasions, consult only as to the best means, under the circumstances as we find them, to secure the best ends toward farther amelioration. Good government is what we want. This should be the leading desire and the controlling object with allj and I need not assure you if this can be obtained, that our desolated fields., our towns and villages, and cities now in ruins, will soon—like the Phcenix—rise again from their ashes; and all our waste places will again, at no distant day, blossom as the rose. This view should also be borne in mind, that whatever differences of opinion existed before the late fury of the war. they sprung mainly from differences as to the best means to be used, and the best line of polioy to be pursued, to secure the great controlling ob ject of all—which was good Government. Whatever may be said of the loyalty ordis loyalty of any, in the late moßt lamentable conflict of arms, I think I may venture safely to say thnt there was, on the part of the great mass of the people of Georgia, and of the entire South, no disloyalty to the prin ciples of the Constitution of the United States—to' that system of representative government; of delegated and limited pow ers; that eatabllshmerit In a new phase on this continent, 6f 1 all the essentials hi Eng land's Magna Oharta, for the pro- Jr”! A tection i and security .of life, liber ty, and i property; with .the addition al recognition of the principle as a funda mental troth, that all political powerf-resides in the people. With..usit'.was simply a question as to where oarallegianoe was doe in the mamfenaheebf these principles; which authority was paramount in the last resort— Stateor Federal. As for myself I can affirm that no sentiment of disloyalty to these great principles of self-government, recog nized and embodied in the Constitution of the United States, ever beat or throbbed in breast or heart of mine. To their mainte nance my whole soul was ever enlisted, and to this end my whole life has heretofore been devoted, and will continue to be the rest“of my days—God willing. In devotion to tnese princmles, I yield to no man living This much I can say for myself, may I not say the same for you and for tbe great mass of the people of Georgia, and for tbe great mass of the people of the entire South?— Whatever differences existed among us arose from differences as to the best and surest means of securing these great ends, which was the object of all. It was with this view and this purpose secession was tried. That has failed. Instead of bettering our condi tion, instead of establishing our liberties up on a surer foundation, we have, in the war that ensued, come well nigh losing the whole of the rich inheritance with which we/ set out. _ This is one of the sad realizations of the 1 present. On this, too, we are illustrating the teachings of history, Wars, and civil ware especially, always menace liberty; they seldom advance ft, while they usually end in itsentire overthrow and destruction. Oura stopped just short of such a catastrophe.— Our only alternative now is, either to give up all hope of constitutional liberty, or to retrace our steps aud to look for its vindica tion and maintenance in the forums of rea son and justice, instead of in the arena of arms—in the courts and hallsoflegislation, instead of on the fields of battle. I am frank and candidintellingyou right here, that our surest hopes , in my judgment, in these ends are in the re&toi'ation policy of the President of the United States, I have little hope fur liberty—little hope for the success of the great American experiment of self-government —but in the success of the present efforts for the restoration of the States to their former practical relations in a common Government, under the Consti tution of the United States. We are not without an encouraging ex-, ample on this line in the history of thri mother country—in the history tors—from whom wederived.in agreat mea sure, the principles to which wearesomuch devoted. Tbe truest friends of liberty in England once (in 1642) abandoned the forum of reason and appealed, as we did, to the sword, as tbe surest means, in their judg ment, of advancing their cause. This was after they had made great progress, under tho lead of Hampden, Coke, Falkland and others, in the advancement of liberal prin ciples. Many usurpations bad been check ea; many of the prerogatives of the crown had been curtailed; tbe Petition of Right had been abandoned; courts-martial had been done away with; habeas corpus had been ro-estnblished; high courts of commis sion aud star chamber had been abolished; many other great abuses of power had been corrected, and other reforms established.