--TEI,;./TgADAY, DECEMBER 27, 1885. . . . - "k ) o-i.ltkikeprbilingPresses shall be free to every peraon who undertakes to examine .the :pro beedin,Wof the" legislatnre, or any 'branch of government; and no law shall ever be made torestrainthert thereof. ThefreeCoMmu nicatlon of tho t and opinions is tine of the invaluable rig .of men.; - and every citizen may freely speak, write and print oil:any sub ject ; being, responsible for the abuse of that prosecutions for the publication of papers investigating the official conduct of offi cers, or men in public capacities, or where the matter published is proper for - public informa tion, the truth thereof may be given in evi dence." . The Unkindest Cut of All. ~. Noparty, however strong, couldstand a year upon such a platform." We clip the above from the Washing ton Chronicle of Saturday last, a paper that is edited and controlled, we believe, by. John W. Forney. The editor is speaking of the insane project of Thad deus Stevens in reference to the manner in which the late insurgent States should be governed—that is, held and managed as Territories until they give the ne groes votes, and until it is the pleasure, some years hence we presume, of the Abolitionists to admit them as States of the Union. President Johnson, it is well known, is in direct antagonism to Stevens on this question, and the quar rel is beginning to assume shape and consistency. Forney, however much he may sympathise with Stevens and secretly bid him God-speed in his revolutionary programme, is not willing to break with the President, 'the more especially as that functionary is yet in the first year of his adminis tration, and will be the dispenser, for three years to come, of an immense amount of patronage. Still it was peculiarly unkind and treacherous in. Forney thus to give this " veteran patriot," as he is pleased to call the hero of the Buckshot war, such a murderous thrust at the very moment when he was bespattering him with praise. The e litor of the Chronicle owes much to Stevens for the thousands he has pocketed from the public treas ury. But gratitude is no part of his na ture. Esau like, he would sell his birth-right for a mess of pottage and he would join any political party and at tach himself to the skirts of any promi nent man, if by so doing he could gorge himself on plunder. Always destitute of principle, he never could be trusted farther than his own pecuniary interest would lead, and was long an eye-sore to the Democratic party while pretend ing to act with it. But Thaddeus Stevens knows the man, and so does President Johnson. They have both of them, long ere this, read him through and through like a book ; and neither, we venture to say, places the least confidence in his professions of friendship. Seeing that Stevens' power is uow rapidly ou the wane and Andrew Johnson's star is in the ascendant, he cuts loose from the former, and will cling to the latter just so long, (and no longer,) as he has patronage to bestow. The " five loaves and two fishes" are the governing principle with him, and he will desert the President whenever he can make by the operation. Knowing the man as well as he does, we have no doubt Thaddeus Stevens has all along had a contemptible opinion of him ; but was willing to use him, as long as he could, to do his dirty work. How long it will be until Mr. Johnson kicks him out of his presence remains to be seen. We do not think it will be a very long time. WE HAD NOT SUPPOSED that our friends of the Examiner were aristo cratic in their tendencies, and yet this seems to be the " melancholy fact."— They have been down at Washington, and, as they inform us, have "spent an hour," not with the obscure plebeian who occupies the Presidential chair, " but.with many of the distinguished Men who compose the present Con gress." They have not given us the name of the tailor who made the clothes they wore on this memorable occasion, but this omission, serious as it is, may be pardoned in consideration of the fol lowing valuable information which they impart: The thoughtful, earnest, serious men in Congress, we saw, mean to agree where they cau with the President, and agree to dis agree where their convictions of duty shall demand it of therm It was for disagreeing • with the late President, according to his " convictions duty," that Mr. Vallandighatu was onvieted by the Examiner's political lends and transported beyond the ouuds of the United States as they are now laid down by Thaddeus Stev 7 ens. Remembering this case, we are surprised that the Examincr should have omitted to remind "the serious men in Congress" what a serious thing it is to " disagree with the President." "NEVER WAS A WEB more artfully woven over a nation," said Napoleon to Las Casas, " than that horrible debt which enslaves the people of England. It has been the means of enriching the aristocracy beyond all former example in any country, whilst it has, at the same time, insured as many fast and powerful friends to the government, as there are individuals who receive inter est for that money so extravagantly squandered to crush liberty in other countries. Even that must have an end. Some accidental spark will ignite the combustible mass and blow the whole system to the devil." These observations, made by the great Emperor in his exile nearly half a cen tury ago, seem peculiarly applicable to the present condition of the United States. A web of debt has been artful ly woven around us, which threatens-to enslave and qppress us for generations to come. It has built up a monied aris tocracy among us, and insured as many powerful supporters of the dominant party as there are untaxed bondholders. Our revolutionary forefathers complain ed of "taxation without representa tion." This artfully woven debt has raised up in our midst a numerous class who enjoy representation without taxa tion. But as the Emperor observed, " even that must 'have an end." The hard flint of shoddy aristocracy will one day come in contact with the true steel of American liberty and independence, and a spark will be emitted that will blow up all these dishonestly-acquired fortunes. THE: Washington correspondent of the Philadelphia Ledger, says: The President will not budge a hair's breadth from his position, and as this is now pretty generally known, no bill that Mr. Stevens and his friends can frame, looking to a keeping down of the South as " a nation of foreigners," can possibly pass either branch of Congress. Five of the New York Republican mem bers are already kicking in the traces, and will take the Conservative side. All the President need do is to stand firmly by his policy. He will then soon - see that he has almost the entire coun try at his back. . THANKS to our schoolmate and friend Dr. E. de W. Breneman, Brevet Major and Assistant Surgeon, U. S. A., and Surgeon on General Grant's staff, for a copy of the Report of Lieut. General 15 S.-Grant. SENATOR COWAN replied very effec tively to Sumner's speech against the President last week. We print his re 'marks to-day. Ri.i.P - rram, J. SEsrmE,s,late - ofthe Alt , daa Ana, was arrested recently In Montgotn ...6l;Y; and" is coming North under guard. 