gamin &Wpm. WEDNESDAY, JUNE 21, 1866 "The printing presses shall be free to every person who undertakes to examine the pro ceedings of the legislature, or any branch of government; and no law shall ever be made to restrain the right thereof. The free commu nication of thought and opinions is one of the Invaluable rights of men; and every citizen may freely speak, write and print on any sub ject ; being responsible for lane abuse of that liberty papersinvestigating the official conduct of offi cers, or men in public capacities, or where the matter inublished is proper for public Informs, tiokthe truth thereof may be given in evi dence." Democratic State Convention. At the last formal meeting of the Demo cratic State Central Committee, it was ra solved that the State Convention should be called to meet at Harrisburg on Wednesday, the 21st day of June inst., but having since learned from a majority of the Committee, and'been advised by many other leading Denmerats of the State, that a postponement to a later day would, on many accounts, be acceptable, and is generally desired, I here by give notice that the next Democratic State Convention of Pennsylvania will con vene at the Hall of the House of Representa tives, in the City of Harrisburg, on THURSDAY, the 24th day of AUGUST next, at one o'clock P. M. C. L. WARD, Chairman. Towaiin.A., June 1 Will They Stand by the Doctrine of Ne gro Suffrage? There is serious trouble in the camp of the Republican party. The leaders and the newspapers of the organization are allat sea. When the late President was assassinated many of the radical leaders rejoiced in secret, and preachers of the bloody-minded persuasion found and taught consolation in the avowed belief that God's hand was in Booth's bloody work. Mr. Lincoln was regard ed as too kind-hearted and too merciful, and for this reason, according to the theory of the war clergy, he was cut off. They fondly imagined that they would find his successor a man after their own hearts; bloodthirsty, revengeful, cruel, and without mercy. He was known to be a man of firmness, and the radicals had not a doubt that they would find him ready to adopt their destructive policy, and to carry it out, without being moved by any considerations of wisdom, justice or mercy. His earlier utterances were all interpreted as being entirely favora ble to their plans. But it was not long until he offended. No sooner had he re pudiated the absurd doctrine of State suicide, than there was universal alarm among the destructives, while all right minded men rejoiced. The killing blow, however, was—the North Carolina Pro clamation. In that, following up the true theory of State rights, and recog nizing the sanctity of his oath and the binding force of the Constitution of the United States. he boldly repudiated the pet theory of negro suffrage, and left the people of the restored State to decide for them selves who should be entitled to the elective franchise therein. This aroused universal clamor. Within three weeks nearly every Republican newspaper in this State, and elsewhere, has boldly avowed itself to be in favor of negro suffrage, and opposed to the course of President Johnson. Such pressure as this might have influenced some men, but it failed to have the desired effect upon him against whom it was all directed. President Johnson has shown that he cannot be influenced by the clamor of the radicals, that he is not to be a mere tool in their hands. And they now hate him. We really pity the editors of Repub lican newspapers in this State. From the most influential down to the most insignificant sheets among them, they have all been clamoring for the right of the negro to vote. No form of recon struction which had not this for its basis would be considered safe or proper by them. They were all firmly and ir revocably committed to this as to a grea cardinal principle. Now that it has been entirely and forever repudiated by President John son, in a manner which shows that he cannot be moved, all these loud mouthed negrophilists have their noses suddenly put out of joint. What will they do about the matter? How can they eat their own words so suddenly? With what show of honesty and decency can they repudiate at once all the eloquent and pathetic appeals which they have made on behalf of their colored breth ren? Will they abandon the startling cry, " the hand that lays down the bayonet must take up the ballot"— Will they wheel round at once, careless as to how entirely inconsistent they may appear, and give a meek and un questioning support to President John son in a policy which they have so bit terly opposed; or will they denounce him, as it is their bounden duty to do, if they believed what they have so per sistently asserted. We shall see. One thing they can do, and that is the only way of escape, not involvingcom plete disgrace, which we see open for them. They can tell their readers that the President had no power under the Constitution, in reconstructing the Southern States, to do what they so ardently desired and so earnestly advo cated; but they must not abandon the doctrine. To do so would be to exhibit the most shameful subserviency. No thoughtful man among all their readers could ever again have the least respect for their political honesty after that. The doctrine must be maintained as cor rect and true at all hazards, for the sake of consistency, if for no other reason. Let the Republican press of this State insist, with the same unanimity with which it advocated the extension of the right of suffrage to the negroes in the Southern States, upon conferring that privilege upon them in Pennsylvania. Let them with one accord, demand that the ob noxious word "white" shall bestricken from the Constitution of Pennsylvania. The Republican party of lowa have had ' - the manliness to go before the people on that issue. Shell Pennsylvania be behind lowa in the march toward the political millenium? We hope the newspapers which have advocated the extension of the right of suffrage to the negroes of Southern States will insist upon like justice being done here at home. Let them, with likeunaninmity, demand that this be made the leading plank in their platform at the coming State. Convention. If they are not the veriest hypocrites in the world they will do so. Many a poor negro has gone in to the army from this State as the repre sentative of some cowardly Abolition ist. In consequence of the extraordi nary care taken of that class of troops most of them still live, They will soon lay down the bayonet. Shall they not then take up the ballot in Pennsylva nia? It is for the advocates of negro suffrage to say. . If they are not the veriest liars, they believe in the right of the negro to vote. Let them make the issue here in Penn sylvania. This is the right place to do it. It .can be done here by amending the Constitution of the State, lawfully, and without the violation of any right. President Johnson could not assume any such control ,over the Southern :States:t but the friends of negrosuffraee .can.etfect all they desire.bypropenState action. We want them to malie the issue in Pennsylvania at once." 