:SNT.MTWAY, DECENEBER 1865. • ' u he printing pressee Shall be free to every Person who undertakes to examine the pro ceedings of the legislature, or any branch of government; and no law shall ever be made to restrain the right thereof. Thefree commu nication of thouglit and opinions is one of the invaluable • rights of men; and every citizen may freely speak, write and print on any sub ject ; bens responsible for the abuse of that liberty. n tions for the publication of papers Inv ti mi ng the oilkdal conduct of offi- CerS, or men in public capacities, or Where the matter imbliahed is proper for public informa tion, e the truth thereof may be given in evi denc." The New York Press upon the President's Message. The leading daily journais of New York speak wellof the President's Mes sage, with here and there a word of dis sent from some portion of that impor tant document: The Herald regards it as a "conclusive vindication of his Course." The News welcomes it as pla cing the President "indirect opposition to the foolish and vindictive policy of: the Republicans, as developed by tlle representatives of that party in C;on gress." The Times regards its views as " full .42g wisdom and conveyed with great force and dignity." The Journal of Commerce pronounces it " - able and vigorous," and destined to "take rank among the noble documerlts of our history." The Evening _Post finds it " frank, dignified, direct and manly." The Tribune " doubts whether any former Message has, on the whole, con tained so much that will be generally and justly approved with ll little that will or should provoke dissent." It follows this up by a half column of dis sent from the President's " assertion that, if he had assumed to extend the Right of Suffrage to Blacks in the States lately in 'revolt, he must have done the same with all the States." It says that "to talk of referring the Suf frage question to the States, is to darken counsel by dexterous phrases,"—the plain meaning of which is that the President is more dexterous than honest in his treatment of the new phase of the negro question. TJjr. World, after stating the leading points of the Mes sage and alluding to the hostile attitude assumed by the Republicans in Congress, says : "It is for Mr Johnson now to choose whether he will push on vigorously the work of restoration, by him so well be gun, and in which he has had the moral support and hearty approbation of every Northern Democrat, or whether lie will lie down as tamely as the con servative Republicans have done, and submit as pusillanimously as they, to the rough-riding hoof of Thaddeus Stevens and his Radical crew." It adds that "those who have thus far stood by him in his work of restoration will, to the end, stand by him unfalteringly, if his choice shall be to make for himself the great name of the Restorer of the Union. But to carry on this work he must have no traitors in his cabinet, no enemies to officer his ranks." A Merry Christmas for the South. The New York World, of yesterday, has an article which shows most clearly, that, if the negroes of the South have been seriously and on any extensive scale ill-treated since their liberation, ,the responsibility rests not with the Southern people, but with our own com manders and with the officials of the Freedmen's Bureau. In no part of the South have the relations between the blacks and the whites been surrendered to the operations of the local law. In all the States Northern officials have assumed control of all the relations be tween the freedmen and their former masters. Liberated by the force of our arms, they have been controlled by Northern agencies up to the present time. We, therefore, and not the people of the South are responsible for their present condition, and to a fearful ex tent for their future conduct. Rumors of preparation for such an in surrection as that which prevailed in Jamaica, have been coming, now ;from Louisiana, now from Virginia, to-day from Arkansas, to-morrow from Geor gia._ ChriStrs has been fixed as the time when the \ outbreak would occur. Should the nation and the world be horrified by any Such 'terrible events, the whole .blame *ill rest upon the shoulders of those 'who have assumed control of the negroel The Southern whites will stand before the world as the innocent victims of a barbarian race maddened into fury and precipitated into revolt by a set of meddling fana tics. Ever since the emancipation of he negroes these northern officials have been omnipotent both to act and con trol the acts of the blacks, while the people of the South have been left per fectly powerless. The World concludes its article as follows : There is a •singular accordance be tween the dreams and visions of the re voltinr, negroes in Jamaica and those which are said to be now agitating the negro populations in many parts of the South. In both cases a division of the landed property of the whites appears to be' the millennial boon for which these deluded creatures are looking, and in both cases the season of Christmas and the New Year to have been fixed upon as the time of the coming of this agrarian-jubilee. In the case of Jamai ca there is no reasonable doubt that these notions, which strangely recall the delusions of the Jack-Cade move ment in medieval England, and of the Jacqueries in medieval France, had their origin in the preaching of white clerical demagouges. The negroes love of idleness and his proneness to super stition, the most strongly marked of his savage traits, and the last to be eradica ted from his nature, have been the easy vehicle of these impressions ; and it is but rational to infer that the like results in America must be traceable to the like causes. It is unnecessary to say that we regard General Howard, the head of the Freedmen's Bureau, as quite inca pable of tolerating, still less of en couraging, the dissemination among the " freedmen" of influences lead ing to such au end. But the Freedmen's Bureau was organized as a sort of war measure, in war times. Vast numbers of its agents were selected with no ref erence at all to their fitness, either in tellectually or morally, for dealing with so stern a problem as the maintenance of just relations between a population lately enslaved and a population lately elaveholding. They were recommended to office, on the contrary, in a majority of instances, by the extreme vehemence and bigotry of their personal opinions on the abstract question of slavery.— Civilians for the most part, or officers little familiar with actual service, they entered into the conquest achieved by others with a predisposition, shared by most human beings in similar circum stances, to magnify their functions.— Instead, therefore, of maintaining a semi-judicial and impartial attitude be tween the two races, the Freedmen's Bureau has really, on the whole, been administered as if it were a secondary engine of subjugation brought to bear upon the whites. In this way, even when its.functionaries have not actually made themselves the missionaries of an approaching doomsday for the whites, - they have mitouraged the negroes to re • gard the whites as doomed, and them selves as the destined inheritors of the . "land and fatness thereof." Tried already as few people in our times have been tried, by defeat, by pri vation, by financial ruin, and by poi iti - cal diafranchisement, the Southern peo ple, it is sadly possible, may be destined _.to be still more sorely tried by the name - ess.calamities of a social convulsion. It , is sadly possible that the blessed Christ mas bells, which ,should ring in peace • and good will to all men • everywhere, . may, sound for them the tocsin of house .:hold murder, of midnight -conflagration, of death., and- miseries worse than death. - Mist earnestly and devoutly do we trust that this crowning curse may be apared ~.i.o.ouricountry ; .but alike to a just_ in . Idemnity•for the past andafirra iseell4PY :,,for the ..fature it is indispensable that this cur* if it falls upon US, should be carried swiftly and with 'avenging on phassi homei by the public conscience and the public arm, to those who, by their