'MCIDM==I Fanaticism' knows no law except that of its owl-madness. It is dealt° reason, and heeds not the teachings of experi ence. Seizing nponsame single idea, it follows that'wliii all. the strangeperti nacity of a monomaniac::- To do away. with some real or land& ablise, it is . ready to risk the niostAlsaatrotnreonse quencea. It cares not how much misery may follow in its wake while it keeps up its steady pursuit of some favorite phantom. Men of a fanatical. turn of mind are unsafe counsellors, and unfit to have anything to do with the affairs of gov ernment. They are sure to take a nar row and one sided view of public affairs. They reason from an unsafe stand point, adopting unsound premises, and argu ing in a vicious circle. It is not strange, therefore, that the political views of such men shouldalmostinvariablyprove to be unsound. For almost five years this country has been suffering as no people ever did be fore, because a party controlled by a set of half crazed fanatics was allowed to get possession of the reins of govern ment. Being fully resolved to destroy the system of dothestic slavery which prevailed at the South, they hurried this nation into the most gigantic and destructive civil war the world ever saw. They destroyed the industry of the South, the products of which had always been our chief source of wealth ; plunged us into an abyss of debt from which we cannot escape for generations to come ; and sacrificed a million of valuable lives, only to find that the freedom they sought for the negro can not better his condition, but on the con trary promises to prove to be his ruin. They have shown themselve to be all powerful in the work of destruction, but, now that the time has come for healing the wounds they have inflicted upon the body politic, they are found to be utter ly powerless for good. They could tear down existing institutions, but the art of rebuilding they seem to know not. That the leaders of the party now in power designed from the very com mencement af the war to convert it into a revolutioilLy contest there is every reason to believe. They had already determined that our whole social fabric should be so reorganized as to break down every barrier of distinction that existed between the white and black ra ces in this country. Under the cry of a War for the Union (a holy crusade in which all parties in the North were ready to join) themen who are now do ing all they can to prevent a restoration of the Union covered up, not only the slavery question, but the question of ne gro equality, which lay below that.— For a long time they kept this substra tum of their policy concealed, because they feared to bring it prominently to the surface. They knew that it was not for and in furtherence of such a purpose that those who made the sacrifices went into the contest. If any one be so utter ly mistaken as to suppose that the gal lant men who bore the brunt of the battle went to war to force negro equality, either on the North or the South, let him ask the first wounded soldier he meets, what he fought for. It will not do to go to the man who has grown rich on the spoils he has gathered from the war, or to him who hopes by uegrosuffrage to continue the rule of the party now in power. We must go to the people, to the scldiers, to. those who have made the sacrifies. If we do go there, we shall find that they still believe that the war was for the Union under the Constitution—the good old Union of the fathers, with or without slavery. They fought for the Union, and they desire to see it restored as speedily as possible. They are willingand ready to sustain the wise and statesmanlike policy of President Johnson, which is being so bitterly assailed by such radi cals as Sumner and Stevens. We are glad that Mr. Stevens has completely laid bare the bold and un blushing designs of his party. In his speech, which we publish to-day, and which every man should read, will be found a full portrayal of the objects of those who are the real leaders of the Re publican party. No man need be any longer in doubt as to the intentions and the designs of those who control that political organization. Mr. Stevens has an undoubted right to speak for it. Be fore Congress was in session, at the Re publican caucus, which was called to determine upon some line of action, Mr. Stet' ens had a resolution passed, framed in his own language, which it was pro posed to make the law of action for Congress. Without debate, under the gag law, with the whole body of Repub lican members in the House cowering before the crack of his whip, Mr. Stevens forced that resolution through the House on the first day of the session. Not a single Republican there but acknow ledged that Thad. Stevens was his mas ter—not one that dared to have an opinion of his own. The grim old dicta tor of the party issued his orders, and every subordinate obsequiously obeyed withoutarnurmurof discontent- When ever Thaddeus Stevens speaks in the present Congress, therefore, he must be regarded as speaking cx cathedra ; whatever utterances may fall from his dps, they must be taken as the utter ances of his party. He is their acknnw• ledged leader on the floor of the House —such by force of intellect, by universal approbation and consent of his party, and by reason of the position he holds as Chairman of the most important Committee of that body. Such being his status his speech is of more than ordinary significance. It is in fact the authorative enunciation of the creed of his party; by which it is only fair to presume they intend to shape their future political ac tion. Not one word of it was uttered without due deliberation. It was read from a carefully prepared manuscript, and is no doubt reported correctly, We have not time to-day to show up the many fallacies with which Mr. Ste vens' speech abounds. He starts out with the bold declaration that the States recently in revolt are out of the Union, thus putting himself at the start in di rect antagonism to President Johnson. He proposes to govern them as territo ries for years to come—thinks that by mingling with the negroes, to whom Congress is to extend the right of suf frage in the meantime, they may learn the principles of freedom—proposes to amend the Constitution, so as to secure a perpetual ascendency to what he has the assurance to call " the party of the Union," when he, and such men as he are persistently and openly opposing a restoration of the Union and are alone in doing so—unless this be done he declares that the days of the Union party,." so called" as Bill Arp says, are numbered, and that the Democrats will speedily be in the majority--he abandons his confis cation scheme, and advocates instead an export duty of ten cents a pound on cotton, which, he thinks will have the beneficial effect of adding further pro tection to the New England manufactu rers, who are only making a little over one hundred per cent. profit on their goods at the present time—he declares that the negroes must be furnished homesteads, and be cared for especially by Congress, and demands equality for them before the law. But we cannot follow him. "Sir," says he, in conclu sion, "this doctrine of a white man's government is as atrocious as the infa mous sentiment that doomed the late Chief Justice to everlasting fame and I fear, to everlastingfire." Blickar p the ickigtej.ples, AUCII:I,S tile by Thaddeus Stevens publican party as exhibited in the au thoritative utterances of Thaddeus Ste, vents, the leader of that party' in Cott gress. We hope no one will fail to read his speech. It ought to be repu6lished by every Democratic paper lathe coutt try. "THEY [men of influence to whom he al ludes, meaning, amongst others, the Presi dent,] proclaim this a white man's govern ment, and the whole coil of copperheads re-echo (hiss) the same sentiments, and up start jealous Republicans join the cry. Is it any wonder ignorant foreigners [meaning the Germans and Irish] andilliterate natives should learn this doctrine and be led to' de spise and maltreat a whole race of their fel low men? Sir, this doctrine of a white man's government is as atrocious as the infamous sentiment that doomed the late ChiefJustimi [Taney] to everlasting fame and, I fear, to everlasting fire." The above is the peroration of a speech deliberately read from manuscript, in the House of Representatives, on Mon day last, by Thaddeus Stevens, the rep resentative in Congress from this dis trict, which caps the climax of his atrocity and malignity. Not satisfied with covertly assailing the President and abusing the Democratic party—not content with bespattering his filth upon our Irish and German fellow-citizens and the natives to our soil who were not born with "silver spoons in their mouths"—he is so lost to all sense of decency and the ameui ties and courtesies of life, as to wantonly and maliciotisly assail the late venerated Chief Justice of the United States—the pure-minded and irreproachable Roger B. Taney— than whom a more upright Judge and more consistent Christian did not exist within the broad limits of the Republic. This able and accomplished Jurist has descended to the tomb, full of years and full of honors, and yet this fiend in hu man shape—this imported Yankee ad venturer—impiously usurps the seat of Deity, and would consign the soul of the illustrious dead to the fires of eter nal perdition. Can it be possible that the good people of Lancaster