'Will they dare to do it? The Republican press of the State has, we believe, without exception, • endorsed the doe trine. Will they stand by it? Here is the proper place for them to make the issue; and during the coming State vlection the proper time. Piing the Old Weapon for a New Par- The purposes of the Abolition ista not being yet fully accomplished, it is iiitt to be expected that they should at o4e come down from their high flown style, of extravagant and lying misstatements._ Having stirred up the bloody, civil war, which raged so destructively, by their exaggerated reports of the miseries of the negro slaves of the South, and the cruelties practiced upon them by their masters ; they are now prepared to go to even greater lengths in lying, if ne cessary, to secure to a degraded and in ferior race all the rights of citizenship under our government. The negroes must vote; the Constitution of the United States, the right of the several States to regulate the elective, franchise, the wishes and theinteresta of the white race, to the contrary notwithstanding. — To accomplish this result they are will' ing to resort to any means. The applii, ante which they found most effective in the past was their system of unblushing and wholesale lying. The Abolition press fairly teemed with the most extra vagant falsehoods. Imaginary sketches of barbarous treatment of negro slaves were paraded in the columns of daily and weekly 4iewspapers, woven up into novels, semi-religious after the styles of the Puritanic faith, and strung out in jingling rhymes by Yankee poets and poetesses. Thus the minds of many honest people, who read but one side of the question, were inflamed and excited, until they were ready to go to almost any length to right what they regarded as the greatest pos sible wrong. Time will abundantly prove that the poor negroes have gained little or nothing by the war. To confer uponithem the right of suffrage would not better their condition. Butthe Aboli tionists deem this step necessary to pre vent their speedy overthrow, and the permanent triumph of the Democratic party. To accomplish this design they will use every possible appliance and none more scrupulously than the sys tem of wholesale lying which was their principal weapon in the preliminary contest. The New York Times, of a recent date, contains a letter from its own cor respondent, dated Mobile, May 28th which is a fair specimen of Abolition lying. The letter opens with the fol lowing paragraph: " I have just made a tour along the line of the Mobile and Great Northern Railroad to Montgomery and thence down the Alabama river to this place, stopping at various points and making very careful inquiry all along, so as to ascertain as nearly as I could the exact condition of affairs in that region of the late Confederacy. I shall not write in this letter any high colored sentences or indulge in any far fetched words, but will tell you as un varnished a story of fact as I possibly can." Of course there can be no mistakes make by an individual who has taken so much pains to find out the exact con dition of things in Alabama. We there fore quote another paragraph from the same letter : " The colored people will be murdered and driven to untimely graves if the Government does not keep provost guards at the county seats and the cities. So great is the madness of the old slave holders over the defeat and subjugation, that, on their return home, they amuse themselves by cutting off the ears, noses or lips of their former slaves. This is not a dream. It is a terrible fact, and I am sure that when it is known to our loyal people there will arise such a feeling of indignation as will surely reach the very heavens. At Montgomery five men came iu one day with their ears cut off and in an almost nude state. Others came in with throats cut, while others appeared terribly marked over their bodies with blows from sticks and stones." • They are a queer people, these South erners. What fun can they possibly find in cutting off the noses, ears or lips of negroes ? And yet we are told that these Alabama planters " amuse them selves" in this way. The correspon dent assures us that he did not dream all this. Of course not. Is not thestory perfectly natural? In this part of the world it would, we confess, seem curi ous for men to come into town with their throats cut, but special correspond ents have reported so many extraordi nary things as having happened down South within the past four years, that no man need be surprised to learn that most of the people of that section have always lived on human flesh, and that the rivers of the South run up hill. Seriously, now that the war is ended, newspaper correspondents ought to stop lying. The Southern people were pretty well known in the North before the war, and were not then supposed to differ much from other civilized beings. A very little knowledge of human nature and a moment's reflection, ought to suffice to convince even the most credulous and rancorous of their ene mies that it is impossible that the men and women of the South should sudden ly have become the incarnate fiendsthat so many newspapers represent them to be. But they are still persistently held up as being altogether unscrupulous, cruel, treacherous and malignant. Incidents illustrative of these qualities are in vented for the press by the hundred, and are eagerly read and believed. From the letters written by the cor respondents of the New York Tribune and other Abolition journals during the war, a volume might readily be com piled, which would answer as an ad mirable sequel to the Travels of Mun chausen. A Huge Standing Army to be Kept Up. Advices from Washington say that the regular army, or permanent military organization of the country will be organized upon the following basis : General officers—One General, five Lieutenant Generals, fifty Major Gen erals, and seventy-five Brigadier Gen erals. The regular army proper to be composed of nineteen regiments of in fantry, six regimerds of cavalry, and five regiments of artillery, all filled up to the maximum nurobef besides these, fifty thousand colored troops will be re tained with the regiments filled up to the maximum number. Hancock's corps will be increased to a full corps of three divisions, about thirty thousand men. The veteran re serve corps, twenty-five regiments, filled up to the maximum number. The medical staff will be increased to one hundred full surgeons, with a cor responding number of assistant sur geons. The infantry and cavalry regiments of the regular army comprise three bat talions of eight hundred men each. Under the proposed arrangement the total strength of the army will be near ly as follows : Regular infantry, 45,600; regular cavalry, 14,400; regular artil lery, 12,060 ; colored troops, 50,000; Hancock's corps, 30,000 ; veteran reserve corps, 2.l,ooo—total, 177,000 men. The cost of keeping up such a huge standing army as that will not be less than one hundred and seventy-five mil lion dollars annually. The people will not submit tolbe taxed, to raise that amount for a single day longer than they believe it to be absolutely necessary. Indeed it will be hard to convince them that any such burthen upon the indus try and the wealth of the country is at all necessary even now. They know very well that our volunteer system will supply any needed number of soldiers at ten days notice, if the emergency should demand it. Would it not be wise then to reduce the proposed stand lug Nyrny one-half, or even more, and at,the r.,;.M.p time to arrange for reducing • it still further At the earliest period pos sible. The people of this country will never support a huge standing army in time of peace. A Rebuke to the War Clergy. Within theßast four years the moral sensibilltiesslollAis whatabtaintry have, been caOstantly 'Arc* by the shame hiss intionsistenci# of rnaiayprofeaVng i*nisteix:o of thsgospcit T turfifiig of pulpits intelsolitict4 rqatkinnsilind the horrid 'loan for blood that went up ' from the altars of Priitaitant churches from Sabbath to Sabbath, ha's led mul titudes to doubt the piety of pastors,' while in very many instances even the doctrines of the Holy Bible and of the; Christian reitgion-bavo , been brought into disrepute. It is well known that the Protestant churchesof theland have been shorn of their strength, and ren dered almost powerless for good. Vice and immorality have swept like a de stroYing flood over the land, and mul titudes, who were held in restraint by the influence of the churches, have given full sway to passion and been swept away to perdition. The secular press of the country, a portion of it at least, have rebuked the conduct of faithless pastors, and point ed out the evil tendency of their course. For