— But, not satisfied with these, and not satis fied with the peaceful working of reason, to go on in its natural sphere, the denial of the sovereignty of the crown was pressed, by the too ardent reformers, upon Charles the First. All else he bad yielded—this be would not. The sword 'was appealed to to settle the question ; a civil war was the re sult great valor and courage were dis played on both sides; men of eminent vir tue and patriotism fell in the sanguinary and fratricidal conflict; the King was de posed and executed ; a Commonwealth pro claimed. But the end wus the reduction of the people of England to a worse state of oppression than they had been irfr for cen turies. They retraced their steps. .After nearly twenty years of exhaustion and blood, and the loss of the greater portion of tbe liberties enjoyed by them before they, by almost unanimous consent, called for restoration. The restoration came. Charles the Second ascended the throne, as unlim ited a monarch as evor ruled the empire. Not a pledge was asked nor a guarantee given, touching the concession of the royal prerogatives that had been exacted aud ob tained from his father. The true friends of liberty, of reform and of progress in government, had become convinced that these were the offspring of peace and of enlightened reason, and not of passion nor of arms. The House* of Com mons and the House of Lords were hence forth the theatres of their operations, and not the fields of Newberry or Marston- Moor. The result was, that in less than thirty years, all their ancient rights and privileges, which had been lost in tbe civil war, with new securities, were re-estab lished in the ever-rnemorable settlement of 1668; which, for all practical purposes, may be looked upon as a bloodless revolution. Since that time England has made still further and more signal strides in reform and progress. But not oneofihese has been effected by resort to arms. Catholic eman cipation was carried in Parliament after years of argument, against the most porsist ent opposition. Reason and justice ulti mately prevailed. So with the removal of the disability of the Jews—so with theover throw ofthe rotten borough system—so with the extension offranchise—so with the mod ification of the Corn.lawKandrestrictionson commerce, opening the way to the establish ment of the principles of free trade—and with all the other great reforms by Parlia ment, which has so distinguished English history for the last half century. May we not indulge hope, even in the al ternative before us now, from this great example of restoration, if all but do as the friends of liberty there did ? This is my hope, my only hope. It is founded on the virtue, intelligence and patriotism of tho the American, people. I have not lost my faith in the people, or in their capacity for self-government. But ior these great essen tial qualities of human nature to be brought into active and efficient exercise, for the ful fillment of patriotic hones, it is essential that the passions of the aay should subside; that the causes of these passions should now be discussed ; that tho embers of the late strife shall not be stirred. Man, by nature, is ever prone to scan closely the errore and defects of bis fellow man—ever ready to rail at tho mote in his brother’s eye, without considering the beam that is in his own. This should not be. We all have our motes or beams. We are ail frail; perfection is tho attribute of uoue.— Prejudice or prejudgment should bo in dulged toward hone. Prejudice! What wrongs, what injuries, what mischiefs, what lamentable consequences have resulted at all times from nothing but this perversity of the intellect I Of all tho obstacles to the advancement of truth and human progress in every department—in science, in art, in government, and In religion, in all ages and climes, not one on the list is more formida ble, more difficult to overcome and subdue, than this horrible distortion of the moral as well as intellectual faculties. It is a host of evil within itself. I could enjoin no greater duty upon my countrymen now, North and South, than the exorcise of that degree of forbearance which would enable thorn to conquer their prejudices. One of the high est exhibitions of the morally sublime tho world ever witnessed was that of Daniel Wobstor, when, in un open barouche In the streets of Boston, ho proclaimed, In sub stance, to a vast assembly of his constitu ents—unwilling henrors—that “they had conquered an uncongenial clime j they had conquered a sterile soil; they had conquered the winds and elements of the ocean; they conquered most of tho elements of nature; but they* must yet learn to conquer their prejudices!” I know of no more fitting Incident or scene in the life of that wonderful man, il claruB et vir fortisimua for perpetuating the memory of the true greatness of his character, on canvass or In marble, than a representation of him as he then and there stood and spoke! It was an exhibition of moral grandeur, surpassing that of Aris tides, when he said, “O, Athenians, what Themistocles recommends would be greatly to your interest, but it would be unjust r I say to you, and if my voice could ex tend throughout this vast country, over hill and dale, over mountain and valley, to hovel, hamlet and mansion, village, town and city, I would say, first of