county are so regardless of their own fair fame and so forgetful of the courtesies of life, as to endorse such atrocious and infamously diabolical sentiments from the man who assumes to represent them in the Con gress of the Union ? If they are, then we do not wonder that the Almighty has inflicted this bold, bad man upon them as a scourge for their sins. His course in Congress is a disgrace to the country ; but it is a still greater disgrace to his constituents to be represented by an avowed infidel in principle and a debauched miscegenationist in practice. With one foot in the grave, this malig nant old sinner is exhibiting the venom of a demon in his devilish hatred of the Southern people, and so long as he is permitted to have a controlling influ ence in the councils of the Nation, just so long may we despair of a restoration of the Union. THE EXAMINER of Saturday contains two editorials that don't " mix" any better than oil and water. In the one it is said "We have no doubt that the members from the State of Tennessee will be admitted without any very great. delay, but thot ang other Southern A'tat is in such a " re -constructed condition' as to be admitted during this Congress we very much doubt." In the other its readers are informed that: "The amend ment to the Constitution of the United States abolishing slavery, having been duly ratified by the required number of States, proclamation thereof has been made by Secretary Seward." Among these ratifying States are several Southern States besides Tennes see. If they are not in "such a recon structed condition" as clearly entitles them to immediate representation in Congress, their ratification of the con stitutional amendment is null and void, and slavery is not yet legally dead in the United States. We commend to the perusal and con sideration of the Examiner, the follow ng bearing on this subject from one of s political friends, the Pittsburg Com- What Inn; been Established.—Mr. Sew ard's certificate of the grand fact, that slavery has been abolished forever, is also an official recognition of the prin ciple that lies at the bottom of the Pres ident's restoration policy. It not only declares that slavery is abolished, but that the Southern States, by whose ac tion the consummation was perfected, are States in the Union, and in this re spect equal with the other States. This is a vital point—one to be accepted as established by the consummation, whereby freedom is established through out all our borders. Massachusetts and South Carolina have had an equal part in this work. It is as much the act and the glory of one as the other— both are States in the Union, a fact recognized by Mr. Seward as necessary to the Constitutional overthrow of slavery ; a fact recognized also in the general rejoicing over the triumph of freedom. Co!:gress is not likely to cast a doubt over the ratification of the Con stitutional amendment, and thereby give to slavery a galvanized existence even for a brief period. Accepting the certificate of Mr. Seward as regular and genuine, we necessarily reject the idea that the States lately in rebellion are not now members of the Union family. Claiming that slavery is really dead, we must concede that the ratification by South Carolina has as much force as by Massachusetts. A. T. STEwART, who was a Lieuten ant General in the Confederate States army, under General Jos. E. Johnson, has charge of a flourishing school in Memphis, Tennessee. The Memphis Bulletin says: " Talking of a General reminds us that there is another here in the grocery business, of former rank equal to that of Stewart. An ex-Major General directs a combination of public carriers. Another, Forrest, whose fame was second to none in the whilom Con federacy, goes into a grocer's establish ment. A famous Colonel runs a foun dry in front of the Gayoso, and another will soon run a railroad. There are a dozen Generals practising law, and yet Radicalism says that the South is not ripe for reconstruction. Fudge !" THERE APPEARED in our issue ofSat urday an article from a New York jour nal, which we certainly should have excluded if it had come under our notice. In this it was stated that the iron works of Mr. Stevens "were destroyed by the re bels only because he and his constituents ran away when the rebels approached them." Those iron works were not lo cated within Mr. Stevens' district, and consequently his constituents could not have run away from them. The rebels did not enter Mr. Stevens' district, and therefore his constituents had no cause to run away. We may add that com paratively few of the people of the dis trict in which Mr. Stevens' iron works were situate left their homes during Lee's invasion, and the most of those who did leave only went away to save their horses and cattle. This was a duty they owed not only to themselves, but to their government. Intimations de rogatory to the courage of the people of Pennsylvania come with a bad grace from New Yorkers, who had to depend upon one Pennsylvanian (Wayne) to capture Stony Point for them in the Revolution, and upon another (Brown) to defend their northern frontier in the war of 1812, CoN4REs,6 adjourned on Thursday, not to meet again until Friday, the sth of January, 1868. The last day of the session this year exhibited the same spirit that has characterized that body ever since it came together on the first Monday in December. Legislation for the negro seems to be the only agree able matter for tile consideration of the majority, and the interests of the white race e. appear. to be eittiraly-o , Orlooked.- 44,g Forney must have been in serious trouble since the session otCongrearba; gap to tell " which aide of his bread iria battered." He has,at length taken bis position in opPositiOn toThad. Stevens. He dissents from it strongly, if we are to believe what he says editorially in his paper, the Washington ,Chronicle. He informs our radical representative that his policy with regard to the territorial reversion of the Southern States would, if adopted by Congress, or by any con siderable portion of the Republican party, give the " copperheads " the pO !Meal ascendancy very sp e edily. There we have it. Old Thad. swears th e " cop perheads " will inevitably triumph if his policy is not adopted ; Forney swears as positively that they will carry every thing before them if it is not. Which is the true prophet? In our opinion they both speak truth. No matter which policy prevails the Democracy are bound to come into power on the.ruins of the Republican party: THE Philadelphia Ledger says, in the recognition of Alabama as a State of the Union, the President has looked over the fact that her Legislature repudiated the second clause of the Amendment act, giving to Congress the right to legis late for the fitedmen ; and as - the Presi dent was well aware of this repudiation, it follows that he regarded it as wholly immaterial in the recognition of the State. In fact, it is known that helooks upon this clause as harmless ; and Secre tary Seward has himself declared his opinion that the passage of the Amend ment would rather " restrain" than " enlarge" the powers of Congress. The rejection of the latter part of the amend ment has therefore been no bar to the admission of the State; and it probably will not be to the States who acted in a similar manner. Georgia and South Carolina adopted the amendment clear, as passed by Congresss ; but all the other States rejected the- clause that was at tached to the amendment. The Governor of Georgia, and also of Alabama, it is understood, are now at full liberty to givp certificates to the Senators and RepreSentatives elect from those States. Governor Patton, of Alabama, is what is known as a "Douglas Democrat," and though during the war he took the part of his State, it was in a quiet way, and always on the conservative side.' He has been a member of the Legislature almost successively for a period of nearly thirty years. The President will find him a working man, and a powerful as sistant in the great duties that lie before him. A Good Suggestion The New York Herald recommends Stevens, Sumner and the other radical Abolitionists in Congress, to get up an amendment to the Constitution com pelling negroes to work for a living, and intimates that this would be placing them as near