fanaticism and their selfish lust of power, are daily inviting and - impreca , ting 1223=6 Making Yp the'Recnid. The newly elected Congress has1)111Y been in session.for two days. The radi cal majority in:the House and . Senate is overwhehning, and upon their heads must, therefore, rest the responsibility for such legislation as shall be had. Short as the time has been since they assembled, these men have already made up a record for themselves which ought to be . regarded as sufficient to damn 'them to eternal infamy. Not only have they placed themselves in di rect antagonism to the wise and healing policy of the President, and pledged themselves to such a course of action as must keep the Union disunited; but, they have rushed to the extreme of folly h) their proposed legislation in favor of the negro. Whatever doubts may have been entertained with regard to the fu ture intentions of the leaders of the Re publican party, it is now clear that they do not intend to rest satisfied until the negro is made by law the full equal of the white man. A short reviewof their course of action during -the brief time which Congress has been in session is sufficient to convince any man who does not willfully shut his eyes to the truth. On Monday, the first day of the Ses sion, the following action was had. Mr. Wade, of Ohio, a distinguished 'Republican leader in the Senate, intro duced a bill conferring the right, of suf frage on the negroes in the District of Columbia, and making it a penal of deuce for any one to impede or interfere with them in the exercise of such right. Mr. Sumner, introduced a bill provid ing, that, where negroes compose one sixth of the population, Grand and Petit juries shall be composed of one half whites, and the other half negroes. The same notorious Republican lead er, proposed for adoption a new test oath, to be taken by every white man in the States recently in rebellion, requiring each one of them to swear that he will discountenance and resist all laws mak ing any distinctions of color or race.— This they must do under severe pains and penalties. The same br.ight and shining tight in the camp of our political opponents, in troduced a series of resolutions, impo sing certain conditions, without a com pliance with which no one of the States lately in rebellion is to be permitted to return to the Union. One of these con ditions is " the complete enfranchisement of all citizens, so that there shall be no denial of rights on account of color or race, and all be equal before the law." Mr. Wilson, another prominent Re publican leader, introduced a bill con ferring the right of suffrage on the ne groes Of the South. On the same day, the disposition of the majority of the Republicans in Con gress to break down'and destroy all dis tinctions between white men and negroes, was equally as plainly mani fested in the House as in the Senate. The lower branch of Congress was led by Thaddeus Stevens, and he is its ruling spirit. Under his guidance and direc tion all attempts to get a hearing on the subject of the right of Southern members to their seats were rudely crushed. The programme laid down at the Republican caucus was rigidly adhered to, and put through by force of number under the gag law.. Mr. Stevens, as soon as the House was organized, offered the resolution adopt ed by the caucus of his party ; which gravely proposes that a committe of fif teen radicals be appointed to inquire in to the condition of the States recently in rebellic 7 and to determine whether they, or any of them are entitled to be represented in Congress. This resolu tion was passed by a strict party vote of one hundred and thirty-three to thirty six. It is meant to retard the restora tion of the Union, until the radicals can force the adoption of their ideas upon the subject of negro equality. . On the same day Wm. D. Kelly, of this State, offered a bill conferring the right of suffrage upon the negroes of the District of Columbia. So much for the first day. On Tues day the same line of action was followed. Mr. Foote, of Vermont, a distinguish ed Republican Senator, offered a series of resolutions adopted by the Legisla ture of his State, urging the extension of the right of suffrage to the negroes of the South. Mr. Morrill, of Maine, also a noted Republican leader, and the author of the present tariff bill, offered a bill re pealing all laws in the District of Co lumbia, which make any distinctions on account of color ; and extending the law to all the territories of the United States. By his proposed bill it is to be made a penal offence for any officer of any territory torviolate said law. That would prevent a territorial legislature, or a constitutional convention, from de nying equality to the negro, and would thus fasten negro equality upon all States to be formed in the future. Such are a few of the acts of the pres ent Congress. We think the mere sum ming of them up is sufficient. Surely they are plain enough. Comment upon them would seem to be superflous. The man who hereafter denies that the lead ers of the Republican party are fully committed to the doctrine of negro equality must be possessed of more than ordinary mendacity. Butler Smoked Out Grant's report has had the effect of smoking out the hero of Big Bethel, New Orleans, the Fort Fisher Powder Boat, and the dogs of Norfolk. Beast Butler has resigned his commission in the army, and his resignation has been promptly accepted. A telegraphic de spatch from Norfolk announces that there is great and joyful bow-wowing over the news among the canine frater nity of that city. Massachusetts is in tears, but all decent States and people are rejoiced. Let his friend Stanton follow suit. Exit the hero of corked bottle no toriety. The Admission of Southern Congress. There are some slight signs of return ing reason even among the radicals in Congress. It is said that many of them are alarmed at being placed in an atti tude of hostility to the President. It is said to be certain that the Senate will not pass Thad. Stevens' joint resolution without considerable amendment. The latest rumor from Washington is to the following effect The Republican Senators have agreed to pass, in an amended form, the resolu tion of the House for a joint committee to examine into the condition of thelate so-called Confederate States, and as to whether any of them are entitled to representation in Congress. The Senate will not anee to refer all matters in that body with Out debate, but will lay on the table the credentials of the Southern Senators elect until the subject of in quiry shall be settled. As each House is the sole judge of the election, qualifications and returns of its own members, it is not considered by Senators that they can be referred to a joint committee. The resolution will be further amended so as to make it con current, without requiring the Presi dent's signature, as it would were it passed in the form presented by the House. COMPTROLLER CLARK, of the Cur rency Bureau, has decided that ladies cannot act as directors of national banks, as th 9 laws do not recognize them as citizens, '— ' Greeley on Southern Unionists During the continuance of the rebel-, lion very strong temptations were held: out to induce men to profess loyalty in `such portions of the South as *ere fn the possession of our armies. By so do ingthey escaped the penalties of treason, were treated as friends by our armies and government officials, were put into positions of power, and were afforded many and very favor i able opportunities of making money. Thus cowardice, am bition and selfishness in - every phase were strongly appealed to. That under such circumstances many miserable scoundrels should be loudest in their professions of loyalty is not to be won dered at. Beyond a question there were high-minded and honorable men throughout the South who repudiated the doctrine of secession from the be ginning and remained devotedly loyal ; but, in most instances, these were not of the class of men who were brought prominently before the public during the continuance of the struggle. Most of those in the South who made the loud est professions of loyalty were of the class which always follows the armies ; greedy harpies ready to prey indiscrim inately upon friend or foe. They were petted and praised, lifted by force of our bayonets into positions of power, and afforded ample opportunities to make money by fleecing their neighbors and the Government at the same time. That scoundrelism should have succeed ed in gaining the ascendant under such circumstances was only what was to be expected. Maryland and Tennessee ate both fair examples. Brownlow, since he has been Governor of the latter, has disgusted all decent and right thinking men in the nation. He has been de nounced time and again by Democratic newspapers, but mendacious Republi can journals have still praised him.