the most part the religious press has been criminally silent, or has encour aged a continuance of the evil. We are glad to be able to call the attention of the Protestant clergy of this city to an extract from an address delivered at Shepherdstown, West Virginia, on June Ist, the day of national mourning, by Rev. Doctor Lewis P. W. Balch. The pastors of the Episcopal Churches of this city will not need to be told who he is. They will recognize him at once as one of the most prominent and eloquent mem bers of their organization. The sermon we find published in full in the Balti more American. The discourse is very decidedly loyal in tone throughout, and this should be sufficient to relieve the extract we make from any odium that might otherwise attach to it. It is full of wisdom, and we beg the clergy of this city to read it carefully, to ponder over its teachings, and to apply its junction to their hearts and consciences. By so doing they may in time make amends for any evil they may have wrought, either willingly, or through inadver tency. Here is what Rev. Doctor Balch says to them. Let them hear it and heed it. I begin with the Clergy. I need not tell my reverened brethren of every name that a Scripture truth always involves a Scripture duty. If the clergy obey not God's law, how can the people be expected to maintain human law ? And if a man observe not the highest of all laws, unchange able and perfect, how can we keep those of human origin, neither perfect nor unchangeable? Part of the ordination vow is this: " The Lord being my helper, as much as lieth in me, I will maintain and set forward quietness, peace, and love among all Christian people." And the original commission of the Prince of Peace reads thus : "as the Father bath sent me, even so send I you." But did the Father send the Son to preach political sermons—to stir up strife—to sanctify war—and to baptise men into the spirit of Cain ? The Prophet says, " how beautiful on the mountains are the Met of them who publish peace !" Could he have said this, if those heralds bore in their hands the bloody torch of war ? Our Redeemer came to bind up the broken hearted, to give liberty to the captive, to comfort those who mourn, not to break the bruised reed or quench the smoking flax. Can His ministers then be foremost to urge men to battle, the source of many of the most fright ful calamities which can afflict our race'? When, in the history of nations, this fatal and dread necessity arises, there are men whose duty it is to engage in and promote war. But these men are not the clergy. I have seen a prosecuting attorney weep in court when painful duty com pelled him to press conviction ou the panel unto death. Those tears touched all hearts and proved that he had the noble attributes of a man. But how should we feel to see a minister of re ligion, with eager zeal, volunteer to prosecute the felon and shriek for jus tice on a lost brother'? It is, indeed, cause for sadness ou this mournful day, to think that much of this terrible war may fairly be charged to the mistaken views of the very men sent to preach only peace, good will and forgiveness among men. The office of the clergy is at all times one of love. God has given to rulers, and those in civil or military authority the stern duty of being a terror to evil doers. To them it rightfully belongs; not to the clergy. What a strange per versity of function would it be, to see the public executioner administer the Sacrament of the Lord's Supper? And yet, far more shocking to all sense of propriety, to say nothing of the higher sanctions of Christ's command and the ministerial oath, is the sad spectacle of a Christ's ambassador houndingon men to kill and be killed! What an am azinc , ' fact do we behold. Our late President, clothed with great power, and sworn to administer the law and its penalties, leaning to mercy, drawing the hearts of all men tohim by his goodness, and the clergy, the sworn servants of mercy, clamorous for strife and vengeance ! How can we explain the fact ? Our brave and noble Generals and naval heroes who have challenged the admir ation of the world, so wise, patient and gallant in battle, so humane in the hour of victory, always anxious to spare blood shedding, and the clergy, peaceful by profession, bound to teach men to for give their enemies, and to return good or evil, crying for more blood ? Alas! No wonder the churches lan guish, missions die, and sin prevails. If the clergy break G'od's law of love, if they set the example of disobedince to Christ's command, overcome evil with good," what can you expect of the people? Yes, my reverend brethren, great need have we on this mourn ful day to inquire whether much of it may not fairly be charged to our mis taken views of duty. Let every one of us bearing the sacred commission dili gently inquire if', during the past time, as much as Beth in us, we have pro moted peace, quietness and love among all men. True loyalty to the State Call. not consist in disloyalty to Christ. But the best patriot and the most loyal clergyman is he who, by example and precept, most resembles " Him who went about doing good." An Absurd Argument The most popular and captivating ar gument for negro suffrage is founded on the fact that negroes have served as soldiers. But white citizens from the age of eighteen are liable to such ser vice; and probably ten times as many minors as negroes have been under fire during the war. Does it thence fpllow that boys of eighteen have a right to vote? If not, what becomes of the new connection sought to be established be tween soldiership and electorship ? If negroes are entitled to vote in virtue of their having served in the army, black blood is more privileged than white; for thousands of unnaturalized emi grants have served in the army, and yet no clamor is raised for their admission to the elective franchise. A Well Deserved Compliment The Erie Observer of last week pays the following well-deserved compliment to one of the most prominent and sterl ing Democrats of this county : We not Ave by the Lancaster Intelli gencer that our former fellow-citizen, Gen. William Patton, has been elected a delegate from the town of Columbia, to the Democratic County Convention. The General is one of the class of Demo- Grata who stand firmly by the cause through gqod and evil report. GOVERNOR BP:AETI , WaS Washing ton recently, and had a long Interview with the President. The York Gazette says the Governor was @ordiftily re= ceived by President Johnson, and tiler? was perfectlarmony in their political views. They served together in the Senate, and each warmly supported the Lecompton bill, the Jeff. Davis resolu tions, and, when the war was impend ing, the Crittenden compromise. Decision by the Supreme.fourt. A sate arising outl'of the Court, of 0 4 ? n'ImPA off-loilincasteX county, p( isitessinginore than loOal interest, - was d eeided by the Supreme; Court du.r 7 . big i. 41 late session atHan*lsq,. ItEi` hhstoii , is a pllow.s y.l - Bausman owns" a faint of about 122 acres, the residence and other improvements on which are all situate in Lancaster township, but about 16 .acrd thereof being within the limits of Lfisicastei city. All'Of the property hail' . heretofore been assessed _for taxes in.. La ncaster township, wherethe occupier of the farm votes and to the schools of which, his children are sent. But for the year 1864 the assessor of the South Vest Ward of the city, assessed a State a'ad County tax of $2.97 each on the part of the said farm lying in the city, and to test his right to make such as- 1 s essment, the case was presented for the (xmsideration of the Court Of Lancaster ! county. In this case the County of .Lancaster was plaintiff' and Samuel .Bausman defendant. Judge Long di rected judgment to be entered in favor of the plaintiff. The defendau took a writ of error to the Supreme Court, where the case was argued by T. E. Franklin and N. Ellmaker for the plaintiff in error, (Samuel Bausman, defendant be `low;) and by Jesse Landis and S. H. Reynolds for the defendant in error, (the County of Lancaster, plaintiff be low.) OPINION or; THE COURT—By Justice .Strong.