on an equality with the white man as they should be placed by Congressional legislation. White men have to toil in ot•der to support them selves and families, and we (in common with the Herald) can see no good reason why negroes should be kept in idleness and fed and clothed at the public ex pense. We second the motion, there fore, and trust that par " distinguished member of Congress" will carry out the suggestion at the earliest possible day. THE ELECTION appointed by the mu nicipal authorities of Washington city to take the sense of the people upon the question of negro suffrage in the Na tional Capital, took place on Thursday last. About 7,000 votes were recorded against, and only about 75 in favor of thus extending the franchise. And it is said that the friends of the measure, whO abstained from the polls, are ob taining signatures to a petition to be presented to Congress, preferring this mode, rather than the ballot, of expres sing their wishes. This, it will be re membered, is the game they played in Kansas. By refusing to vote, and by constant agitation of the slavery ques tion, they filially succeeded in plung ing that territory into the horrors of civil war. If not restrained by fear of the power of the General Government, they will work up a small Yankee and negro rebellion in the District of Colum bia, and instead of " bleeding Kansas" our ears will be split by the yells of " bleeding Cuffey.' THE PRESS of yesterday says that letters received from Surgeon General Philips, the attending physician with Governor Curtin in Cuba, as well as those received from the Governor him self, represent the restoration of his health as being rapid and complete. Before the Governor sailed for Cuba, he suffered intensely from a distressing pain in his spine, while all movements of his limbs were attended with much difficulty. Hetti . ow writes that he has recovered the complete use of his limbs, v,%ile his spinal sufferings have ceased. Surgeon General Philips is sat isfied that his Excellency will entirely regain his health. As the Governor is not expected to return before the middle of January, the Press suggests that the Legislature, which will meet on the 2d, ought to " adjourn over for a week or ten days." A Singular Case The Annapolis correspondent of the Baltimore Sun gives the following ac count of the death of a second one of a jury now sitting for the trial of a case in that city: Mr. Henry C. Welch, of West river, an extensive farmer, died suddenly last night at Walton's Hotel, where he was a guest, of heart disease, in his 62d year. Mr: Welch was a juror in the contested will case from Montgomery county, on trial here. He was recently appointed by the executive one of the justices of the peace of the eighth dis trict of this county. This is the second juror in the case referred to who has died since the commencement of the trial. By consent of counsel the case is progressing with ten jurors. THE chief organ of the Methodist Church in the North, the Christian Ad vocate and Journal, has raised the black flag of amalgamation and negro equali ty. It says in a late editorial : "This godless prejudice against negro equality deserves divine punishment. She (the Church) must cease to loathe and dis sociate men on account of color. She must give her brethren of the despised hue her cordial fellowship; in her churches, her schools, her counting rooms, must they move freely and unnoticed." People who go to the Methodist church from this time forth must, as a general thing, expect to hear the preachers de scant upon the subject of negro equality with the same fervor and violence with which they ranted and roared for blood ever since the war began. There are honorable exceptions among the minis try, but, a very large majority of them have of late years given more attention to politics than to religion. The Election In Washington At the special election held in Wash ton city, on Wednesday, to test how many of the whites of that city were in favor of extending the right of suffrage to the neeoes, about 7,000 votes were regorded against it, and only seventy- five in favor of thus extending the franchise. It is stated that the friends of the measure who abstained from the polls are obtaining signatures to an ap plication to be presented to Congress .:preferring this mode rather than the .Pl4 l O 94 - :PxPsegiAg.ttleir : ••••••nv •••••••aa =AMMO Transferred to the Governor sleet. DEPAIMEENT OF STATE, 1 WesKINC}TON, Dec. 21st, 1865. I Tb His E:ceellerieu BeVanan P. Perry, .Pranift , lanai Governor of the fitcde qf &mak Camlina. - 43 TR—The time has arrived when, in the judgment of the President of the United States, the care and conduct of .the proper affairs of the State of South. Carolina may be remitted to the coruziti• tuted'authorities chosen by the people thereof, without danger to the peace and safety of the United States. By direction of the President, there fore, you are relieved from the trust which was heretofore reposed in you as Provisional Governor of the State of South Carolina. Whenever the Governor elect shall have accepted and become qualified to discharge the duties of the Executive office, you will transfer the papers and property of the State now in your cus tody to his Excellency, the Governor elect. It gives me special pleasure to convey to you the President's acknowledgement of the fidelity, the loyalty and the dis cretion which have marked your ad ministration. You will please give me a reply speci fying the day on which this communi cation is received. I have the honor to be your Excel lency's most obedient servant, WILLIAM H. SEWARD. DEPARTMENT OF STATE, WASHINGTON, Dec. 21. To his Excellency, the Governor of the State of South Carolina : SIR : By direction of the President I have the honor herewith to transmit to you .a copy of the communication which has been addressed to his Excellency, B. F. Perry, late Provisional Governor of the State of South Carolina, whereby he has been relieved of the trust hereto fore reposed in him, and directed to de liver into your Excellency's possession the papers and property relating to that trust. I have the honor to tender you the co-operation of the Government of the United States wherever it may be found necessary in effecting the early restora tion and the permanent prosperity and welfare of the State over which you have been called to preside. I have the honor to be, with great re spect, your most obedient servant, WM. H. SEWARD. Has the Constitution been Adopted. The Philadelphia Daily News, a paper which has adhered to the Republican party with great pertinacity, finds itself in a queer position at present. It has sense enough to see the trouble its party friends are in, and is forced by common sense to the following comments. It concludes an article under the heading which stands above in the following language: It is to be presumed that Mr. Stevens "will notsostultify himself 'as to pretend that a State may be in the Union to adopt an amendment to the Constitution, and out of it when he fears to encounter their members of Congress. We can imagine nothing more absurd than the dilemma in which the radicals in Congress have placed themselves. They are now the only opponents of the abolition of sla very in the country. When several of the States whose people have recently been in rebellion against the Federal government have by act of their Legis latures consented to incorporate in the national Constitution a prohibition of slavery, the long-time advocates of emancipation refuse to allow this amendment to be made, although to prevent a consummation they assume power not warranted by the Constitu tion. In former years the leaders of the abolition party sneered at those who respected the right of southern States to retain the institution ofslavery merely because the Constitution gave them that right; but who would then have believed that those very men would be found at last to be the only obstacle in the way of accomplishing what seemed to be the cherished object of their organization ? Some men in Washington are " making history very fast." Revenue Officers In the South A communication from the Secretary of the Treasury in response to the Senate's resolution of the 13th instant, states that the records of the Department do not show that any