— We are glad to see that the N. Y. Tri bune at last refuses to cover up his ras cality and blackguardism any longer. In its indignation against the loyal Tennessee Legislature for refusing to grant the negroes the right to ;testify in the Courts. Greeley strips the cloak of pretended loyalty from the back of that set of mercenary scoundrels in the following rude manner. He says : The telegraph has informed us that the bill allowing Blacks:to testify in the Courts of Tennessee, which passed the Senate by 10 to 9, has been defeated in the House by 30 to 27—the East Ten nessee Unionists generally opposing, while many of the ex-Rebels supported it. This is what we had been led to expect. Those East Tennessee Union ists have been permitted, by a weak and worthless Un ion General Command ing and a Reverend blackguard who is styled Governor, to murder from two to three negroes to balance each of the pa roled and returned Rebel soldiers whom they have seen fit likewise to dispatch, until they have good reason to deprecate the admission of Negro testimony ; for it would hang hundreds of them if there was any semblance of law or justice in that region. According to our infor mation, not less than a hundred Rebels and negroes have thus been butchered since June last in and around Knoxville alone; and there will of course be more if the strong hand of authority be not stretched over them. Tennessee has many staunch Uninn ists and worthy men among her citi zens; but she is nevertheless a Pande monium of passion and crime, and no more fit for self-government to-day than Dahomey. The time must come, and that before long, when all manner of meanness and every description of crime can no longer be covered up under the cloak of pretend ed loyalty. That will be a sad day of reckoning for the Republican party, and for many who adhere to it. The President's Bridle Fortunately the President has a bri dle in the mouths of those who oppose his policy. Since the publication of the President's Message there has been con siderable quaking among radical Re publican Congressmen, and their cour age is said to be rapidly oozing out at their finger ends. Numbers who voted for Stevens' Resolution are said to re gret it. Thby have discovered all of a sudden that the possession of the ap pointing power by the President%puts them at his mercy. The following con versation which took place a day or two since between a high official and a Re publican member, will serve as an illus tration : The member referred to was boasting how he was going to oppose the Presi dent's policy, and that he did not care what Mr. Johnson did. " Stop," says the official, " are you sure you are independent of the Presi dent, and can sustain yourself at home if you oppose him? Your district is very close." " What has the President to do with my district? The people elected me, and expect me to carry out their views. I represent them, not the President, and he can't affect me there." " But," adds the official, " how many postmasters have you in your district ?" "That has nothing to do with it," replied the member, "they are all friends of mine. Besides, it is always under stood that the Representative in Con gress entitled to those appointments for his friends." "But," replied the official, " suppose that the President should take it into his head to remove all of your friends and appoint men in their place who were friends of his and didnot careany thing about you, what then would be your position at home?" This opened the matter in a new light to the enthusiastic member. After a little hesitation he asked in atone show ing that this was a new phase to the question, " The President will not think of doing that, will he ?" " I don't know," replies the official, "what the President will do, or whether he has thought of this matter. I only know what I would do if I were in his place, and that would be to remove every one of your friends if you opposed the policy of my administration." " W—e-11—well," drawled out the member, " I don't know but the Presi dent's policy is right, after all, and I think I will support him." The Southern Applicants for Congress- tonal Seats Considerable speculation is being in dulged in as to the manner in which the Senate will treat Thaddeus Stevens' resolution for reconstruction, already passed by the House of Representatives. It is generally supposed that Senators Doolittle, of Wisconsin ; Dixon of Con necticut ; Cowan, of Pennsylvania, and Trumbull, of Illinois, will oppose it steadily; and of those who are consid ered doubtful are Fessenden, of Maine; Foster of Connecticut; Harris, of New York, and Anthony, of Rhode Island. Should all the doubtful ones join the Democrats there will still be a radical majority of five. The Kansas papers boast that during the war there has been more lands fen ced in, by one hundred per cent., than was fenced in previous to that time. To this a Missouri paper replies: "No person traveling through the border counties of Missouri will doubt the truth of this assertion. Stealing rails is a small business, but one county of Missouri has lost more than forty miles of fencing, and one county of Kansas has found fully an equal amount of good seasoned rails, which have evidently seen service." THERE IS SAID to be a very decided disposition on the part of members of Congress to increase the number of Na tional Banks, most of the members be ing interested in securing such favor for different parties. The probabilities are, therefore, said to be that an additional issue of one hundred millions of curren cy will be authorized. THE Pacific Railroad Company, east ern division, are about to apply for the issue of additional bonds in payment for the construction of another twenty miles of the road. . At $16,000 per mile it amounts to $320,000. Grant Showing Fp Butler The pricking of a bubble shows its utter hollowness at once. Human bub- bless sometimes manage to float for a long tittle before they are pierced by the sharß point of the keen spear of truth and their utter emptinessexposed tothe public view. Now and then, however, some pretentious character is disposed of by a single rude thrust. Butler, the beast, as he has been aptly termed, has been blown into a kind of meretricious notoriety by means of the pens of men dacious reporters for radical newspapers. General Grant in his report, which all men will receive as truthful, most ef fectually disposes of this world-be hero. The New York _Herald, in its review of General Grant's report, very forcibly says: Grant's referenc,es to Butler put that doughty personage before the country in the proper light for the first time. They show how a prams', sincere man regards such an empty, blatant pre tender, and, justly hold him up to con tempt. Butler was instructed from the first in the campaign against Richmond that that city was his objective point, and that was to co-operate with the Army of the Potomac, and to seize or invest the rebel capital while Meade engaged Lee on the Rapidan. The plan was perfect, and no person with less ingenuity than Butler would have found it possible to spoil it. Butler, how ever, managed wonderfully not to do what, was requisite. He was shown that Richmond could not be reinforced from the south or from Lee's army, and was at his mercy ; but instead of seizing it he sat down at Bermuda Hundred and wrote despatches