—lt is fairly deducible from the act of April 15, 1834, that while it was made the duty of assessors and assistant assessors of the several counties to take an account of, and to value all real estate within their respective wards, townships and districts, they were directed to assess each object of taxation as a whole. It was not contemplated that they should divide farms or lots of ground, or real estate of any description that had been used and enjoyed as a whole up to the time of the assessment. Such a mode of assessment would have necessitated measurements, in very nu merous cases, of parcels cut off from the main body of a tract of lands by town ship or ward lines, and in other cases would have demanded valuation of parts of houses, mills, manufactories, furnaces, forges, distilleries, sugar houses, malt-houses, breweries, tan yards and ferries. And as by the sup plementary act of April IS, 1841, the valuation is required to be made at such rates and prices as the properties valued will separately sell for at a bona fide sale, division of properties by ward or township lines would often render such a valuation impossible. This must have been understood by the Legislature, and hence by the 59th section of the act of July 11, 1842, it was enacted that assess ments of seated lands shall be made in the township in which the mansion house is situate, where township lines divide a tract of land. This act was plainly remedial. It aimed to prevent the mischiefs which would flow from contests between - the assessors of adjoining municipal divis ions, respecting the right and duty of assessing property intersected by the division lines of districts, audit guarded against the low valuations which as sessment of an entire property in parcels tended to produce. It should therefore receive a liberal construction, both as a remedial statute and as tending to pro duce equality bf taxation. It is said that acts imposing taxes are to be strictly construed, but the act of 1842 is not one imposing taxes. it is said the act applies only to tracts of seated land lying in two or more conterminous townships. We do not think so. Lands are not the less divided by a township line, because that line may also be the line of an adjoining borough or city ; and the evils resulting from assessment in parcels by different assessors, rather than an assessment in entirety, are the same where part is situate in a town ship and part in au adjoining borough or city, as when the parts are separated wily by a line between two townships. Besides this, the 15th section of the act of April 25, 1850, shows plainly the understanding of the Legislature, that the act of 1842 extended to cases where the line between a township and a bor ough or city may divide the mansion house of a farm from a portion of the land. That act enacted that the 59th section of the act of 1842 shall not be construed to extend to lands lying in different townships, the mansion house of which is in an incorporated borough or city. It obviously implies that the act does apply when the lands are di vided by a township and city or borough line, if the mansion house be not in the city or borough. In the case now before us, it appears that the mansion house and other im provements, with nearly seven-eighths of the land, are situate in Lancaster township, and that only about sixteen acres of the tract lie in the city. It was not competent, therefore, for the asses sor of the city to assess any part of it, and his attempted assessment was void. The judgment is reversed and judgment given on the case stated for• the defen dant. The Democracy of York Count} The Democratic County Committee of York county held a meeting on Satur day last for the purpose of appointing delegates to the coming State Conven tion. There was a full attendance and the best feeling prevailed. Col. S. N. Bailey, of Dillsburg, was appointed Senatorial Delegate, to the State Convention,and Dr. H. G. Bussey, of Shrewsbury, and Jas. B. Ziegler, Esq., of York Borough, Representative Delegates. Messrs. Moses Leib, J. S. Hiestand, S. N. Bailey, J. M. Sweigart, and Jacob H. Freet, were appointed a committee on resolutions, and after retiring for consultation reported through, their Chairman, Moses Leib, Esq., the fol lowing which were unanimously adopt ed: WitEmlAs, This is the first opportu nity the Democratic party of the County of York has had to express officially its sentiments in reference to the great crime committed in the assassination of Presi dent Lincoln, and the attempted mur der of Secretary Seward ; therefore Resolved, That words are insufficient to express our great horror at the fiendish act, and our desire to see the guilty punished and the law vindicated, and that aside from our abhorrence at the wicked deed, by which the country was robbed of its Chief Magistrate and plunged into mourning, we sensibly feel the loss the nation sustained in the death of Mr. Lincoln, especially at the time when the counsels of moderation and magnanimity were about being in augurated by his administration, and peace and union seemed about to be speedily restored. Resolved, That, now as ever, the De mocratic party is pledged to the sup port of the CONSTITUTION of the United States and the LAWS OF THE LAND, and we 1 - 4.F,3t4rrn their strict observance by those in authority ; and that in our as sociation with our fellow-citizens of other parties, we wish to preserve har mony and good will, " demanding no thing but what is right, and submitting to nothing that is wrong." Resolved, That we have witnessed with great satisfaction the action of President Johnson, so far as he has shown his desire for the reconstruction of the Union on just and liberal terms, and that we hope, that by his opposition to the establishment of Negro Suffrage by allowing to each state the right to prescribe for themselves the qualifica tion of voters ; his disposition to return to " the safe and orderly ways of law and liberty ;" his opposition to military courts and his disregard of their decis ions ; by a restoration to the people of the sacred and inalienable right of Ha beas Corpus, and a return to honesty and economy in the administration of public affairs—he may continue to merit our confidence and challenge our sup port. Resolved, That we again return our thanks to the brave soldiers who risked their all for the eause of the Tinion, and we bail with unboundedly the restora tion p.f_peace, end Ivith it the return tp eqr mutt of onr neighborg lint' friends who went to the defenee of the country, believing that they will be found as eausiateptly battling for the CI:INSTITU TION, TIP il-4WS AND TiEfFLITAF4tTY oF TILE CITIZEN at horse, as they fought for the UNION in the field. Resolved, That the delegates this day appointed to the Democratic. State Con vention, are hereby instructed to sup port Abraham Lamberton, of Cumber land county, for Surveyor General. Getferal Sherman Makes a Short Speech opt Chicago. OW:Thursday last General Sherman visitedthe Sanitary Feat' now holding inhUliicago. Referring to the enthrall aant with which he was gineted, the Chiew,Times of last Friday • , • "- Thektiowledge that Gen. Shertnan was in the city, that he would be seen at the fair, and that he would be heard to speak, that he would meet many of his old field companions there, that he would,. .actually present—seemed to aetbieklesilly upon . the citizens yestar, day, and every man and woman who could free thenitelves front regular avo cations hastened early in the forenoon toward the buildings of the .Sanitary Fair. Long before the General made his appeakance the halls were perfectly crowded. It was of no use for any lady to attemptto prosecute business on such an occasion, in so far as the stalls