all, looking to restoration of peace, prosperity and har mony, in this land, is the great duty of ex ercising that degree of forbearance which will enable them to conquer their preju dices—prejudices against communities as well as individuals. Andjnext tothat, the indulgenceof a Chris tian spirit of charity. “ Judge not, that ye be not Judged,” especially in matters grow ing out of the late war. Most of the wars that have scourged the world, even in the Christian era, have arisen on {winte of con science, or differences as to the surest way of salvation, A strange way that to Heaven, is it not ? How much disgrace to the Church and shame to mankind, would have been avoided, If the ejaculation ofeach breast had been, at all times as it should have been— “ Let not this weak, unknowing hand Presume thy bolts to throw, And deal damnation round, tue land 1 On him I deem tuy foe.” How equally proper 1b it now, when the spirit of peace seemsto be hovering over our war-stricken land, that, in convassing the conduct or motives of others during the late conflict, this great truth should be impressed on the minds of all; “ Who made the heart t ’Tla he alone Decidedly can try ujj ; ** .ff v;bf. Ha knows each ohord, i!s various tone, Each spring, Its various bias. ! Then &t the balance let’s be t.nte. AVe never can adjust it; What’s done we partly may compute. Bat know- not what’s resisted.’’ 1 Of all the heaven-descended virtues that elevate and ennoble' human nature, the highest, the sublimest and the divinest is charity. By all means, then, fail not to ex ercise and cultivate this soul-regeuerating element of fallen nature. Let it be culti vated and exercised, not ‘only among our selves and toward ourselves, on all ques tions of motive or conduct touching the late war, but toward all mankind. Even to ward our enemies, if we have any, let the aspirations of our hearts be, “ Father, for give them ; they know not what they do.” The exercise of patience, forbearance and charity, therefore, are the throe first duties I would at this time enjoin—and of these three, “ the greatest is charity.” . But to prooeed. Another one of our pres ent duties is this. We should accept the issues of the wa t , and abide by them in good faith. This, I feel persuaded, it is your purpose to do, as well as that of your consti tuents. The people of Georgia have, in Convention, revoked and annulled her or dinance of 1861, which wan intended to sever her from the compact of union of 1787. The Constitution of the United States has , been reordained as the organic law of our land. Whateverdifferences of opinion here tofore existed as to where our allegiaueo was due during the late state of things, none for any practical purpose can exist now. Whether Georgia, by the action of our Convention in 1861, was ever rightfully out of the Union or not, there eau be no question that she is now in, so far as de pends upon her will, and l deem the whole United States therefore now, without question, our country, to be cherished and defended ns such by all our hearts and by all our arms. The < Vmstitu ion of the United States, and the treaties and laws made in pursuance thereof, are now acknowledged to be the paramount law in this whole country. Whoever, there fore, is true to these principles is now re cognised as loyal, as tar as Unit term has any legitimate use or force under our in stitutions. This is the only kind of loyalty, and ibe only test of loyalty that the Con stitution itself requires. In any other view, everything pertaining to restoration, so far as regards the great body of the people, in at least eleven States of the Union, is but making a promise to the ear to be broken to the All, therefore, who accept the issue of the war in good faith, and coineup to the test required by the Constitution, are now loyal, however they may have hereto fore been. But with this change comes a new ordeV of things. One of the results of the wa>fs a total change oCujur whole in ternal policy. Our former fedeial fabric has been entirely subverted. Like those con vulsions in nature which break up old in crustations, the war has wrought a new epoch in our political existence. Old things have passed away, and all things among us iu this respect are new. The relation heretofore, under our old sys tem, between the African and European races, no longer exists. Slavery, as it was called, or the status of the black race—their subordination to the whites, upon whichall our institutions rested—is abolished forever, riot only in Georgia, but throughout the limits of thq United States. This change should be received and accepted as an irre vocable fact. It is a bootlessquestlon now to discuss whether the new system is better for both races than the old one was or not. That may be proper later for the philosophic and philanthropic historian of some future time to inquire into, afier the new system shall have been fully and fuir ty tried. All changes of systems, or pro posed reforms, are but experiments and problems to be solved. Our system of self government was an experiment first. Per haps, as a problem, it is not solved. Our present duty in regard to this subject is not with the past or the future. It is t with the present. The wisest and best of uien err in their- judgment as to the probable working of any new system. Let us, therefore, give this one a fair and just trial without preju dice, and with that earnestness of purpose which always looks hopefully to success.