and "suffered the ene my to as completely shut him off from further operationsagainst Richmond as if he had been in a bottle strongly cork ed." Such is Grant's contemptuous disposal of Butler's co-operation against the rebel capital. Subsequently, when Grant was crossing the James, the ene my left the road from Richmond, to Petersburg on Butler's front undefended, and Butler seized it. Grant, seeing the advantage, sent the Sixth corps to en able Butler to hold what he had taken, and Butler kept the Sixth corps in idle ness, while the enemy recaptured the road. Nothing but Butler's Fort Fisher failure could have put a climax to these achievements. Grant shows how the order for Weitzel to act against Wil mington was smothered by Butler ; how Butler went where he was notsent and came away when there was no rea son ; and then how Terry, with nearly the same force, accomplished what But ler had declared impossible. As the se quel to this Grant merely says: "At my request Major-General B. F. Butler was relieved, and Major-General E. 0. C. Ord assigned to the command of the Department of Virginia and North Car olina." Butler in this report and But ler before the Committee on the Con duct of the War—or making speeches at Lowell--are very different persons. Let the Test Oath Be Repealed We insist that the best course and in deed the only 'proper or rational course to be taken toward the South in regard to her elections is to tolerate her as freely and fully as we safely can in having just such representatives as she wants. Let the people of every Southern State elect whomsoever they please. If the persons elected cannot or will not take the oath of allegiance to the United States Government, of course they can not be permitted to perform any official functions, but, if they'take that oath, nothing else should be required of them beyond the strict and faithful fulfill ment of its obligations. If, after taking it, they violate it, they should be pun ished in any mode deemed the most sal utary and expedient. We want to see the test oath law of Congress repealed as soon as it can be. It is wholly unadapted to the time. In the light of recent developments, the country cannot fail to see that no dele gations can be sent by the Southern States to Congress, no delegations fit to be called such, that could conscientious ly take the test oath, for all of the men of any consequence in the South have, for one or another reason, aided, neces sarily,, the rebellion and the rebels. We say, then, repeal the test oath ! Repeal it at once ! Let the men elected from the South take the oath of allegiance, if they have not done so already, and take their seats in Congress, without being required to swear that they have done nothing to help the rebellion. If all those who haveslirectly or indirectly helped the rebellion are to be forever shut out from the great rights and priv ileges of their fellow-countrymen, no such thing as pacification can, at pres ent or for a long time, come within the range of mortal ken. Certainly the masses of the South have been in rebellion, and that fact cannot be made anything but a fact. And it i 4 natural, that, having returned to their allegiance, they should prefer to elect to office those who werewith them in their dreadful struggle and who are with them in their return to allegiance. If conscious of rectitude, they can have no reason to doubt the rectitude of such of their prominent fellow-citizens as have pursued the same course that they themselves have pursued. It would be intolerance, it would be oppression, it would be persecution, to require of them that they shall either go unrepresented in the Congress of the nation or elect men, if such they can find, who were against them throughout the whole of their awful conflict. We know what Congress ought to do, but not what it is likely to do. We wish that it were a much wiser body than we think it is.—Lo - uisville Journal. Stanton The executive documents are full of contrasts—Stanton's vulgarity, as re vealed in his report between the calm dignity of the President's Message, and the soldierly moderation of General Grant's letter to the War Department. This modern Carnot, as his admirers call him, and we doubt not he would have been a regicide if he had a chance, seems unable to control the evil pas sions of his nature; and now, when success has crowned the Federal cause, and his enemies lie prostrate before him, he is as coarse and truculent as he was on the trial of Sickles, or when he was superintending the tying of Mrs. Sur ratt's legs. While the President and General Grant, with the instincts of gentlemen, abstain from nick names and ugly words, whilst, indeed, the General speaks respectfully of the heroic valor of his enemies, Stanton rails and scolds at them like a very drab. He repeats the words " rebels and traitors " some fifty times in his report. He ob jurgates the captive. He shakes his fist at the exile. His manifesto is ten times as warlike and vehement in tones as all the reports of the fighting men, unless it be his friend Butler's, put together. It Is not unlike a stanza which we have lately seen, from the pen of a poet whose pent up valor since the war is over thus bursts forth : And now the quaking air Roars with repeated thunder, And the fiery sobs of the cannon tear Their brazen lips asunder. And " brazen lips" they are which re peat, as does Mr. Stanton, the exploded calumny that the murder of Mr. Lincoln was the work of authorized Confederate agents, or that Mr. Davis was " in dis guise" when he was captured. Mr. Stan ton knows that neither of these is true. As indecent is his reference to the result of the Presidential election of 1864 as an element of military success ascertained from " intercepted letters and despatch es," a reliance quite worthy of Holt or detective Baker, but hardly fit fora Cab inet minister.—Age. The President of the Senate The President of the Senate, Mr. Fos ter, of Connecticut, now occupies, to all intents and purposes ,the position of Vice Presidentof the United States. In the event of the death of President Joh nson, therefore, in the interval to 1868, Mr. Foster as he now stands, would be come President of the United States. life is understood to be a sort of semi radical, semi-conservative old line whig ; but it is probable that this is not enough for the leadin g radicah3. hence theremay be some truth in the report afloat that "there is some talk of a change in the presidingofficerofthe Senate." Perhaps Charles Sumner may be the coming man. Who knows ? In any event, we trust that the life and health of President Johnson may be spared to the country to the end of his present term of office, and for many years after its expiration. PATRICK Fr.p.mni - G, a murderer in jail at Chicago, under sentence of death, has sold his body to a medical college for the sum of fifty dollars. He will buy a Shit of clothes to be hung in, .with the groceeds of his repulsive bargain: . Finances or the Rate of Pennsylvania. .-- Summary of the receipts at the State Treasury, from the Ist day of Decem -ber 1884, to the 30th day of November, 1865: Auctioti * EoGions...—.. ----.... 17,648 75 Auction Duties --..- 68,249 61 Tax on Bank Dividends —..._.. 216,911. 39 Tax on Co ration stocks._... 1,217,933 18 Tax oa real and personal estate..... 1,959,206 10 Tax conga:sins 315,505 87 —... Tax on net earnings or income 113,073 24 Tax on enrollment of laws 29,925 00 Tax on surplus funds of banks__ 5,011 63 Tax on tonnage 388,993 90 Commutation of tonna g e, Act March 7th, 186L______.. ~.__. 360,000 90 Tam on brokers and p: ivatebank ers owe 48 Tax on writs, wills, deeds, ie . = • 71,407 79 Tax on certain offices.. ---. .... 17,313 55 Collateral Inheritance 1ax......-- 294,365 94 Tavern licenses 249,644 19 Retailers' licenses 383,848 73 Sample licenses VD 00 Theater, Circus and — iienagerie li censes2,4sl 00 Illmard-room and Ten.pin — alley licenses ........ 3,961 73 Eating-house, Restaurant, and Beer-house licenses 19,765 79 Pedlers' licenses..._- 2=4 37 Brokers' licenses 8,413 26 Patent medicine licenses 1,442 74 Distillery and Brewery licenses._ 9,665 62 Miller's Tax. 1,607 25 Militia Tax 27 28. Foreign Insurance Agencies 110,551 96 Premiums on Charters ......... .....