were concerned. There was but one thought, one feeling, one expectation everywhere, and that all centred upon the expectancy of seeing Gen. Sherman. The General was welcomed on his ar rival at the fair by Mayor Rice and Geo. C. Bates—the former delivering a short speech, and the latter a poem. General Sherman then stepped forward upon the platform, and, as soon as the tumultuous greetings of the audience I had subsided,'spoke as follows: I thank you, sir, for the kind welcome you have given me to-day, and to the , gentleman who read the poem I also tender my thanks. I can hardly hope that my voice will reach yon recess, and, if those who are near me can only hear the few words I propose to address to you, that is all that I ask. lam not a man of words, and deeds can only be recorded by others ; not by the actors themselves, for we see not the scenes remote, we see not what occurs behind us, but simply the limited space in front of our eyes. I have been far away from you, but my feelings have been here quite as much as though mrbody had been within the limits of Chicago. My sphere of action lay off in the South. I had with me your brothers and your sons, and I never want better backers iu anything. (Applause, long contin ued, and voices, "Hurrah for Sherman," "Didn't they do," etc.) I can recall, among those backers, men of Chicago—armed with stronger arguments than mere words or letters —armed with the twenty-pounder and the twelve-pounder, which speak, in language that cannot be mistaken, the only voice with which men arrayed in arms against us are to be addressed, and the only means man ean.use when rea son loses its sway to convince. Now all is passed. Now all is peace from here to the gulf, and you, gentlemen, know better than I can tell what your duties have become. Instead of destroy ing you must build up. Instead of in sulting you mustencourage. (Prolonged applause.) Instead of destroying, you must aid those willing to assist us in building up a land so diversified as ours. You cannot expect the people of Lou isiana to feel as you do, nor those who live in the Carolinas. (Cheers.) All parties have their prejudices, and you must and should respect them as they respect yours. With that simple cau tion there is no danger of the peace we now enjoy being disturbed during our lifetime, and we can leave the future to our children. (Long continued ap plause.) Ladies and gentlemen, I thank you for this manifestation of kindness, and assure you that I reciprocate the feeling. I have to stay in Chicago a few days, and during that time I will be pleased to see one and all of you in such manner as you choose. There is wisdom in the words uttered by the bold warrior in the speech report ed above, and it would be well if the destructives would heed his utterances. He has had a nearer view of the South than any of them, and knows well what is needed to cement this Union for which lie fought so gallantly and so well, and to renderpermanent tile peace which his veteran army did so much to bring about. It is true wisdom for the coun try to devote every energy to efface the marks of the destructive course of un relenting and devastating war, to "build up" from the ruins which have been everywhere left to mark the pathway of contending armies. True statesman ship counsels moderation and clemency in this, the hour of our triumph. The fanatics who utter bitter words and stir up strife are the worst enemies this coun try has. Let them be shamed into si lence by the words of the hero Sherman. The Doctrine or Negro Suffrage Repo dlated by Mr. Lincoln. The Trenton Ti-ac American says, the Governor of New Hampshire recom mends that the negroes in that State and elsewhere be allowed to vote, in the name of the late President. NVW Mr. Lincoln, on the occasion when he al luded directly to this question, declared himself opposed to negro suffrage. The occasion referred to was during the dis cussion between himself and Mr. Doug las in Illinois, some years ago. Mr. Douglas introducing the question,. said: " I hold that a negro is not, and never ought to be, a citizen of the United States. I hold that this Government was made upon a white basis by white men for the benefit of white men and their posterity forever, and should be administered by white men and none others. I do not believe that the Al mighty made the negro capable of self government. " Now I say to you, my fellow-citi zens, that in my opinion, the signers of the Declaration of Independence had no reference to the negro whatever when they declared all men created equal. They desired to express by that phrase, white men of European birth, European descent, and had nd reference to the negro, the savage Indians or other in terior or degraded races. At that time every one of the thirteen Colonies was a slave-holding colony, and every signer of the Declaration represented a slave holding constituency, and we know that no one of th emancipated his slaves, much less offered citizenship to them when they signed the Declara tion." Mr. Douglas had also in the course of the discussion asked Mr. Lincoln if he was in favor of negro citizenship, and in one of his speeches Mr. LineOln re plied as follows : "My opinion is that the different States have the power to make a negro a citizen under the Constitution of the United States, if they choose. The Dred Scott decision decides that they have not that power. If the State of Illinois had that power, I should be op poscd to the exercise of it." And again : " Judge Douglas has said to you that he has not been able to get from me an answer to the question whether I am in favor of negro citizenship. So far as I know, the Judge never asked me that question before. He shall have no oc casion toever #it again, for I tell him very frankly I am not in favor of negro citizens . ' Thus Mr. Lincoln distinctly declared his opposition to negro citizenship, and said that, if it were definitely settled that his own State had the power to make the negro a citizen, he would be opposed to her doingso. The Governor of New Hampshire goes, therefore, a little too far when he advocates that measure in the name of the late:Presi dent. The fact is, it is only very re cently that the abolition-republican leaders have ventured to show their hand so plainly and to avow this new plank in their platform. But it is only another step in the programme of the abolition fanatics, who, it seems, will not rest content short of the elevation of a negro to the presidentiM chair. THE New York Independent publish es a vehement article in favor of negro suffrage. It says the governmentionas proved unequal to the high occasion, and that the North car 4 1414 VAWure " cannot receive the approval of aboli tintdsts, does mat deserve the acquies cence.of practical statesmen, and cannot be accepted as the final method of re adjuitiment " The .editor froths at the mouth, and calls upon all the dogsto be set upon the President. What will he think of the Mississippi proclamation. Party Influences In the Future. From the N. Y. Journal of Commerce.] .We: observe that a.great, many super.. &did writers and publislietkare £1.33131V ing, with entire confidence, that the' Demaeiratic party is dead. This is 'a very curl iv i4s idea, and' which, it mat- thou! J)efora; this, lass been, as confidently put Rink' But As ithas not proved true hitherto, so it is natural to question whether it is true now, and it may be asserted that the Democratic party is very far from being dead, and, whether for good or evil, is likely to survive for a long time to come. It is marvelous ! that .men who pretend to deal in politics, and to teach it to their readers, should be found asserting such a simply nonsensical idea as' this. It does no good, bat rather does harm by misleading the reader and concealing the truth. We do not now pretend to say whether it is desirable that the Democratic party should be dead or not. For the purposes of this article, it does not