persons have been appointed to any office not authorized by the existing law, but admits that persons have been appointed to office who have not subscribed to the oath re ferred to under the Customs and Reve nue laws in the lately insurgent States, but that no salaries had been paid, with one exception. The Secretary says he sought for per sons for such offices who could take the oath literally, but failing to find them, to select those who gave no aid to the rebellion until tne Government of the United States had failed to give them the protection to which they were en titled. He believed that very few per sons not belonging to one of these two classes are holding positions under his Department, and that in most of the Southern States, nearly every man fit for a revenue officer was at some time either engaged in hostilities against the Government of the United States, or holding State or Confederate offices, either willingly or unwillingly. He acted upon the presumption that Con gress would modify the oath, and not subject the South to the humiliation, or the revenue system to the odium which would result from the employment of Northern men as tax-gatherers. He suggests the absolute necessity of im mediate action upon the subject, as valuable services have been rendered. No payments have yet been made for such services, and the safety and effici ency of the revenue system in the South depends upon such a modification. THE New York Tribune of yesterday has the following : If no other reason existed for the pardon of Davis, this would do: If he is hanged, whom can the "loyal' organs abuse? When Wirt was living, he was a most fruit ful subject. If Davis goes, their case will be distressing. We would recommend—as an emergency victim—the Czar of Russia, or the King:of Abyssinia. By all means let us have the King served up. There is a deal of bitter irony in the above. It is plain to be seen that the Tribune has found a correct estimate of the character and calibre of its "loyal" cotemporaries. They can scold like very drabs, but are not good at anything else. The Tribune on Negro Suffrage. The N. Y. Tribune of yesterday has an editorial on negro suffrage, in which it says: If any are inveterately vagrants,ignorant, vicious, and incompetent, it is perfectly pro per to exclude such persons from the elec toral or governing class; but it is not right to disfranchise one man—White or Black— lbr the faults of other men of like color ; much less to let White vagrants or good-for nothings vote and deny the Right of Suf frage to worthy and capable Blacks. Here, as in every utterance of the rad icals, we find the negro put, not only on an equality, but in a position superior to that of the poor white man. THE Washington correspondent of the N. Y. Tribune says : The action of the President relieving the Provisional Governor of Alabama, and pla cing the Government of that State into the hands of the State officers elected by the people of Alabama, is unfavorably received by many Senators and Representatives.— It is thought that while Congress is deliber ating measures concerning the reconstruc tion of the States lately in rebellion, it was not very courteous on the part of the Presi dent to forestall the action of the National Legislature. The President's Message and General Grant's resort on the condition of affairs in the late Rebel States, which were read to day in the Senate, excite lively comment They were received with some surprise, and it is doubted whether the investigation to be instituted by the Committee on Recon struction will bear out all the statements contained therein. Of course. It would be strange in deed if every radical of the Sumner and Stevens school should not be perfectly disgusted. We hope and we believe the President will leave them " to di gest the venom of their spleen though tdo split them." THE Baltimore Sun says : A. negro man has been arrested in Phila delphia and brought to Rockville, Md., by the Sheriff of Montgomery county, for trial on the charge of committing horrible vio lence upon the person of Mrs. Pierce, livingn ear Sandy Spring,duriug the absence of her husband. Mrg. P. ii'very respecta bly conneeted, and the hemming of the giveggreat satisfaction. - - What General Lee failed to do, Mr. Charles Sumner, of Massachusetts, has undertaken to accomplish. The Amer can people, whg believe that the Re public owes something to the - &tidier. who led our armies to final victory over the rebellion, will be edified by the modesty of the Massachusetts Senator who yesterday assailed, scrap-book in hand, the honor and veracity of Ulysses S. Grant! General Grant has seen the South.— Mr. Charles Sumner never has ventured beyond the line of our national bayonets arrayed for war. General Grant de feated the gallant armies which, for four long years, held at bay the whole power of the Union. Mr. tJharles Sumner was ignominiously thrashed with a cane by a South Carolina representative, long since dead and turned to dust. The hero of a hundred fights recom mends that the Southern people be en trusted with the control of their own affairs. The victim of Mr. Preston Brooks, writhing still with an impotent lust of personal vengeance upon the in nocent fellow-citizens ofa rash and hasty man whom God has removed from all human retribution, shrieks out foul mouthed abuse of the President, and clamors for the practical abolition of the Constitution and the Union. Heaven forbid that we should insult the common sense and the patriotism of the American people with argument in such a case as this. Never were the Man and the Fanatic more sharply brought face to face than here. General Grant fought to save the Union and the Constitution. Did the heroic Ameri cans who fought under General Grant, and with him, fight to salve the welts and scars scored upon the broad back of Mr. Charles Sumner by a dead Congress man from Carolina ? World. Facts vs. Theories " Give me a place to rest my lever on," says Archimedes, " and I will move the world." Give me pure and unadulter ated drugs," says Medicus, of the olden time, " and I will cure disease." In one sense, both of these learned pundits were the veriest charlatans.— They knew there was no place to rest their lever on, either to move the world or to cure disease. Mechanism was in a backward state, and the medical pro fession was but another name for sor cery and all the adjuncts of magic filt ers and charms of the " evil eye," &c. But these latter days have borne unto us something more than even supersti tion and its crew ever dreamtof in their madest philosophy. In these days of practical science, what was theory of yesterday is fact to-day, and all the old time notions become as bubbles in the sun, and burst and break with every breath we draw. Let Archimedes shoulder his lever and we will find a resting place for it to move the world. Let mine ancient Medicus pant and toil no more for the drugs he so sorely needs, for we have them at our hand, ever ready to serve them at his beck. Refined in the laboratory of Dr. Mag gie], the finest materials known in the medical profession are obtainable by any one. His Bilious, Dyspeptic, and Dias- Aiwa Pills stand unrivalled, and his Salve operates with magical effect upon burns, scalds, and all sores and ulcers of the skin. In fact, we think Maggiel's Pills and Salve are the wonder of this century, and we are happy in the thought that many others of our brethren of the craft agree with us. We would earnestly counsel that all famlies provide them selves with Dr. Maggiel's preparations at once, anal keep them ready at hand, so as to use them at the most opportune time and as occasion serves.