—... 90,734 62 Pamphlet Laws 321 16 Sales of Patric Property 919 73 Premiums on Loans 4,501 86 Escheats 1,012 - 86 Dividends on Bridge Stocks 80.00 Free Banking-System 1,155 24 Pennsylvania Railroad Company, bond not rede- med - 100,000 00 Accrued interest 13,320 33 Refunded cash 170 71 Annuity for right of way 10000 00 Fines and forfeitures 3,089 00 Fees of the public officers_ 7,898 08 Cases of conscience 800 00 Total $6,1119,989 67 Balance in the Treasury Nov. 30th, 1865 available 1,912,203 al Depreciated funds, unavailable..... 41.032 00 08.203,225 30 Summary of the Payments at the State Treasury, from the Ist day of December, 1864, to the 30th day o f November, 18.5, both days inclusive: Expenses of Government 0016.376 59 Military expenses, ordinary 1,048 97 do do per act Apr. 16,.'02, 42,1 - 15 07 do do per act Apr.11.,' , , '63, 214.100 31 do do per act Mar. 17, '6l, 3,375 15 do do per act May 4, '64, 5,000 00 do do per act May 5, '64 41,780 19 do oo per act Aug. 19, 7 64, 200 00 do do per act Aug. r. , '64, 528 70 do do per act Aug. 24,'64, 11,2.53 45 do do per act Aug. 2.5,'64, 6,315 79 do do per act Mar. 22,'65, 26,52072 do do per act Mar. 28, 65, 844 00 Pensions and gratuities 6,048 23 Charitable institutions 262,989 38 Penna. State Agricultural Society. 2,000 00 Farmers' High School, of Penna,... 12,876 75 State Normal Schools .15,0110 00 School of Designs, for Women 4,250 00 Common Schools 338,636 28 Consumers of the Sinking Fund, viz • Loans, ..S.:c., redeemed_Bl,lo2,767 88 Other payments 11,075 00 .. . . .. 1,903,842 88 Interest on loans 01,994.680 07 Domestic creditors 1,362 64 Damages and old claims. 8,941 76 Damages by rebel raids In 186 , 96 45 National Cemetery Association, Gettysburg 11,092 00 Schuylkill Co. riots, May, 1862 • 1,089 41 Special Commissioners 765 08 State Library 3,611 04 Public buildings and grounds 38,093 68 Extension of Capitol buildings 55,022 31 House of Refuge 56,000 00 Penitentiaries 41,755 00 Escheats 55 77 Free banking system 977 12 Counsel fees and Commissions 560 00 Mercantile Appraisers 885 78 Amendment to the Constitution... 659 55 Miscella eons 16,165 15 Total 85,788,525 16 Balarice.in the Treasury, Nov. 30th, 1065, available 82,373,668 14 Depreciated Funds, unavailable__ 41,032 00 82,414,700 14 5,888,525 16 The Family of Jefferson Davis A correspondent of the N. Y. Herald writing from the city of Montreal Canada, says: The Davis family are living in this city, and in poor circumstances. It consists of Mrs. Howell, Miss Howell and " Willy" Davis. Margaret Davis is at the Sacred Heart Convent, and young Jeff. Davis is at the college at Lenoxville. The family, while living on Rich mond square, in this city, was visited by Colonels Johnson and Sutherland and Captain Richardson, of the late rebel army, who showed great respect to the family of their chief, and are described as gentlemanly men, &c. Owing to the sudden fall to nothing of the rebel paper money the family found themselves five thousand dollars less in funds than they expected to be, and were in consequence very much straitened in means—so much so that they had to leave a house where the charge for living was small, to go into another one where it was still smaller. Mrs. Howell is a fine old woman of sixty-four years of age, tall and stately. Miss Howell is a fine, tall young woman, quite Southern in look , &c. She is rather tall to look well. Master William Davis is a fine boy of four years or more of age. He looks a little like his father, the nose promising to be aquiline. His forehead is a very good one. Of Miss Margaret Davis and Master Jefferson very little is seen in this city. They are both described as fine children, the girl being nine years of age and the boy about seven, the latter resembling his father in some features. As may be imagined, the family are very warm on the matters of the late rebel cause. The young lady is particu larly so ; and the two boys, with boyish boldness, speak very freely, and now and then indulge in little ebullitions of anger, saying what they would do if they were men, &c. In regard to this " Willy" one day placed a row ofapples on a table, and with a violent sweep of his hand sent them all rolling on the floor, shouting at the same time, ", That's Nik the ay I would make the Yankees fly." All the family attend the Episcopal Church, going to the cathedral (the fashionable church here.) Emigration From East Tennessee If the violent partisans in East Ten nessee do not change their course that part of the country will be depopulated. The Kingston East LTennesscean, of a late date, says : Scarcely a day passes but what our streets are filled with wagons, moving through our place toward the Far West. The exodus of population from all parts of East Tennessee is now said to be very great. What part of the woild they in tend settling in, we are at present unad vised, but judge Kentucky is at present the point to which they are gravitating, and which bids fair to very soon become very densely populated, if not entirely overrun, by our citizens, who are leav ing East Tennessee for various reasons best known to themselves. One Fallacy In the Report of the Secre tary of the Treasury. The financial editor of the New York Herald, says : One fallacy stands outprominently in the midst of the general good sense of the Secretary's report, and that is that " the public debt of the United States represents a portion of the accumulated wealth of the country." On this prin ciple, if our national debt were a hun dred thousand millions, we should be as a nation very wealthy and prosperous, after the manner of the enterprising in dividual who indicated the extent of his prosperity by saying:—" Five years ago I wasn't worth a cent, and now I owe a hundred thousanddollars." How does he reconcile this view of the case with what he correctly says of it else where 7—namely, "It is an encumbrance upon the national estate. Neither its advantage nor its burdens are or can be borne equally by the people. Its influ ences are anti-republican. It must be distasteful to the people because it fills the country with informers and tax gatherers. It is dangerous to the pub lic virtue because it involves the col lection and disbursement of vast sums of money, and renders rigid national economy almost impracticable. It is, in a word, a national burden." Invaded by Crows. The Journa2publishedat Towsontown, Baltimore county, Maryland, complains that the region thereabouts has been invaded by huge armies of crows. It says Immense flocks of crows are now roosting in this vicinity. In the morn ing this army of black republic ins sally forth for the purpose of comitting dep redations upon such fields of corn as have not yet been housed, returning at night to roost. Judging from the very frequent reports of fire arms in the direction of their roost, in the evening, generally, (Sunday included,) we think Baltimore county will be" right smart" taxed for " crow heads' , this year. :The boys have found out that six oents is al lowed for every crow head brought _be fore a magistrate and worn _to. , There consequenNy, a slight, rise .in gun powder. Testimony of the rest. [Extract from an Address of the Hon. Jeremiah B. Black.] We publish below ea extract from an address,' delivered by the Hon.' Jere miah S. Black, to the Phrenakosmian Society of Pennsylvania College, at the annual commencement, September 17, 1856, and entitled "Religious Liberty." In view of the events of the past four years and of those that are now crowd ing upon us, the truthful exposure con tained in the following lines, of thebig otry and intolerance of the Yankees, may be of service to our readers, in their efforts to detect the secret springs and discover the .original source of those mutual alienations, that resulted in the temporary dismemberment of thelJnion of the States. What blood and treasure might have been spared—what destruc tion and devastation ; how many hus bands and fathers might have been saved to their