concern us to discuss whether the life of that party has in it danger to the country, or not. We simply desire that our roaders.shovld know the truth, and therefore we warn them not to be mis led by any foolish notion that the Democratic party has ceased to exist, or has ceased to be a great power in the country. The Presidential election of last fall showed no signs of weakness in that party. Their defeat was not so great as to give any ground to the idea that they are demoralized. On the con trary, the remarkable fact stands out, that with the gigantic powers wielded by the Administration party, with more than a million voters actually under the military control, or in paid employ of the Administration, the Democratic party nevertheless polled very nearly one half of the entire vote of the loyal States. This does not look like a dying or a dead political party. He will count without his host who omits in the reckoning of Amer ican affairs this very , important fact. We call it important, and it will ap pear so if carefully examined. We beg the reader to dismiss from his mind any idea that we are writing in favor of the Democratic party. We simply seek to impress a truth on all men who are looking at the future, and we are con tent, for this purpose, to admit as facts anything and: everything that may be ' said against Democrats as a party. In point of fact, if we could have our own way, we would sweep all political par ties forever from existence, and forbid them to raise their corrupt forms in the ' land. But this cannot be done. Hence the importance of knowing and esti mating the truth iu regard to the Dem ocratic party. During the past four years the opposition to that party" has been conducted on the principle that the Democrats were in sympathy with the rebels at the South. Now if this as sertion were true, what would be the present state of affairs? The amnesty proclamation has already restored to voting powers enough men to swell the Democratic vote in the country to an immense majority over the Republican vote of last fall. To meet this very idea, a party seems now determined to introduce negro suffrage in the South, so that the Democratic majority may be defeated. But is not this idea rather dubious ? What is likely to be the influence over negroes voting? Who that remembers old times in New York, can forget that negroes are very apt to vote with their masters. Men who imagine that there is to be a negro paradise at the South, where the negro will Le an independent voter, acting on high moral principle, unswayed by r rdid and wordly influ ences, are very foolish men. If the issues in the future were to be the old issues of the past, then possibly there might be an array of negroes on the one side, all for one idea, against slavery and slaveholders. But those issues are gone by. And this is tolerably certain, that the principles of the Democratic party aro very likely to be adopted by the employers of labor at the South.— It is highly probable that if the most ferocious New England abolitionist should buy a confiscated plantation in South Carolina, and settle on it, he would in less than three years be an ar dent, old-fashioned, hard-shell Demo crat, voting that ticket and carrying his whole negro vote with him. For the negroes at the South, if allowed to vote, will be no purer and no more "unin fluenced," than voters at the North. On the contrary, they will, of necessity, vote as their employers vote, and as long as-they are a dependent race, they will follow and not lead. More than this, will the anti-Democratic men, who favor negro suffrage as a means of keep ing down the Democratic party please explain on what principle the negro at the South, who votes on independent principles, can possibly vote for any other party than the Democratic. Can he be persuaded that a high protective tariff is for his good ? Can he be taught that paper money is better than hard dollars ? Can he be initiated into the mysteries of National Banks ? This is worth thinking about. The negro suffrage idea must not be adopted by men in haste, to erect ariautiDemocratic party. The chances are ter to one that the negro, at his own permanent residence in the South, will vote the Democratic ticket. For it is simply true that the Democratic party exists, its organization remains the same, its old machinery is strong and active, its wily operators are wide-awake, its spoil-seekers are as vil lainously shrewd as ever, its honest men are as firm in their adherence to old doctrines and principles as they were in the days of Andrew Jackson, and in short the party is a great element in the future of the country. How much depends on its course in the future may be seen by a single sug gestion. We heard a conversation a few days ago on a punishment of trea son. Said one gentleman, "I hope that Andrew Johnson will prove, as lie has been said to be, a second Andrew Jack son in firmness of purpose and that nothing will swerve him from his course." Said another, "I don't know, for John Son was educated at the feet of Jackman in opposition to tne United States Bank, and we all know that Jackson's firmness of purpose swept that institution from existence with the besom of destruction, and if Johnson is as firm as Jackson, who can tell what is to become of our National Banks?" And we respectfully submit as an evi dence of the vast importance of the ex istence of the Democratic party, the fact that that party is traditionally op posed to national banks, and that if i 4 should happen to come into power, aryd President Johnson should lhappen to hold his old principles on this subject, there would not bd much doubt about the living fact of the Democratic party. The English Royal Family. The young Princess of Wales has again astonished her young husband by presenting him with a bouncing boy, a couple of months sooner than was ex pected. In an English paper of June 3d, we find this announcement: " It is 'stated that the accouchraent of the Princess of Wales will most probably take place in August. Her Royal Highness will reside at Marl bormign House, during that month." But at the hour that this was printed, the event promised for August had already taken place, for t official bul letin fixes the date at 1.18 A. M., June 3rd. Only the day before, the Princess was at public concert, and in the eve ning had a large dinner party. A few hours before her first child was born she was at askating pond near Windsor. There is no probability that there will ever be a lack of heirs in the direct line of Queen Victoria. She has nine sons and daughters, having never lost one. Her oldest child, the Crown Princess of Prussia, has, according to the Gotha Almanac, four children. Her second daughter, the Princess Louisa of Hesse, has two, so that with the two children of the Prince of Wales, Queen Victoria has already eight grand-children. There are six more of her children to be mar ried. The expense of maintaining the princes and princesses and 'their chil dren will eventually be an euormous charge upon the public treasury. Greene County Democratte Ticket The sterling Democracy of qreeue county, at their piny election, placed in noannation the following euellent ticicet: president Judge A, A. purnaan, Req., (subject to the decision of the con ferees) ; Assembly, Thomas Rose, of Perry ; Commissioner, Elias Scott; of Center • Auditor, Thomas Laidly, of Carmichaels borough;. Poor House Di rector Morgan Bell, of Morgan ; Sur veyor; Geo. Hoge, of Center. Joseph G. Ritchie, Heth. Johns and John Clayton, Esqs., were appointed Judicial Conferees. r.