— Valley Row Negro Troops were Raised It was stated by Mr. T. E. Lloyd, President of the Board of Aldermen, in his remarks upon the subject of negro suffrage, in the Washington City Coun cil at a late- meeting of that body, that the most of the negroes who went from the District of Columbia into the army " were taken possession of by then of their own color, and sold into the service of the United States," and it was added by Mr. Gulick that "many of them were credited to the State of Massachusetts." From the extended remarks of Mr. Loyd, as published in the lidelligencer, we quote as follows : Mr. Lloyd continued, and said all he had stated could be proven. The ne groes now most active for suffrage were not those who were in the service of the United States. How was the first negro regiment raised here? A compa ny of colored troops paraded the streets, followed by a large number of idle color ed people. The company halted in front of the Treasury Department, and at the word of command each soldier seized an idle negro and carried them to Analostan Island, and thus the first regiment was started. Yet, to these resident negroes is ascribed the greatest praise, while scarcely a company was in the service. One of the great arguments was, the services rendered by the negroes during the war. On an occasion of this kind, when it was asserted that the negroes, outofa population of 15,000, had furnish ed 6,000 soldiers and that the whites, outofa population of 60,000, had furnish ed but 1,500 soldiers, it became our duty to nail the lie to the mast. Of the ne groes who were residing here in 1861 and 1862, when these troubles commen ced, one hundred entered the service of the United States; but those who did go were refugees and contrabands who came here to seek bread, and who were taken possession of by men of their own color, and sold into the service of the United States. DISPATCHES from Washington state that Mr. Raymond's retrograde move ment from the Stevens caucus brought him in the House on Thursday to an eminently conservative stand-point, from which he spoke for half an hour in reply to the rebellious and revolutiona ry speech of Thaddeus Stevens deliver ed on Monday last. It was earnest in support of the President's policy, and critical and severe in denunciation of the radicals. It fairly widens the breach between the President and his opponents, and opens a new ch"pter in the political situation for Congress and the country to consider. The Southern men are jubilant over the conservative developments of the last few days, and the Northern people may speedily look for even a more generous support of the President and General Grant from the Southern States. THE NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER has the following notice of a law firm re cently formed in Washington city, some of whose members are well known in Pennsylvania: Law Firm.—We invite attention to the card of Black, Lamon & Co. The senior of this firm will be recognized as former Chief Justice of Pennsylvania, and afterwards Attorney General and Secretary of State of the - United States, who, since retiring from public life, has been engaged Ma large and successful practice in the Supreme Court. Mr. Lamon, the late popular Marshal of this District was for a long time law part ner of the late President Lincoln, and en joyed his intimate personal and confidential friendship up to the time of his death. The Junior member of the firm is the el dest son of Judge Black, and a gentleman of recognized ability. We congratulate the legal fraternity on the acquisition of a firm composed of law yers of eminence. A Loyal Sufferer. Mr. Thaddeus Stevens, mad with long ing to get back from the government at least twice the value of his iron mills destroyed by the rebels only because he and his constituents ran away when the ?ebels approached them, has brought into the House a bill for confiscating all sorts of property at the South for the benefit of "loyal sufferers." . Thinking the brave men who fought for the Union to be as small of soul as - himself, this burn t-ou tPolyhemus of the Radicals tacks a rider on his bill " doub ling the bounties" out of "confiscated property," The honest citizens of the United States, who went to war not to rob their fellow-citizens, but to main tain the laws in which all Americans should find safety and honor will know how to deal with such "loyal sufferers" as the author of this fish-hook bill.— World. SOME of our exchanges keep standing the heading, " The Horrible Column." In that they make brief mention of murders and other terrible crimes, and in these-days of liwleasneas find'no dif ficulty in filling It. na r Cowan, ofPennaylvania. Slieeeno r In Haply to Sinitor. Sumner, or -Massa chuseohnson.tts, and in Defence o f President J fFrem the Congressional Globe, Dec. ''Mr'--Cowan—Mr. Prmildent, I am not dis =to allow the speech of the honorable sir= Massachnsetts(Mr.Pumner) to to go, the country without a very .brief reply. If that spots% be true, and if it be a correct picture of the South. then God help us ; then this Republic, this Union is at an end; then the great war which we waged for the Union was a folly ; then all the blood and treasure which we have expended in that war in order to restore ourselves to com panionship with the people of the South have been equally follies. But, Mr. Presi dent, is it true? Or is not this a series of es parse statements made up by anonymous letter-writers, people who are down there more than likely stealing cotton, people who are down there in the enjoyment of place and power, people who are interested that the disturbed condition of things which exist there now shall always continue be cause they make profit of it? Is there any man who has had any experience in the trial of causes, any man who knows any thing about the nature of evidence, who does not know that the honorable Senator could have sent his emissaries into any one county in the lately rebellious States, and gather the expressions of knaves and fools and discontented, single-idead people, far more than he has given us in this speech? We are told here of the exceptional in stances or bad conduct on the part of the people of the South. Why, what a large volume it would take to hold all that! If a man were to' *o about anywhere in the loy al States and hunt up what he might sup pose to be treasonableexpressions,heretical expressions, how many could he find?— And yet we are treated to all this here as if it was the whole of the evidence in the case. One man out of ten thousand is brutal to a negro, and this is paraded here as a type of the whole people of the South, whereas no thins.' is said of the other nine thousand nine hundred and ninety-nine men a ho treat the negro well. One man expresses a great deal of dissatisfaction at the present state of affairs, and that is paraded here, while no thing is said of the other ten thousand men who are contented to accept it and make the most of it. • What then, are we to do? We are to sup pose that the people of the Southern States lately in rebellion have common sense; and when their utterances are in accordance with what is common sense and the dictate of their own interest, we have aright to pre sume it to be true. But according to what we have just heard, everything that has come from the people of these States, and from their public bodies, front the represen tatives of these people, is to be taken as false ; and why ? Because some cotton agent, some correspondent of a radical news paper in the North, some office-holder who has been making profit of the state of things there chooses to say it is all false ! The heresy of State riglitsis not destroyed there, the honorable Senator says. Have we not heard from almost all the public men of the South that that question was put to the arbi trament of the sword ; that they have lost, and that they submit? Have they not ac quiesced in the abolition of slavery—that thing of all others which was the last, in the opinion of everybody, that they would sub mit to? But still further guarantees are wanted ; we are not told what they are.