loving wives and depen dant offspring, how many sons to their fond and anxious parents, had Abolitionism never got hold of the machinery of government! After be stowing a just meed of praise upon Ce cilius Calvert and William Penn, the one a Catholic and the other a Quaker, for the enlightened and liberal spirit in which they founded the institutions that were bequeathed as a rich legacy to their posterity, Judge Black, in that easy, eloquent, clear and forcible man ner, that distinguish him, both as :a writer and speaker, comes to speak of Roger Williams, a Baptist, and the third of the pioneers of American civilization. In this part of the address it is, that the Puritan character is shown up with the skill and truthfulness of a master hand. The address proceeds as follows : " The other man of that illustrious triumvirate is also entitled to your spe cial notice. Roger Williams was a hero in the highest sense of that much abused word. Of all the men that ever min gled in the good fight for freedom of opin ion, he carried the most glittering weapon, fought the hardest battle, and ivon the most brilliant triumph. Single handed and alone, he strove against a tumultuous throng of enemies, who pressed upon him in front, and flank, and rear. And never yet was a hero so magnanimous in victory : or in adver sity so calmly steadfast in his cause.— His character is invested with that pe culiar interest, which we all feel in a great injured man, whose merits are the glory, while the wrongs he suffered are the shame, of the times be lived in.— His intellectual vision saw the truth at a glance, and, his honest heart accept ing it„without hesitation, pushed it at once to its uitimate consequences: His eloquence was remarkable for its clear ness and fervor ; he had a steadiness of purpose which opposition only made firmer, and no danger that ever thickened around him could tame the audacity of his courage. Thus gifted he came to Massa chusetts in the vigor of his early man hood, and immediately took up the de fence of what he called the sanctity of conscience.' It would have been a sa fer employment to denounce Mahome tanism in any part of Turkey. Mary Fisher made a fair trial of both. She went to Boston and she went to Con stantinople. She publicly administered to the Sulton and to the elders of the Puritan Church the rebuke, which in her opinion, was needed by each; and her report of the comparative treatment she received, gave a decided preference to the Turks. The intrepid spirit of Williams, however, was not to be quell ed ; his denunciation of tyranny became more unsparing in proportion as the threats against himself grew louder.— Such a man could not fail to have friends among the people; but those who wield ed the political power and the ecclesias tical influence of the colony were against him in a compact body, and hated him with that bitter intensity of hatred, which religious bigotry alone can inspire. At first they tried him in debate, but that was soon ended; for his irresistible logic went through and through their flimsy sophistry, as a bat tering ram would go through a wall of pasteboard. It was not at all safe to si lence him, as they silenced Robinson, Mary Dyer, and others, by hanging him; for his character was known and and honored, and $1,983,Z5 63 6,219,9&) 67 • Ells virtues Would plead like angels, trumpet tongued against The deep damnation of his taking off: But, they anxiously took counsel among themselves, how they .might destroy him without incurring a responsibility too great. They made a law on purpose to catch him : Whosoever would deny their right to punish men for having a creed different from theirs should be banished. They disfranchised a town for giving him shelter ; they confiscated the lands of a congregation for hearing him preach ; they maligned his charac ter in every possible way ; they so poisoned the minds of hisown wife, that even she for a time deserted him. Then —when he was all alone—when every one who should have aided him was cowed into submission—when no friend dared to stand up beside him—when his life's life had been lied away—then they set their human bloodhounds upon him, and drove him forth to perish in the wilderness. For fourteen weeks, in the bitter depth of winter, he knew not, as he himself declared, ' what bread or bed did mean.' But the In dians remembered him well, as the bold, just man, who had more than once interposed himself between them and the wrongs meditated against them by the whites. His quick intellect had already caught their language, and he spoke it with a fluency which surprised and flattered them. Miantonimoh, the chief of the Narragansetts, received him with open arms, loved him like a brother to the last, and gave him a large tract of his country, including a beautiful island in the sea. There he became the founder and lawgiver of a new province, which was,in reality and in truth, an asylum for all who were oppressed. It is impossible to give any just idea of this singular man (or his opponents either) without calling your attention to a subsequent fact. Not long after wards, Massachusetts was threatened by a danger which appalled the bravest of her defenders. The Indians were burning for vengeance. All the neigh boring tribes and those who dwelt in the far interior, were forming a league to exterminate the colony by an indis criminate massacre of all ages and sexes. On the day when this terrible truth was realized at Boston, the name of Roger Williams trembled upon every lip. His influence could dissolve the league ; except him there was no power on earth to save them. But would he do it? Strange to say, they never doUbted for a moment that he would fly to their rescue. They had basely injured him ; but they knew that Christianity had lifted him far above the vulgar feeling of revenge. It was perilous, too, to rush alone between the enraged savages and the victims of their wild wrath ; but in that noble nature there was no taint of selfishness—no touch of craven fear. The breathless messenger of the Massa chusetts authorities reached him at his island home in a stormy winter's night. He heard the imploring appeal, and without a word of reproach for all they had made him suffer, and without a moment of unnecessary delay he girded up his loins and started on his danger ous mission. He reached the main land in a crazy boat, and thence he bent his steps through the trackless forest to the camp of the Narragansetts, where the hostile chiefs had already assembled. They were fairly infuriated by.his pres ence. His throat was not safe from their knives for a moment, protected though he was by the influence of Miantonimoh. Nevertheless, this bold apostle of brotherhood and peace stood up with his life in his hand, surrounded by raving savages, and for three suc cessive days pleaded the cause of their enemies and his own, with all the pathetic eloquence of which he was so great a master. He prevailed at last; the league was dissolved; and Massa chusetts was saved. It would be unjust to the memory of the Pilgrim Fathers' not to mention what gratitude they bestowed on their illustrious benefactor. They showed it, not in words, but in actions. Somehow they got hold of his fidus .Achates—his devoted and faithful friend Mianto nimoh. Rim they delivered up to a rival chief with the distinct and clear understanding that he was to be basely and brutally murdered; and the deed was done before the eyes of their com missioners. A confederation of the New England colonies was formed for mutual protection against the savages ; but they refused to admit Rhode Island, and thus did all that in them lay, to expose Williams and his people to that very _fate, f rom which he had saved them by an .act of heroic magnanimity, such as no other roan in millions would have .per formed. They; triei . to extend their VranAletd JOriadiction over the free con science of his province, and to prevent it, he was compelled to cross the Atlan tic and get a charter from the Parlia ment. When he -returned,- he landed at Boston; and though the hearts of the common people leaped to the greeting of