• Earl Russel Declares the llebilllon Ended./ From the London "Gazette • THE CiF-FIOrA T NOTIFICATION FOREIGN OFFICE, June 6, 1865 Copy of a letter from Earl Russell to the. Lords Commbssioners of the Ad miralty:—; • • FOR,SSION OFFICE, Juno 2, 1815. MY LORDS—I have the honor to state to your lordships that since the date of my letter of the 11th ult., intelligence has reached this country , that the late President of the so-called Confederate States has been captured by the military forces of the United States, and has been transported as a prisoner to Fort Mon roe, and that the armies hitherto kept in the field by the Confederate States have for the most part surrendered or dispersed. In this posture of affairs her Majesty's government are of opinion that neutral nations cannot but consider the war in North America as at an end. In conformity with this opinion, her Majesty's government recognize that peace has been restored within the whole territory of which the United States of North America before the commencement of the civil war were in undisturbed possession. As a necessary consequence of such recognition on the part of her Majesty's government her Majesty's several au thoritiesk all ports, harbors and waters belonging to her Majesty, whether is the United Kingdom or beyond the seas, must henceforth refuse permission to any vessel of war carrying a Confed erate flag to enter any such ports, har bors and waters; and must require any Confederate vessels of war which, at the time when these orders reach her Majesty's authorities in such ports, har bors and waters may have already en tered therein on the fait i li of proclama tions heretofore issued her Majesty, and which, having complied with the provisions of such proclamations, may be actually within such portt, harbors and waters, forthwith to depart from them. But her Majesty's government con sider that a due regard for national good faith and honor requires that her Ma jesty's authorities should be instructed, as regards any such Confederate vessels so departing, that they should have the benefit of the prohibition heretofore en forced against pursuit of them within twenty-four hours by a cruiser of the United States lying at the time within any such ports, harbors and waters, and that such prohibition should be then and for the last time maintained in their favor. If, however, the commander of any Confederate vessel of war which may be found in any port, harbor or waters of her Majesty's dominions at the time these new orders are received by the Majesty's authorities, or may enter such port, har bor or waters within amonth after these new orders are received, should wish to divest his vessel of her warlike character and after disarming her, to remain without a Confederate flag within British waters, her Majesty's authori ties may allow the commander of such vessel to do so at his own risk in all re spects, in which case he should be dis tinctly apprised that he is to expect no further protection from her Majesty's government, except such as he may be entitled to in the ordinary course of the administration of the law in time of peace. The rule as to twenty-four hours would, of course, not be applicable to the case of such vessel. I have addressed asimilar letterto the Secretaries of State for the Home, Colo nial, India and War Offices, and also to the Lords Commissioners of her Majes ty's Treasury, requesting them, as I do your Lordships, to issue instructions in conformity with the decision of her Majesty's Government to the several British authorities, at home or abroad, who may be called upon to act in the matter. I am, &c., RUSSELL. [NOTE.—A similar letter was address ed to the Secretaries of State for the Home, Colonial, War and India Depart ments, and to the Lords Commissioners of her Majesty's Treasury.] Putting his Foot Down President Johnson has put his foot down decidedly and firmly upon the question of negro suffrage. In the pro clamation defining the powers of the Mississippi State Convention he says;: " And the said convention, when con vened, or the Legislature that may there after be assembled, will prescribe the qualification of electors, and the ele gibility of persons to hold office under the Constitution and laws of the State —a power the people of theseveral States eompri.sing the Federal Union, have rightfully erereised froni the origin of the Government to the present time." The lines in italics do not appear iu the North Carolina proclamation. That was regarded with distaste by the ex treme radicals. What will they say to this stronger and more emphatic an nouncement of the right of each State to decide who shall be entitled to the exercise of the elective franchise with in its limits? We expect to hear them howl most dismally; but we rejoice in the assurance that they cannot move the President from the wise course of action which he has so decidedly adopted. An Act of Royal Clemency The " Loyal League" theory of deal ing with traitors and rebels does not seem to be in much favor with the civil ized world at this time. The King of Saxony has most inconsiderately selected the present moment for the publication of the following letter of amnesty and pardon to the rebels of 1849 : MY DEAR MINISTER OF STA 0N BEHR: When the goodness of God seN blessings to us, we feel ourselves doubly Moved to do good to our fellow creatures, and to exercise mercy toward them. This sentiment leads me to celebrate, by a general act of clem ency, the great happiness which God has recently given to me, my family, and the whole country. I had already on several occasions granted pardon to the persons implicated in the movements of May, 1849. To-day I desire to extend this cletraeney to all i to permit a free return to all who are living in exile, and to restore their civil rights and honors to those who were on that occasion deprived of them I charge you, accordingly, to lay before me, together with the ministers of justice and the interior, the measures neces sary to effect this result. Yours affectionately, Dresden, May 27, 1885. The terms of this royal letter are as interesting and instructive se its sub stance. It will be observed that this "ruler by right divine" has nothing to say of the " devilish crime of treason ;" that he contents himself with describing one of the most savage episodes of the popular revolutions of 1849 simply as "the movements of May " in that year, and that he recognizes the obligation to mercy as a duty toward the Divine Giver of good to men. With such sentiments King John of Saxony could not be admitted into any " Loyal League " club in this happy land. So strange a commentary does the confusion of our times furnish upon the exclamation of Marc Antony : "0 judgment! thou art fled to brutish beasts And men have lost their reason !" '0 Republicans clamoring for the san guinary expiation of political crimes ; and kings extending clemency to so cialist conspirators against crown and property ! 'World. The Repentant Rebels and the Elective Franchise., Applications for exezutive pardon are flowing in from professedly repentant rebels to such an extent that the expe diency of any extensive reinstatement of that class of persons to the rights of citi2enship and elective franehise is eliciting much earnest discussion. Many fear the President's clemency will be abused, and urge that justice should precede mercy in Aline-tenths of the ap plicatioUs made. Others believe the pardons are solicited in good faith, and all conditions will be honorably com plied with. All aft i t that many South ern men are entitled to a legal restora tion. None advocate an indiscriminate enfranchising of them; neither is there any disputa as to the rightfulness or propriety of Presidential action in the individual cases arising; but the very impossibility of applying fixed rules to such a variety of cases creates a feverish anxiety on the subject that time alone oan allay. Among the latest arrivals of that class is Henry C. Burnett, of Ken tucky, an ex-member of the federal. Congress, and late Senator from that State in the rebel' government, rebel Congressman Murrv, Wennesi see, is alsoreported her.iN *bat. success remains to I?e seen •-.New York, Herald. Interesting from New Orleans. CHIEF JUSTICE CHASE IN NEW ORLEANS. The principal :object of .attraction here