— What are they? What is wanted? Every body admits that the negro ought to have his natural rights secured to him. I be lieve all the moderate, conservative men of this Chamber are fully agreed that every man should have his natural rights secured the right to lifb, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness; the protection of property, limbs and reputation; that he should have the right to sue and be sued, and to testify in courts of justice. The negro has not hitherto been allowed in the Southern States to testify in courts of justice, and why? Be cause he was a slave, and if I haft been a citizen of the Southern States when slavery prevailed there, I would have resisted his right to testify in courts. A witness, like a voter, ought to be a free man; he should not belong to another man. W hat chance would a litigant have against the master of slaves, if the slaves could tes tify? It seems to me that the slave ought not to testify for the same reason that the wife ought not to testify either fbr or against the husband. Would you ask a negro to testify against his master, to go back to that master and be subjected to his ill will be cause of his testimony? Would you allow him to testify for the master as against a party on the other side? Certainly not. But now this state of things has passed away. Now the people of the Southern States themselves, so far as I understand them, are in favor of opening the courts to all these classes of people. And, sir, they must open them for their own security. I am willing to leave that to themselves; their own interest will compel them to allow all people to testify, unless they are excluded by those disabilities that have heretofore excluded witnesses from testifying. If the honorable Senator from Massachusetts, and those who think with him, desire that these people should have the right of suffrage, why not say so broadly. Mr. Sumner. Ido say so. Mr. Cowan. Very well ; that is so much that is clear ; make it broadly ; we may diffitr from him, but the people will decide. I am perfectly willing to acquiesce in their decision ; I do not care which way it is ; but the people will decide that question, and they will decide it promptly. If the honorable Senator front Massachusetts wants to hold the doctrine that these States are not States, that they are not constituent members of this Union, let him say so ; there is a tribunal to which that can be re ferred. If he wishes to take issue with the President on these points, let the issue be made fairly and squarely, and it will be met. Thank God, in this Government, not like that of Russia, which he has eulogized, there is a power above us all ; there is a power to whose arbitrament and award we can appeal, and who will settle this thing conclusively. Now, Mr. President, I am for reconcilia tion. I want to have this Union restored ; and a Union means a Union by consent, not by force. I would like to make friends of all the people with whom we have been at enmity heretofore. Ido nut want the con test to go on any longer. But are we to make friends with them, and are they to be reconciled to us, and are they to behave better by such speeches as have been made by the honorable Senator here to-day ? very much doubt it. Ido not think that he will improve the condition of the Southern heart or the condition of the Southern mind, by thus parading these exceptional cases to to the people of this country, and stimula ting and exciting their angry passions more than they are now against this untbrtunate people—unfortunate in every respect ; un fortunate on account of their errors; unfor tunate on account of the penalty which has followed those errors, and which they have sutfered. Mr. President, let us look at this testi mony. The honorable Senator, as I said be fore, reads from anonymous letter-writers, from cotton agents, and people of thatkind. Now, it does so happen that we have some testimony upon this subject ; we have the testimony of the President of the United States, not a summer soldier or sunshine patriot. Mr. Sumner—l have not read anonymous letters Mr. Cowan. They are anonymous so far as we are concerned; and I commend the Senator's prudence in keeping the names of their writers from the public, be cause I have no doubt that if their names were shown they would not be considered of much importance. I very much doubt whether there is a single man among them who has ever wielded anything more than a pen during the rebellion. But I say that we have the:testimony of men of unexcep tionable veracity; we have the testimony of the President of the United States, who was a Union man, and who was in favor of the Union at a time and in aplace where there I was some merit in it. do not suppose there was any great merit in being a Union man of Massachusetts. I suspect a man would have been very likely to get a lamp post if he had been anything else there ; but the President of the United States was a Union man in the very thick and storm of the battle. He was waylaid while coming hither in order to attend to his official du ties in this body. He has stood by the Constitution, by the Union, all the way through, steadily and firmly ; and, as a compliment to him, the great party to which I belong, and to which he did not belong, and never pretended to belong, conferred upon him the office which, in the providence of God, has made him President of the United States. Now, sir, you are told here that this man, in his official communication to the Senate of the United States, whitewashes the condi tion of things down below. Yes, sir, "white wash" is the word. The honorable Senator says that he will not accept the definition of "whitewash" given by the Senator from Connecticut or the Senatorfrom Wisconsin, but he has not told us what he means by the word " whitewash." It is not necessa ry that he should say what he means by that word. Everybody understands it. I suppose even his colored friends, in whom he takes so much interest, would know what the meaning of the word "whitewash" was. [Laughter.] Ile says that this man, who stood firm when everybody else fal tered—this man, who stood almost alone in the midst of an enraged population, and in the very storm and strife of the worst civil war perhaps the world has ever seen—comes here to "whitewash." What does he mean except that the President of the United States in an official communication to this body, comes here to lie; that is the plain English of it: comes here either to suppress the truth or to suggest a falsehood. What does the President say? I will read what he says as a sufficient answer to what all these people down South report of the state of affairs there, and I do not find it necessary to denrthousands of instances of exceedingly heretical talk that may have taken place, and of treasonable talk if you please; and I have no doubt that in a state of things unparalleled in the history of the world, heretofore, wrongs and outrages in numfarattle happen there; but that 1B not the question. The question is What is the condition of the mass of the people in the South; what is thelrAispoSition and ten detiefi not to love the - North, not to love the honorable Stand& Erona Maskichugetts no t be hecause X very much fear that thar, - ,will brought altar& soon ' unless there is a change in the temper of both parties—not to have hearts 'overflowing with love and gratitude to those who they thinko te and haht them in their B:Amiss n ; who kick and strike at them after they are down, atter they2have cried "enough "—but the question is what is their disposition to obey the laws? What do we care about their hearts or their dispositions if they are obe dient to the laws, and submit to the laws? Now they have submitted to laws which impose the heaviest penalty, for if they are traitors the law imposes the penaltyof death and confiscation of estates by means of iine. I will read what the President says now of the condition of that people from the infor mation he has-received t " In that portion of the Union lately in rebellion, the aspect of affairs is more promising _than in view of all the circumstances could well have been . expected." I think there is no candid mai/ who will not indorse thatsentiment. "The people throughout the entire South evince a laudable desire to renew their allegi to the Government, and to repairthe devanceas tations of war by a prompt and cheerful re turn to peaceful pursuits. ' Why should they not? To suppose any thing else is to suppose that they are de mented. That they have no kind of com mon sense left; that four years of the most terrible war, and the most terrible punish ments ever inflicted upon a people, have been without their lessons. It cannot be, Mr. President; it is not in the nature of things that it should be. "An abiding faith" on the part of this man who suffered from these people; who suffered from this war and the doctrine of secession, "Anabiding-faith is entertained that their actions will conform to their pro fessions, and that in acknowledging the su premacy of the Constitution and the laws of the United States, their loyalty