— It is an ethnological problem, on the solu tion ot which depends not only the best in terests of both races, but, it may be, the existence of one or the other if not both.— This duty of giving this new system a fair and just trial will require of you, as legis lators of the land, great changes iu our former laws in regard this largo class of population. Wise and humane pro visions should bo made for them. It is not for me to go into detail. Suffice it to say, on this occasion, that ample and lull protection should be secured to thorn, so that they may start equal before the law in the possession and enjoyment of all the rights of personal liberty and property. Many con siderations claim this at your hands. Among these may be stated their tidelity iu limes past. They cultivated your fields, minis tered to your personal wants and comforts, nursed and reared yourchildrcn,an<i even in the hour of danger anil peril they were in the main true to you and yours. To them we owe a debt of gratitude, as well as acts of kindness. This should always be done,be cause they are poor,untutored,uninformed, many of them helpless, liable to be imposed upon, and need it. Legislation should ever look to the protection of the weak against the strong. Whatever may be said of the equal ity of races or their natural capacity to be come equal, we cun doubt that at ihis time this race among us is not equal to the Cau casian. This inequality does not lessen the moral obligations on the part of the superior to the inferior. Tt rather increases them. — From him who has much, m *re is required than from him who has little. Thu present generation of them, it is true, is far above their savage progenitors who were at first introduced into this country in general in telligence, virtue and moral culture. This shows capacity for improvement ; but in all the higher characteristics of mental development they are still very far below the European type. What further advance ment they may make, or what standard they may attain under a different system of laws, every way suitable and wisely ap plicable to their changed condition, time alone can disclose. I speak of them as we now know them to be, having no longer the protection of a master or a legal guar dian. They now need all the protection which the shield of .the law can give, but above all this, protection should be se cured because it is right and just that it should be upon general principles. All governments, in then*, organic structure, as well as in their adrroniatrutiou, should have this leading object in view. The good of the governed, protection anti security to all un der its jurisdiction should bo the chief end of every government. It is a melancholy truth that while this should be the chief end of all governments, most of them are used only as instruments of power for the aggrandizement of a few at the expense of and for the oppression of the many. Such are not our ideas of government, never have been, and never should be. Govern ments, according Lo our ideas, should look to the good of the whole, and not a part only. The greatest good to the greatest number, Is u favorite dogrnn with some. Some ho delended our old system, but you know this was never my doctrine. The greatest good to all without detriment or Injury to any is the true rule. Those gov ernments only are founded upon correct principles of roason and Justice which look to tho greutost attainable advancement, im provement and progress, physically, Intel lectually and morally, or all classes und conditions within their rightful Jurisdic tion. If our old system while it lusted, und I repeat It now that it is no more In legisla tion, therefore tbe now syßtem shoula look to the best Interests of all classes—protec tion. security and improvement, physically, • intellectually and morally. All obstacles, if there be any, shoald bo removed, which can possibly hinder or retard tho blacks to the extent of their capacity. All proper aid should be given to their own efforts. Chan nels of edneation should be opened up to them: schools and the usual means of moral and intellectual training should bo encouraged among them. This will dictate not only what is right, proper and just In itself, but it is also the prompting of the highest considerations of interest. It is difficult to conceive a greater evil or curse than could befall our country, stricken and distressed as it now is, for so large a por tion of its population as this class will quite propably constitute among us hereafter, to be reared in ignorance, depravity