at the present time is Chief Justice Chase. He arrived here a few days since, and has been the guest of Mr. May, United States Assistant Treasurer. The Chief Justice has been very active since his arrival, and visited most of the principal places of interest, not only. In the city but the adjacent country. On Wednesday he visited the fair, now be ing given on Esplanade street, by the colored "ladies" of the city, and for the benefit of their people. GENERAL SHERIDAN'S COMMAND. General Sheridan, since his arrival in the city, has scarcely been seen, and is said to be busy organizing his command for hard work in Texas. He resides and has his office at the house of Mrs. Sk:k comb, on Lafayette Square. Thetroops, principally cavalry, assigned to him are rapidly concentrating, and soon suf ficient garrisons will be stationed all through Texas. THE AMNESTY PROCLAMATION IN NEW 1:= . . The amnesty proclamation of Presi dent Johnson created quite an excite ment in New Orleans. The " excepted" were more numerous than was ex pected, and caused considerable appre hension for the moment. The whole number of persons in the late confed eracy who do not come for a portion of its benefits is estimated at about fifty thousand—a very large number. The great number itself, however, did more towards allaying apprehension than anything else. The government could not certainly proceed against fifty thousand " traitors," and the general opinion is that no proceedings would be hdd at all, except against a few promi nent individuals of each excepted class. As to the rights of citizenship they are generally held to be unchanged and in full validity until such proceedings are had and an overt act proved. There is no such thing as constructive treason under the Constitution. The great mass of the "excepted," therefore, have re turned to their equanimity and busi ness, and whenever allusion is made to the subject they only claim to belong to a " very large " class of men. ANXIETY OF THE TNiiiNTY THOUSAND DOLLAIWEN. As to the comparative danger of the excepted classes, the anxiety of the $2O,- 000 men would have been greatest, were any of them to be found ; but there is no one willing to confess to this hard impeachment. That cause for ap prehension, therefore, has passed away, and all is serene again on Carondelet. RETURN OF REBEL SOLDIERS The last few weeks have been to us of the Crescent City weeks of deep rejoic ings and heartfelt congratulations not unmingled with sorrows. They have been such as have been expected, when after four years of disastrous warfare, friend meets friend again with mutual welcomes back to a more happy home. In that time the surviving members of the rebel army and exiled citizens have returned to us and resumed their former peaceful avocations in life. They bring back with them robust health, cheerful faces, remembrances innumerable of the contested field, and, alas ! the last sad words and looks and deeds of fallen comrades. It has been the fulness of joy commingled with the deepest sorrow. RETURN OF GENERAL BEAUREGARD. Among the first to return was General Beauregard and staff, surrendered with Johnston's command. Immediately after that event, our creole General, who had ventured all in the struggle, be lieved it would be unwise to continue the unavailing contest. He therefore parted with his old friends and tool; the first train to Mobile, whence he came to this city by boat. Along the streets had assembled immense crowds to re ceive him, but the General took horse immediately after landing, and pro ceeded to his old home in Esplanade, through the unfrequented avenues. The next morning he and his son obtained passes for the Villere plantation, some fifteen miles below the city, where they still are. General Beauregard's fLrst wife was a Villere; the second, Caro line Deslonde, sister of Mrs. Slidell, now in Paris. Both belonged to the best creole families of Louisiana, and were• beloved by all who knew them. She that was Miss Deslonde died in this city about a year ago, while the General was at Charleston, and her funeral was one of the largest ever known. General Beauregard's future plans are not known. As he is among the " except ed " of the amnesty proclamation, both on account of his rank and education at West Point, lie will probably await the action of the government. He is in ro- bust health, as is also his sun, who re turns with him. The various members of his military family have resumed their former avocations in this city. LIEUTENANT GENbRAL DICK TAYLOR was also among the first to return—not to his home ; tbat was long since de stroyed or confiscated. He is likewise in robust health ; butof his plans, if any he has, nothing is known. As on ac count of his rank, he is among the "ex cepted," he will alsoprobably awaitthe action of government in some parallel case. His staff have returned to peace ful life. General Taylor was the heir of a liftrge fortune from his father, Old Zachary, and also came into possession of considerable property upon marriage ; but he has lost all. .This gentleman, who was aplanteron, the Lafourehe before the war, has not yet returned. He is said to be in excel lent health, and is probably detained by private business. ADMIRAL RAPHAEL SEMMES:, Captain, or rather Admiral, Semmes,. of the Alabama, is also expeg.ed here soon. He is a native of Maryland, but long before the war had wade his home here in common with two brothers—the one Senator in the rebel Congress, the. other surgeon iu the army. OCCUPATI,3N OF THE RETURNED The most of the young men who have returned have gone back to their old places where homes have not been broken up. In many cases their places. were long preserved for them and their regular salaries paid them till the oecu.- potion of New Orleans. A great many,. however, are still out of employment„ although it is probable the expanding: business of the city will soon make, places for them. lowa Republican Convention. The Repuhllean Convention of lowa have nominated William M. Stone for Governor, and George G. Wright for• Supreme Judge. The Convention is :;, 11 favor of striking the ward " white" out of the State Constitution. Thus it will be seen,that the - furl Re publican State Convention held this year deliherately declares in favor of negro equality. We hope the party will be equally honest everywhere.— They might as well speak c.ut plainly, and meet this issue squariay, for they cannot escape from it. T'ney are com pletely committed to the doctrine. All sensible men know this, and the masses who are opposed to negro equality and negro suffrage will act on that convic tion. Ohio Politics Governor Brough has issued an ad dress to the people of Ohio, decling in the most positive terms to be a candi date for re-nomination. This leaves the way clear for General J. D. Cox, who will, beyond doubt, be the nominee of the Republican party. Gov. Brough, in his address, says: "As I have no political desires, pr hr.:: sent or future, the path of duty becomes not only plain, but personally pleasant. After a careful survey of all the sur roundings, I am entirely satisfied that the same considerations of duty that pressed upon the acceptance of a nomi nation two years ago, imperiously re quire that I should decline it at the pre sent time. Under this conviction I re spectfully, but unconditionally, with draw my name from the Convention and the canvass." Brough labored with untiring energy; to secure a re-nomination, and only withdrew when he perceived it to be impossible. Like Tod, he sold hi,mself to the Abolitionists, has been used, and shelved.—Pittsburg Post. Senatorial nelmitr. Conferees represeuttng the counties of Cambria, Indiaea, end Jefferson met in,. the bo,r9Wl, of Wittna, on Wednes dm, OR 7th instant; and elected R. L. Jplißstorl,haq., r as.senatorial Delegate to,the §tate Conventikm, to, be held at Harrisburg, en Thunday,,thitAth day,. of August net
Significant historical Pennsylvania newspapers