as) NY,P—NES-E;AY3 14!!Y 21 , 1865: - • . . . • f•J'yitalirinting Pressesehall •be free tb °Very ' person who undertakes •to examine the Pro eeetikagaiif thelegislatM•e; or link branch; of Ernment; and no law shall ever be made restrain the right thereof. Thetreeocinmu tionof thougkt and opinions is One lof the invaluable -rights. of raen; and every :Citizen May freely-speak., writeand print on any sub ject ;:being responsible .fori the -abuse 'Of that ltherty.• --Inwn i tutions for. the publication of papers the official conduetbf ofh cers,•or meant. public capacities, or where the matter published is proPalbr public in f nis time, the truth. thereof play: be* given in evi- To the Deinoeraey of the City and County of Lancaster. In pursuance of authority given the un dersigned, It - Ya resttutiOn 'a the Democratic .County Committee,.adopted at a meeting held on Thursday, the 18th inst., you are requested to assemble in the several wards of the city, boroughs and townships of th e county, to elect not less than three nor more five delegates, to represent such district in a•general County Convention, to be held• on Wednesday, the 14th day of June, at 11 o'clock A. M., in the ball of the Young Men's Democratic Association, in the city of Lancaster, for the purpose of eleetingsix delegates to represent the Democracy of the county of Lancaster in the coming State Convention, to be held at Harrisburg on .Wednesday, the 21st day of June next. By the established usages of the party, the several districts will each nominate one person to serve as a member of the County Committee for the ensuing political ye , and also nominate ward, borough and town ship committees, being particular to desig nate their names on the backs of their re spective credentials to the ensuing County Convention. R. R. TSHUDY, Chairman A. J. STEINMAN, Secretary. LANCASTER, May .?2, 186-4. Mr. Vallandigham's Letter We, ask every man into whose hands this paper shall fall, to give the letter of flop. C. L. Vallandigham a careful pe rusal. In the whole of it, there is not a sentiment to offend any one. It is able , and full of instruction. Chief Justice Chase Begging :Negro • It is said to be well understood in Washington circles that Chief Ju.siLice Chase is already out as a candidate; for the presidency, in 1868. He is taking tinie by the fore-lock, and is resole-ad to make a sure thing of the nomination of the radicals this time. He has issued another circular, similar in form to the one gotten up by his friends last spring; and it is now being circulated extensive ly, though secretly, in Ohio, and throughout the Western States. His trip to the South is looked upon as an electioneering tour, and he has been making speeches for buncombe to such audiences as he could gather. The New York Herald of yesterday has the fol lowing notice of a speech made by him at Charleston, a few days since : The Chief Justice of the United States is now on a stumping tour along the Southern coast, entertaining the negroes with his ideas of reconstruction. We gave yesterday his first speech, deliver ed in Charleston to a promiscuous au dience, composed mostly of negroes. The burden of this speech is advice to the negroes in regard to their duties and relative to their course of action in their new relations with the rest of mankind. After urging upon the color ed people to beindustrious and economi cal, he delivered an essay on the im portance of the right of negroes to vote. In his remarks upon that subject he throws considerable doubt upon the pre sent Administration favoring the policy of clothing the colored race with the privileges of the elective fran chise, adding, " I am no longer in its councils." He, however, took special pains to show that he had long favored that policy, and endeavored to prove that the idea originated with him by referring to a speech delivered twenty years ago in Cincinnati. He appeared desirous of impressin ,, upon his audi ence, that he was the father of the idea of elevating the negro, but at the same time informing them that there were obstacles in their way, but by perse verance they would filially accomplish it—that is, when he became President. Can any American imagine a more disgraceful proceeding than that. Here is the Chief Justice of the United States, begging votes of a promiscuous crowd of ignorant negroes, in one of the prin cipal cities of the South, before they have any right to exercise the right of suffrage ; and when it is clear that no such right can be conferred upon them except through a clear and palpable violation of the Constitution of the United States ; of which Mr. Chase, as Chief Justice of the Supreme Court, is the sworn guardian and defender. This single disgusting exhibition is enough to damn the doctrine of negro suffrage to eternal infamy. Let any man im agine what would be the condition of this country, or of any State in it where there is a large negro population, were •the right to vote given to them. What white than, with a decent sense of self respeet, would appear on the hustings where he had to solicitthe votes of every ignorant and degraded negro in the dis trict" 'What decent white man is there who would not feel himself to be degrad 0a When every filthy and ignorant negro could jostle him as he approached the polls to deposit his ballot': How long Would, the right of suffrage be regarded :as of. any worth after it had been so basely prostituted, Nye should speedily see State Legis latures and the halls of Congress filled with such low wretches as would not scruple to associate ou intimate terms with the negro. He who would put himself nearest on a level with them would be most certain to receive