and vice. Let us not, however, indulge in such a fu ture. The Bystem can bo worked. Let us not stand still hesitatingly, askingcan there any good thingcome out of Nazareth? But let us rather say, as Gamaliel did, if this council or this work be of men it will come to nought, if it be of God, who cannot over throw it. The questions of the age are so cial problems. With these we have here tofore .had but little to do. The eman cipation of the blacks was ever consider ed by me with much interest. Looking to the, pest Interests of all the pecuniary as pects of it, the considerations of labor and capital, In a political, economical view sink into signflcanc© in comparison with this; the problem, oneof the results of war, 1b now upon us, presenting one of the most perplex ing questions of the sort that any people ever bad to deal with. Let us resolve, to do the beet we can with it, from all the lights wo have or can get; and in this connection, I take the liberty of quoting for your consid eratimz {Some remarks even from Rev. H. W, Beecher. I met with them some months 'qgo; “tittle pondering on this subject, and was as muoh struck as surprised with the drift of their philosophy, coming from the wouroe they did, I give them as I find them NUMBER 10. in the New York Times, where they were reported. You may be as much surprised at hearingsuoh Ideas from Mr. Beecherasl was; but, however muoh we may differ from him on many questions, and on many ques tions connected with this subject, yet all must admit him to rank among the master spirits of the age, and no one perhaps has contributed more by the power of his pen and voice in bringing about the present state of things than behas. Yet, neverthe less, I commend to your consideration as pertinent to our present object, what he was reported to have said; as follows; “Iu our land and time fact 9 and questions are press ed upon us which demand Christian sup port. On this ground and doctriue we can-" not escape the responsibility.” Mr. Stephens quoted what he Baid of the state of things when he spoke in the State of New York aud the fearful antagonism of classes. That is, said he, much more applicable to us hero. Only two great classes exist; but these are deeply marked by distinctions bearing the impressofnature.Theone is now, beyond all question greatly superior to theother. These classes are as distinct as races ot men can be, One of the highest type of humanity, the other of the lowest. AU that he says of the duty of the superior to protect, to aid, to en courage and help the inferior, I fully and cordially indorse*, and commend to you as quite as applicable to us and our situation as it was tohis auditors. Whether the doc trine, if carried out and practiced, will settle all the most troublesome home ques tion with us, and as easily as he seemed to think, would home questions with those whom he was addressing, I will not under take to say. I have no hesitancy, however, in saying that the general principles pro nounced by him are good. Let them be adopted by us as far as practicable. No harm can come from it, much good may.— Whether the great barrier of races which the Creator has placed .between this our inferior class and ourselves, shall pre vent a success of the experiment now ou trial of a peaceful, happy and prosper ous community, composed of such ele ments and sustaining present relations to ward each other, or oven a further elevution on the part of the inferior if they prove themselves tit for it, let the future, under the dispensation of Providence, decide. We have to deal with the present. Let us do our duty now, leaving results and ultimate consequences to that “Divinity which shapes our ends, rough hew them how we will.” In ull things on this sulfbct, os all others, let our guide be tho enviable motto ot our State. Let our counsels be govern ed by wisdom, our measures by modera tion, aud our principles by justice. So much for what I have to say on this occa sion touching our present duties on this ab sorbing subject, und some of our duties in reference to a restoration of peace uud or der, without which all must sooner or later end in their confusion and anarchy or des potism. I have, as I said I should, only glanced at souio general ideas now as to the future prospect before us on this branch of the subject. I can add but little. You can form an idea of my views of that from what has already been said. Would that I could say something cheer ful, but that candor which has marked all that I have said, compels me to say that, to me, the future is far from being bright. Nay, it is dark and impenetrable? thick gloom curtains and closes in the horizon all around us. This much I cun say, my only hope is in the peuceful maintenance after ward, and further, the most hopeful pros pect of this age now, is the restoration of the old Uniou, and with it the speedy return of fraternal feeling throughout its length and breadth. These results depend upon tho people themselves, upon the people of the North quite as much us the South, upon their virtue, intelligence and patriotism.