their great deliverer his old persecu tors scowled on him with all the malig nity of former days. Such w Roger Williams. How graildly:hilfhumatteand generous spirit contrasts with his cotemporaries of the opposite" school, with their sour tempers and their evil passions nursed by habits of persecution ! History has painted no picture of manly virtue which stands out in such clear and beautiful relief from the gloomy background of a dark and bigoted age. The American who can hear his name without emotions of respect and gratitude, like the man, Who bath no music in himself, Is fit for treason, stratagem and spoils : Let no such man be trusted.' Tke Palace of the New York Brokers. The magnificentnew Stock Exchange building of the Board of Brokers, which bus :been in course of construction in Wall, Broad and New streets, New York, for a year or two past, is now so nearly completed as to allow the busi ness of the board to be done in it and the regular opening took place on Friday. The new Stock Exchange is one of the most elegant, commodious, and costly structures of the kind in the world. The. Wall and Broad street fronts are of white marble, and the front on New street is of brick, with marble trim mings and cornice. The Wall street front, which will be used as the main entrance for the members of the board, is three stories high, fourteen feet seven and a half inches wide, and fifty-six feet deep. The front on Broad street is forty-four feet seven inches wide and four stories in height. The measurement from the sidewalk to the cornice is ninety-two feet, and t w o the top of the balustrade, above the cornice, ninety-six feet. The style of the architecture is the Corinthian, and the marble is of the purest white. Over the entrance, which is nineteen feet wide, is a beautiful pro jecting portico, supported by handsome pillars, twenty inches in diameter. At each side of the entrance is a window seven feet six inches wide and nineteen feet high. The public stock room, on " open board," is forty feet wide, one hundred and forty-five feet deep, and extends from Broad to New street. In the cen tre of this room are iron columns sup porting the ceiling. The window frames are of iron, the only wood in the rooms being the sashes, which are used to al low for the expansion of the glass. Both of the stock rooms are floored with marble tiles, resting upon iron beams that are inlaid with bricks. These rooms are • constructed so as to deaden sound as much as possible. No vibrat ing materials have been used in them. Under the first floor is an immense vault for safes. This is one hundred feet in length by twenty feet in width, and nine feet high. It is constructed of great blocks of freestone, lined with steel plates, rendering it absolutely burglar proof and fire-proof. With the most improved tools used in cutting stone and drilling iron, a man could not penetrate the sides of this im mense safe in twenty-four hours. Each broker will be charged a yearly rent for the privilege of depositing his bonds, stocks, and other securities. It is ex pected that a handsome revenue will be derived from this source. The building is fire-proof throughout and will be heated by steam. It is es timated that when completed the build ing will cost' nearly three-quarters of a million of dollars. Up with the Negroes and Down With the The Washington correspondent of the Sunday Mercury gives the following ac count of the estimation in which Irish men are held by Republican officials: John Defrees, the soi-distant printer, has a brother named Rollin holding a lucrative position in the Government Printing Office, and who possesses no practical knowledge whatever of the art. Since his elevation from the black smith shop to his present position, he thinks he serves his '• boss" best, by traducing all who hold conservative political views. The other day hemade the following impudent and barefaced assertions, during ,a conversation rela tive to negro-labor: " We have discharg ed all the Irishmen at the Government Printing Office, and haye employed negroes in their stand, and find that the, latter does twice as much work as the former." When it is remembered how nobly and bravely the Irish soldiers fought during the late war, and how deeply we are indebted to them for the prosperity of our country, a hired servant of the country should be more careful of his proscriptive remarks relative to a people who have so bravely supported the na tion through its fiery ordeal. This man, Rollin Defrees, never possessed the courage to shoulder a musket, and seek ambition at the cannon's mouth, nor did he ever pass a night in a tented field, without it was at Camp Meeting. The Fenian Brotherhood Important Action of the Senate—Presi dent O'Mahony deposed for Malfeas: ance—The Secretary of the iieasury also Superseded--.W. R. Roberts Elect ed President. NEW YORK, Dec. 9.—At the session of the Senate of the Fenian Brother hood, held in New York on the 7th inst. articles of impeachment weie filed against John O'Mahony, President of the Brotherhood, for perfidy and mal feasance. The charges and specifications, which are very minute and voluminous, were served on Mr. O'Mahony on the follow ing day, with notice to put in a plea in response within twenty-four hours, un der penalty of having judgment by de fault recorded against him. Mr. O'Mahony having taken no steps to meet the indictment against him, the Senate to-day resolved itself into a Court of Judicature, according to the provi sions of the Constitution, and, having investigated the charges, declared them proved, and deposed O'Mahony from the position of President. A unanimous vote was then passed, calling on the Vice President, Mr. W. R. Roberts, to qualify by taking the oath of office, on which that gentleman was sworn into office, stipulating be forehand that.no compensation should se attached to the position, while he oc cupied it. The Secretary of the Treasury, R. D. Killian, has also been deposed, on grounds similar to those advanced against Mr. O'Mahony. An address to the circles has been is sued by the Senate, and forwarded by mail. NEW - YORIC, Dec. 10.—John O'Sulle van, signing himself "late Centre from Marlow county, Cork, Ireland," has sent a card to the papers of this city, to the effect that Wm. R. Roberts declared to him that he (Roberts) would destroy the present organization, and substitute a new one in itsplace, and thatothers of the Senators whose names are published, asserted in substance that they would tear down the present Brotherhood and erect one suited to themselves. Propo sitions were made, he says, to various members of the Irish Brotherhood, now in this country, to join these conspire tors' and to preach a new gospel, which were indignantly refused them. The Irish, he says, recognized O'Mahony as the chief head of the organization next to the head in Ireland. The Constitutional Amendment WASHINGTON, Dec. 10.—Official in formation has been received at the De partment of State of the adoption of the Amendment to the Constitution on the subject of slavery by the Legislatures of the following States : Illinois, Rhode Island, Michigan, Massachusetts, Ohio, Missouri, Maine, Pennsylvimia Wisconsin, Nevada, Minnesota,Kansas, New York, Con necticut, West Virginia, New Hamp shire, Maryland, Vermont, Louisiana, Arkasas, Tennessee, South Carolina, Virginia. These make twenty-three States. Telegraphic information has been re ceived of the adoption of the amend ment by the three States of North Car olina, Georgia, and Alabama. No information of any kind has been received of its adoption or rejection by Indiana, California, Oregon, Florida, Mississippi and Texas. Official information of its rejection by the Legislatures of Kentucky Delaware, and Isrew Jersey has also been received. REPRESENTATIVE Blaine's bill, which was referred to a special committee yes terday, to reimburse the loyal States for advances made and debts contracted in support of the .war for the preservation of thetAion, meets with much favor, as it prOvideS for their liquidation with out taking the money out Of Treasury! Ownlitittivof the Southern Press nettle President's Message. From the Richmond Whig. In style; infrit and lucid arrangement, the message of President Johnson com pares favorably with the State papers of the earlier Presidents, with whose theo ries, as to the nature of our Gbvern ment, he seems to be deeply imbued.