their support, and in almost any district in the South they would be the controll ing political element. Only a negro, or some white wretch utterly lost to all sense of decency, could be elected to office. It is hard to preserve proper composure when speaking of such things. Every instinct of the nobler race revolts at the outrageous doctrine boldly and shamelessly advocated by such well known leaders of the Repub lican party as Salmon P. Chase. Important Proclamation by President Johnson President Johnson has issued a very important proclamation. It declares all ports of the United States, with the ex ception of Galveston, La Salle, Brazos de Santiago, Point Isabel and Browns ' vine, open to foreign trade and com merce after July 1, next ensuing. All restictions upon trade east of the Mis sissippi, with the exception of articles contraband of war, are removed after that date. The President having, in a former proclamation, declared that ,all . enemies of the United States found in arms east of the Mississippi will be 'treated as guerillas, possessing none of the rights of war, now declares that all so-called Confederate privateers will be treated after said date of July Ist as pi ' rates. Governor Curtin 6,overnor Curtin, accompanied by Quartermaster General James L. 'Rey .nulda., ,reached Washington on Sunday morning, and has taken rooms at WU . lard's Hotni, Thousands of Pennsyl •vanians have already reached the city, :eager to meet and greet their friends, and Governor Curtin is the object of =nay, inquiries as to the whereabouts of our brave soldiers. Instead of taking 3i s pc,.!,i.ihm on the stand near the Pre aide'riN house, it is the intention of 'ale:vertu:lT Curtin to:throw the Peruisyl :, vitniallag And thestars and stripes from Niritlmi'„B o where he. ill, .:•13#',114§. - cgo ,and to. 14, 1 3 ,e, ( 4 3 - b, the ' ' 4 • r, c 8 . A I - A ":, -,fre ' . rrn" .*" We deem it but an act of justice to Since this war begun, no man in the Hon. Thaddeus Shims tevens to say that we whole country has been so much vlily have a letter from isclaiming any fled, lied upon, and abused asitx-Priiii connection with the ciammitteethatwas ident James Buchanan. The n4fit appointed at Harrisburg recently to go to Wasldrigtorflondfigp \ Prekt4nt John_ . b son what every boy knew and assize eatiliaithiatofild the mounlilF* him of what kobodydisPlited—*: that ly iptruthicrep*ted, *au *iet dollb the people mean to MO his ofhtuhun some honeitpeop)e believed them. dt t v r:. sti ?: ,: n sir co ashiii rdial g s to u ri pp o o n rL o i t4 Mr. er. . 6 .43 iisin teyerte: seemed and was' prceent'at the cereinOuras a newspapers to refute any charge wine spectator merely. We have not as yet might be made agahis2t any member o received a letter from General Cameron the party while the excitement atten disclaiming all responsibility .for the dant upon the war was raging. The Quixotic movement; but from his known sagacity we doubt not that some im- administration press refuted, in ve • periled office-holders• or importunate many instances, to ildthe cornmonljuh office-hunters procured his appointment, Ake of , correcting-any-wrong- statemen as chairman, with the apparent sanctity they had made, no matter how clear] o f a ward Meeting, when he was absent its - *4'46 , was .proven, We hope the and sick. and he fulfilled the foolish mission on the principle that an emetic time is spefYi!ly coming, when the mos is :sometimes jpreferable to a spell of mendacious members of the. Abolition sickness. We confidently expect to hear press may be shamed into at least a shortly that he is innocent of the con ow of decency and self-respect. ception of the affair, and thatother boys • .sh played marbles on their own account ; Below will be found a letter over the made him stakeholderand he had tode- signature of Mr. Buchanan, completely liver to somebody. As we don't confess exposing the entire falsity of a malicious Gen. Cameron a fool, we don't hold him attack made responsible for his merely formal con- upon him more than a. year nection with the committee. lieshow- ago, and refuted at the time by. the ed his appreciation of the awkwardness of his position when addressing the President, by disavowing in advance any intention to accept office for any of the committee or their relations—an eminently proper saving clause under the circumstances. We insist that prothinent public men shall not thus be dragged into follies by the ambition, zeal or cupidity of designing nobodies. —Franklin Repository. Whenever the Repository gets "a let ter from Gen. Cameron disclaiming all responsibility" for the movement which resulted in the appointment of a Presi I:lential palavering committee at Har risburg after the accession of Andrew Johnson to the Presidency, we trust it will lose no time in laying it before the public. Down this way Gen. Cameron is believed to have been, next to the great and good Bergner, the most zeal ous and the most anxious participant in the movement. The public look at it in this way : They say President John son was, during his whole career in both branches of Congress, a most determined enemy of public plunderers. They argue front his past course, that as President he may be expected to set all the watch-dogs of the Treasury on the trail of the corrupt rascals who have been defrauding the Government for the last four years. They believed it would be found, on investigation, that Cam eron and two or three of his friends about Harrisburg have made more money since the war began than was made by all the "signers of the Declaration" and all the members of the Continental Congress. during the seven years' war of the Revolution. They suspect that Cameron