— But for this I should have long since de spaired ; dark and gloomy as tho present hour is, I do not yet despair of free institu tions. Let the virtue, intelligence and pa triotism of the people throughout the whole country be property appealed to, aroused uud brought into action, uud all may yet be well. The masses everywhere are alike equally inter ested in the great object. Let old issues, old questions, old differences and old fends be regarded as fossils ot another epoch. They belong to what will hereafter be considered the Silurian period of our history. Great views and living questions are before us. Let it not be suid of us in this day, not yet passed ofour country’s trial and agony, that there was a party for Caesar and a party for Poinpey, and a party f<v Brutus, but no party for Rome, butnll patriots by whatever designation heretofore styled, rally in all elections—everywhere to the support of him, be he whom ho may, who bears the stand ard with Constitution emblazoned ou its folds. President Johnson is now, in my judgment, the chief great standard-bearer of these principles, and in his efforts at res toration should reeeivq the cordial support of every well wisher of his country. Tn tliis consists really my only hope. Should he be sustained, und the Government he restored to its former functions, all the States brought back to their practical re lations under the Constitution, our situa tion will begreatly changed from what it was before. A radical ajid tundumental change as has been stated, has been made in that organic law. Wo shall have lost what was known asourpeculiarinstitution,which was so entertwined with the whole framework of ourStatebody politic. Weßhallhave lost nearly half the accumulated capital of a cen tury, but shall have still left the essential ol free government contained and embodied in the old Constitution, untouched and unim paired, as they came from hands ofour fathers. With these, even if we had to be gin entirely new, the prospect before us would be much more encouraging than the prospecct before them when the lied from the oppressions of the old world, and sought shelter and homes in this then wilderness land. The liberties we begin with they had to achieve. With the same energies and virtues they displuyed, we have much more to cheer us than they had. With a climate unrivalled m sa lubrity, with a soil unsurpassed in fertility, and with products’ unequalled in the markets of tho world, to say nothing of mineral resources, we shall have much still to wed us to tho good old land, with good government—the matrix from which alone springs all great human achievements—we shall lack nothing but our own proper ex ertions, not only to recover our former prosperity, but to attain a much higher de gree of development than has ever before characterized a great, free and happy peo ple. At least I know of m> lanci Lhe sun shines on that offers better prospects under these contingencies. The old Union wus bused on the assumption that it was for the best interests of the people of tho Unitdd States to be united as they were, each State fuithfully performing to the people of other States all their obligations under a com mon compact. I ulwuys said that this assumption was founded on broud, cor rect and statesmanlike principles. I think so yet. It was only when it seemed to bo impossible further to main tain it without hazarding greater evils than would perhaps attend a separation, that I yielded my ussent in obedience to tho voice of Georgiu, to try tbe experiment Just re sulting so dlHastrously to us. Indeed, dur ing tho whole lamentable conlilet, it whm my opinion that, however tho pondingstrifo might torininato, so fur as tho appeal to the Hworil was concerned, after a while when the passions und excitement of tho day should pass uwuy, un adjustment or ar rangement would be made upon constitu tional principles, upon u gonornl basis of reciprocal advantage and mutual conve nience, on which the Union wus first es Uiblished. My eurnest desire, however, throughout all, was, whutover might lie dono might be peacefully done; might bo tile result of culuj, dispassionate uud en lightened reason, looking to the perma nent Interest und welfare of all. And now, after the severe chastisomont of war, if the general sense of tho whole country shall coino back to tho acknowl edgment of the original assumption that It is for the best Interests of ull the States to be so united, as I trust it will, the Stales still being distinct as the billows, but one as the sea, I can perceive no reason why under such restoration—we, as a whole, with peace, commerce and honest friend ship with all nations, and entangling alli ances with none, may not enter upon a new career, exacting increased wonder in the old world by the grunder achievements hereafter to be made than any heretofore attained, by the peaceful and hnr monious workings of our American institutions of self-government. All