— After a careful perusal of this important document, whose length does not, as is too often the case with American State payers, constitute an objection to it, we do not well perceive how he could have said less, or wherein he need have said more. * * * * * * The attention of the reader will be particularly drawn to the observations explanatory and in justification of the liberal and healing policy pursued to wards the Southern States, and to the conclusion, distinctly announced, that the adoption of the amendment to the Constitution by those States ought to open the door for their return to their places in the Government. * * Whatever may be the action of Con gress, and however much the restoration policy of President Johnson may be contravened or modified by its legisla tion, it is due' to that eminent statesman to say that, in his message—that gravest form of official utterance—he has fully met the highest expectations of the con servative and patriotic classes of the country. From the Richmond Sentinel. The message is not to us. It was sent to Congress, but our representatives were not there to hear, because they were not allowed to be there. It is a comfort that this exclusion is not in harmony with the views of the Executive ; but so long as it continues, so long as our right of participation in the Government is denied or withheld, we•cau feel but lit tle inclination to indulge in what our space to-day forbids, the idle comment of a mere looker-on. From the Richmond Times The message is the production titaii statesman who has discarded alp pas- SiOLI,9 and prejudices from his breast,, and'dismissed all considerations, of party from his councils. There is a calm, clear, dispassionate resolution in his views, and an utter ignoring of the temporary issues engendered by fanati cism and kept alive by the passions in flamed by civil war, which showed that he feels that he is right, and that time will vindicate his wisdom and his patriotism. * What is set forth in the President's annual message is also precisely what he has declared to every intelligent gentleman who has conversed with him upon the subject of his policy of recon struction. His argument against the monstrous policy of establishing military governments in the South ern States is perhaps one of the most striking and forcible portions of his message. It will arrest public attention, and carry conviction to every breast which is not the abode of pas sions and sectional prejudices un worthy of our race. To the South the firm, decided opin ions of the President upon this subject will bring unspeakable joy. As the Commander-in-Chief of the army and navy, he can, at any moment, remove the military, and, as the President of the United States, he can, by the exer cise of the veto power, prevent the con summation of all .radical schemes for garrisoning the South He is complete ly master of the position, and although a Radical Congress may exclude our representatives, they cannot make us the victims of unjust and oppressive legislation. The whole tone of the message con vinces us that the present Congress cam do nothing worse than deny us the rep resentation to which we are entitled. Their power for mischief begins and ends with that causeless insult and af front to the South—the exclusion of our delegates. From the Petersburg Express Those who expected a calm, temper rate, conservative discussion of the va rious questions which since the termi nation of the war have perplexed and disturbed the minds of the people, North and South, will not be disappointed.— The President, has, in every point of view, acquitted himself in the message in a manner to give general satisfaction. He goes for constitutional observances and for measures that will tend to re store tranquility, harmony, and frater nity to the nation at the earliest day.— His views of the mutual relation of the Constitution and the States are founded upon that broad national phrase in the preamble, "we the people of the United States," and upon those equally broad and national words in the Constitution which declare it to be the " supreme law of the land, anything in the Constitu tion or laws of any State to the contrary notwithstandin. The President rea sons with greatforce upon this head, and his conclusions will, no doubt, be ac quiesced in by the people of the South after their disastrously vain attempt to establish the opposing doctrine of State Sovereignty. From the Petersburg Index There is nothing to indicate that the President is dissatisfied with the plan he adopted on mature consideration, or that he conceives there is any just ground for a further continuance of dis union. In the present temper of Congress, however, it is apparent that all specula tions in this matter must end, as the message does, with an interrogation point. Meanwhile we comfort ourselves with the reflection that the President is as alien as ourselves. Tennessee, like Vir ginia, is not a State in the American Union. This Is possibly what Phillips meant by " the South victorious," From the Norfolk Virginian. We publish a very full synopsis of the main points in the President's message, from which it will be seen that the posi tions of Mr. Johnson are in accordance with a just sense of his foreign and do mestic responsibilities. News from Mexico Sr. Romero, the Mexican Minister in Washington, has been officially - advised of the issuance at El Paso, Mexico, on the Bth of November, by President Juarez, of two decrees, in one of which he announces the extension of his term of office, owing to the anomalous condi tion of affairs and the impossibility of holding the regular Presidential elec tion, and in the other declares that General Ortega will be subject to trial on his return to Mexico, in consequence of having, without any special purpose, remained in the United Statesover eight months, he having only come here at first, as stated, because he was on his way back to his own country. Prisoners Captured During the late War The number of rebel prisones captur ed and paroled by us during the war amounted, in round figures, to three hundred and twenty-nine thousand, of which one hundred and seventy-three thousand were taken during the last six months of the rebellion. The num ber of Union prisoners captured by the rebels during the war is stated to have been one hundred and fifty-seven thou sand. This would make a difference of but one thousand in the whole number taken on both sides previous to the final campaign which ended the war. Prize Fight at Montana Territory. A prize fight took place on the sth of last month at Helena,- Montana Terri tory, between the pugilist Con Orem and Patsey Marley, in which ninety seven rounds were fought without either man giving up the contest, when, night having arrived, the affair was declared Adjourned till the next morning. At the appointed hour in the morning Mar ley made his appearance; but Orem did not. An admittance fee of five dollars to see the fight was charged, and there were present twenty-five hundred spec tators, including several women. IN response to inquiries from Major General Pope the Secretary of War re plies that the deserters whose regiments are still in service on the plains will be dishonorably discharged without pay or allowance. IT is understood the constitutionality of the act of Congress presentirig the test oath, Is now before the Supreme Court, on the application of A. A. Garland,' of Arkansas. The whole question will be presented on Friday next. THE committee of the Mississippi Legislature have reported against the passage of the constitutional ameridinent not , from any objection to the first, but to the second clause. \ The second clause real as follows Section 2. Congress ahaU have power to enforce this article- bapproprikte legislation!
Significant historical Pennsylvania newspapers