will be un reservedly given to the Government, whose leniency they cannot tail to appreciate, and whose fostering care will soon restore them to a condition of A h re p P ros per e i n ty t . " wheniu e the M h r s torysd thi , s a w lloo r w ld me toask or of the human family, has it happened that severity, cruelty, persecution, refusal to recognize common rights, has reconciled a people and pacified a distracted country ; and when has it happened that clemency, leniency, as the President expresses it, has failed to pro duce beneficial results? It isnot necessary to go very far back for instances to show this. Look at the treannent of England toward Ireland. What has been the result of her holding that people in a species of vassalage ? A Fenian insurrection upon her hands now, after hundreds of years of attempt to dominate over that people. Look at Poland ; look everywhere. And if it be necessary to see what clemency, what leni ency and justice, and trust and confidence can do to restore a people once in revolution, take the conduct of Hoche in La Vendee. There, by the genius of one man, high enough to be above vulgar passion, states man enough to look to the future, La Ven dee was restored to France,. and is there now, part and uarcel of it, with every recol lection of the revolution effaced. Says the President : "It is true that in some of the States the demoralizing effects of the war are to be seen in occasional disorders"—these effects are to be seen in the North as well as in the South—" but these are local in character, not frequent in occurrence, and are rapidly disappearing as the authority, of civil law is extended and sustained. Perplexing questions were naturally to be expected from the great and sudden change in the relations between the two races, but systems are gradually developing themselves under which the freedman will receive the pro tection to which he is justly entitled, and by means of his labor make himself a useful and independent member ofthe community in which lie has his home. From all the information in my possession, and from that which I have recently derived from the most reliable authority. I am induced to cherish the belief that sectional animosity is surely and rapidly merging itself into a spirit of nationality, and that representation, connected with a properly adjusted system of taxation, will result in a harmonious restoration of the relations of the States to the National Union."; There is a little more testimony yet, Mr.. President, and it is worth while to consider, while we are here to take counsel and to know what we ought to do in the extraor dinary situation in which we find ourselves, from whom will we take that counsel. Are we to take it from men, the purpose oh whose life seems to be towage war upon these peo ple and their histitutions? Shall we take it from men whom they hate personally and. by name, and to whom it is almost impos sible to suppose they ever will be reconciled, or, in the nature of things, can be recon ciled? Or are we to take it from the men who have not made this a personal war; who have treated it 118 a national. war, and who, in their conduct of it, have won the applause of both sections? The President says that part of his information has been re ceived from Gen. Grant. Who is Gen. Grant? Who is to be put in the scale with that scarred soldier, and whose testimony is to weigh down his? Is he "'whitewashing" here too? Has he forgotten the position Ile occupies before the American people? With the highest military character of any man to-day upon the earth, has he condescended to co come here to deceive the Senate of his country, and to lie about the condition of affairs in the Smith, which he has recently visited? Let us hear what lie says, and lis ten with patient reverence to the utterance of a man of sense, a patriot, and a prudent man, who desires not to embroil, not to em bitter, not to widen the gap that already ex ists between the two people, who ought to be fraternally united, but a man who de sires to heal and to pacify ; a man imbued with the spirit of Hoche when he went to La Vendee, and where he succeeded when others had failed. What does lie say? It is not the tone or manner of the letter-wri ter, but it is in the manner of a man and a soldier. "I am satisfied " says he; and when he is satisfied who dares say he is not satisfied upon thescore of hon esty and good intent toward this republic?— I am satisfied that the mass of thinking men in tre mh accept the present situa tion of aflhirs in good faith." That is what General Grant says. Is that " whitewashing?" "The questions which have herefiffore divided the sentiments of the people of the two sections—slavery and State rights or the right of a State to secede from the Union— they regard as having been settled forever by the highest tribunal—arms—that man can resort to." It is now said that they do not think so ; that they are only pretending, and have a covert purpose of doing slim eon rig hereafter about this thing, nobody can tell exactly what. Perhaps we will be told they will not abide the result. " I was pleased to learn from the leading men whom I met, that they not only ac cepted the decision arrived at us final, but that now, when the smoke of battle has cleared away and time has been kilven for reflection, this decision has been a fortunate one for thel whole country, they receiving like benefits from it with those who opposed them in the field and in council." Why, Mr. President, the common sense of that last utterance is worth more as testi mony than that of a thousand scribblers who merely look at detached points of this great field. They have resolved to accept the de cision as final ; and, what we ought all to be glad to know, they have found that it is for their benefit. They have found, too, after the smoke has cleared away, that they are real ly in a better condition than they were be fore, that they have been relieved from the incubus which oppressed them for so long a time, and they are ready now to take their places in the Union, and alongside of the Northern States who have made liberty their,greld principle rather -than slavery. Why should they not? If any man can give a reason why they should desire to keep up this strife longer, with their devas tated fields, with their treasuries empty, with their society disorganized, I Should like to hear it. I therefore hope, Mr. President, that we may meet them inn different spirit; that we may show them that we made this war, not to make them eternal enemies of ours, not to humiliate them, but to rescue them; that we made this war to go and get them out of the clutches of the bad men who had mis led them into the gloorily realm of seces sion and disunion ; and that .we intend, af ter the great military victory which we have achieved to achieve another by magnani mity and clemency in our conduct toward them; that we will win them back to be as they were before, our friends and our broth ers, of the same race and of the same line age. I hope too that this angry, irritating, and exciting mode of treating this subject, which is calculated to make us anything_ else than friends, will be discarded here after, and that we shall coolly and calmly, and in the spirit of the nation (becatise that is the spirit of the nation), examine this question, and do with it that which will be calculated to restore the old harmony and peace, and the old Union again. GEN. GRANT'S allusion to Ben. But ler's being bottled up at Bermuda Hun dred, is the occasion of some fun atßen's expense. One writer calls him "Bottled F. Butler," and another speaks of him as the "cork eyed General." The cir cumstance reminds us of a remark of Joe Johnston, who held Harper's Ferry early in the war. When reproached for leaving it as the Federal troops ad vanced, he said "they wouldn't catch him in the nose of a tunnel"—that is, between the Potomac and the Shenan doah, very much such a position as Butler got into between the James and the Appomattox. LANCASTER GRAIN MARTIET, TUESDAY, December 26th, 1865 : Family flour, V bar... Extra do d 0... ..merfine..do d 0... Wheat (white) la bus Wheat (red) do Ry he d... o Oats do - Whiskey;'-perrgallon 64 2s-it $lO 75 ..... 9 73 8 75 2 30 200 1 05
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