this is possible, if the hearts of the people be right. It is my earnest wish to see It. Fondly would I indulge my fancy in gazing on such a picture of tho future, with what rapture may we not suppose the spirits of our fathers would hail its opening scenes from their mantion above! Much are my hopes, resting on such contingencies; but if, instead of this, the passions of the day shalLconllnue to bear sway, and prejudice ahull rule the hour, if a conflict of races shall arise, if ambition ahull turn the scalo; if the sword' shall be thrown Into the balance agalnHt patriotism; if the embers of the late war shall bo kept aglow until, with new fliel, they shall flame again then our pres ent gloom is but the shadow, tho poflumbra of that deeper and darker eclipse which is to totally obscure this hemisphere, and blight forever the anxious anticipations and ex pectations- of mankind. Then, hereafter by some bard it may be sung: ’ The star of hope shone brightly in the West ■ The hope of U6erty the last, the bea t - - * ,That, too, has set upon >.er darltenedshoro And nope and freedom light the earth no more. May we not all on this occasion, on this h j ) r-.UtU a w- . jbates, or isYnmuro. h BTTHIK*SB ABV3CBTZSZXXHTB, H 2-& year p et square of ten lines; ten percent, increaselbr _ fractionsof a year, Ri*i» &nun»FEßaoßAnFßOFnezT.and Onr« mL.APVlßTiflnio, T aatitf; e lltw flg'thfl first* and 4 oenta tor eachisnbceauentixiser tion* < • : Patsht Mxdxgxnss and other adverse'hr the column: ... \ ■ Oneoolunn, l 7ear f^....M .. M .M.... M .4..4100 Half column, 1 00 Third column, 1 4O Quarter oolumn, 1..,;.....-..........;... 80 Huannsa Ganns, of ten lines or less, one ya^r tt 10 Business Cards, dye lines or less,’ one year, .. * „ liSOAL AND OTHEB NOTICES— Executors’ notices Administrators’ notices, Assignees’ notices....... ’ Auditors’ notices, Other " Notices, ’ ten lines, or 'less, three times,... anniversary of the birthday of Washington join in a fervent prayer to heaven that the Great Ruler of events may avert from this land 9ueh n fate, and such a requiem!— [Great applause,] The Course of Congress—lts Buinoiu Effect on the Country. There is ruin in the rad leal programme. Disasters of the most serious na ture are involved iu the present political condition of the country, and must inevitably flow from the course pursued by the dominant party. The situation is regarded too much iu its purely poli tical aspect for the people to see the effect that all this radical strife is hav ing and is to have upon the material interests of every titate in the Union. Looking at the struggle of Congress against the President merely on thesur face, the people see only issues on ques tions of constitutional . right and power as relates to the negA)— the position of the negro in several States—idle fancies on negro suffrage and some philosophical nousense on. equal uegro rights, with much forensic bullying It is an interesting and an entertaining spectacle. All this blaze over the nigger is to many as pleasing as the blaze that the Chinaman looked at while roasting his pig; and as the Chinaman forgot that the blaze which roasted his pig was at the same time burning down his house, so it seems to be forgotten that these an tics of the rad icals are break i ng down the foundations of public confidence over a large part of the country, and are doing an injury to the vital business interests ofthe nation whose effects will be greater than any one would just now dare to prediet. At the commencement of the present session of Congress our future was full of promise. Kvery one looked forward to au immediate revivalof that commer cial activity in virtue of which we had growu so great in the years before the war. We had come through the tre mendous contest with a strength that astonished the world, aud we seemed determined to show to the world that we were fresh enough to fight it over again if it had been necessary, and that the many requirements of the contest, and the burdens it had put upou us, could not dampen the energy and ardor of our career. We were also in a fair way to give the lie to those bud prophets who had said the States will uever be one again. Reconstruction had already made the happiest progress. Our Executive had' treated the conquered foe with a moderation thut all states men of past times had commended for such an occasion, though none had ever put it in practice. Wo saw already the good eifectsof that magnanimous policy; for the Southern people, under its in fluence, had accepted the result ofthe struggle in n spirit as generous as our own, and were doing theirall to become good citizens once more. Our merchants suw, with the ready perception of ucute traders, that this great section ofthe country was coining into relation with our markets once more, and an immense spring business wus eouuted upon. La bor started well in the South, and the North, counting on the cotton crops, gave a new uctivily to its mills and its ships. We were going into the business of peace with all that enthusiasm with which, four years previously, wo had gone into the business of war. Where are all these fairprospects now? Crushed under the ruthless heel of the radical majority in Congress. As Peace rose from her four years of prostration, the radicals forced down again, spurned and trampled upon her, aud yelled with frantic fury for the war to be kept up; for the cont inuation of a cowardly war against a people who had laid down their arms; for a war of legislation ugainst a people who stood at our mercy. As its first eonsequeuce, this murderous course destroyed the confidence that capital everywhere felt in the early res-* loration of the country to its natural condition. It demoralized Southern society more completely than the war had done. It deprived the Southern farmer of the very incentive to toil,and it paralyzed all tliat'aclivity in our bus iness that in any way had relation to the South. An immense business that counted on the revival -of the nation everywhere will be without its custom ers by the direct consequence of the acts of Congress. Merchants will fail, fac tories will stop, hands will be idle and wages will go clown—all as the conse quence of the crazy nigger-worshipping acts of Congress. Mr. Lincoln feared that when the war was over the South might refuse to send representatives to Congress—might prac tically dissolve the Union by refusing to take part in the government; and he judged it so important for Southern members to be in Congress that he was willing to adopt some measures to force their attendance. How different was that idea of our government from the radical idea that will not admit the members when sent! All the radical fighting with the President is to keep out of Congress men that Mr. Lincoln thought we ought to force into Con gress, and for this object they are willing to ruin the country, to keep it in a state of anarchy, to render it impossible for labor to flourish and trade to fiud its natural channels.— They are destroying business and breaking down the finances of the nation to secure the success of their party schemes, and they must be held responsible for it before the country. — They will ruin the country rather than not rule it, and this was just the posi tion of the former traitors. Let the people take full notice that it istheradicai mujority they are to hold responsible for all the miseries thut will be the re sult of the injury to commerce that must ensue from the present’state ofthe country. And Jet all those committees who go to the President to talk about free trade and nigger rights go to another quarter. Let them go to the radical Congressmen who have forgotten the people, and tell them with what indig nation aud alarm the people- regard their factious course.—A T . Y. Herald. The Value of a Lady’s Wardrobe. An interesting jury trial Is now In Cincinnati. The uctlon was broughtby Mrs. Jane L. Long ugainst the steam boat Oonerul Buell. The plaintiff sought to recover the valuoof two truuks unci their contents, which wore shipped at Louisville, September r>, 1805, to be delivered at Cfucinimli. The action was originally brought in the name of her husband, General Ell Long, but the articles being the personal property of Ills wife, the petition wus amended. On thepartofthedefenso, It was claim ed that the boat was not llablo on the ground that the loss was occasioned by the act of Clod: and also that the trunk contained jewelry and articles of silver ware, of which no notice was given to the officers of the boat, and for which no freight was paid. The plaintiff replied that the trunk contained articles that were legitimately belonging to a lady’s wardrobe. , The defendant's counsel read a list of the articles contained in one of the trunks ; Mozambique dress skirt, $0 ; ohecked grenadine, $4O; black alpaca grenadine,s47; sliver colored grenadine do., $4O ; delaine do,, $2O ; lawn skirts, $3O ; lawn dress, $l5 ; drab silk do aun . mantle, $l3O ; drab silk bonnet, $4O ; corsets, $2O ; cambric underskirts, $ll : muslin underskirt, $O2 ; two balmoral skirts, $2O ; night wrappers, $0(1; one doz. emb’d liuen chemises, $103: velvet hat, $l3 ; niue silk belts and sashes, : $l7 50 : toilet soap, $l2 ; lawn drawers, $4O-; Bilk basque, $3O; velvet back blblef $10; ivorycomb,sl2; fans,s2o; Jewelry $81; gold braoelet,sl4o; pearl ear-rings, $OO ; silver Bait-cellars, lined with gold, $5O; gold buckle, $3O. Total including a few other articles, $2,004; A list was Also read of articles In one of the trunks not lo t, whloh contained I about a dozen dresses, ranging in prices from $6O up to Sl4O. A Wohan of Fashion.—To be a woman of fashion is the easiest thing in the world. , A late writer thus de scribes it: -l M. “Buy everything you don’t want, ‘ and pay for nothing you get; smile on' all. mankind but your Ausband; be happy every where:but at home; ne glect yourcblldren, and nurse lap-dogs ; > churoh every time you get a new :... 2.00 2.00 1.60
Significant historical Pennsylvania newspapers