feared the President would or der au investigation, and that this ap prehension impelled him to participate in the movement referred to, and to take the chairmanship of the palavering committee. It remains to be seen whether the old Winnebago's talk with the "great father " at Washington will save him from being forced to disgorge. As for Mr. Stevens, we are not sur prised at his: disclaimer. Whatever may may be his faults, he Is not a cringing parasite. It must be gratifying to his, admirers to find him so prompt to dis claim association with the Harrisburg deputation, which was as poor in intel lect as it was rich in corruption—a mere squad of mercenary politicians, without brains enough to comprehend the indelicacy of their proceedings, but with stomachs capacious enough to hold the National Treasury. A Grand Jury Instructed to Indict the Members of Military Tribunals. Judge Bond of Baltimore, at the open ing of the usual Criminal Court of the city, which is now in session there, thus charged the Grand Jury in relation to the usurpations of power by the military tribunals which hold their session in that city. I call your attention also, gentlemen, to Article 21, of the Declaration of Rights of Maryland, in these words: "That in all criminal prosecutions every man hath a right to be informed of the accusation against him ; to have a copy of the indictment or charge in due time (if required) to prepare for his defence; to be allowed counsel; to be confronted with the witnesses for and against him on oath ; and to speedy trial by an im partial jury, without whose unanimous consent he ought not to be found guilty;" and to state that it has come to my knowledge that here, where the United States Court, presided over by Chief Justice Chase, has always been unimped ed, and where the Marshal of the United States, appointed by the President, se lects the jurors, irresponsible and un lawful military commissions attempt to exercise criminal jurisdiction over citi zens of this State, not in the military or naval service of e United States nor in the militia, who are charged with of fences not known to the law, or with crimes for which the mode of trial and punishment are provided by statue in the courts of the land. That this is not done by the para mount authority of the United States, your attention is directed to article V. of the Constitution of the United States, which says : "No person shall be held to answer for a capital or otherwise in famous crime unless on a presentiment or indictment of a Grand Jury, except in cases arising in the land or naval forces, or in the militia when in actual service in time of war or public danger." Such persons exercising such unlaw ful jurisdiction are liable to indictment by you, as well as responsible in civil actions to the parties injured. Judge Bond has put the case most ad mirably, and there is no men of candor and sense who will not admit the cor rectness of his positions. The manner in which he proposes to apply the re medy is the proper one. Let some of these officials be regularly indicted and put upon trial for a violation of the law, and we shall see whether the Supreme Court of the United States has any de cency or dignity left. If it has, it can not help but sustain the State Courts in their efforts to save the fundamental law of the land from further open and Shameless violation. THE FOLLOWING SHAVINGS are from the razor of the Louisville Journal: —Somebody has sent a rope to Presi dent Johnson as a hint that he should go ahead in the hanging business. At the death of that fellow; a rope, we guess, will be the most prominent figure. The scamp himself will be seen merely as a hanger-on. General Fremont has bought an estate at Tarrytown, New York. He ought to have one upon his great battle field in Virginia. Then he could easily take a run every little while over his premises, having had some valuable practice. —The Cincinnati Gazette says that Henry A. Wise may be hung out of his own mouth. We suppose the Gazette would have him hung by the tongue. —A conservative speaker was insult ed outrageously at a late radical meet ing in Boston. He who goes among owls must expect to be hooted. —Jeff. Davis is a prudent man. He has a right to boast that he is guarded in all his movements. —R. J. Breekinridge, Jr., son of the Rev. Dr. Robert J. Breckinridge, of Kentucky, has been transferred from the Ohio Penitentiary, where he has been confined as a rebel prisoner, to Johnson's Island. Pocket-Patriots. We have one million one hundred and twenty-five thousand men on the army pay-roll when the war. closed. About one-half the number were in field together. The other half were in , —the national treasury-chest. What a PF+l.ll of taxation it will I , 'get rid of .thus vii; ,assembly of, dropoik gid sin ecures, who draw pothingl ifor. their country's detente ,J Put ft it • rqty,-, + Pittsburg Post and other democratic newspapers, but revived again only a few days since by the New York _Post. The. letter first appeared in the New York Tribune of yesterday. There is not one of the calumnies against Mr. Buchanan, with which Abolition newspapers have delighted to fill their columns, which cannot be as fully and completely refuted as the above baseless charge. This will yet be done to the entire satisfaction of candid men of all parties. Impartial history will vindi eate his fame, and set his public career in such a light that it shall at once be known and recognized throughout the future as pure, wise, and eminently pa triotic. To the Editor of the Ned York Post: SIR : In the New York Tribune of yesterday I read, with no little surprise, an extract from the Evening Post, (which I do not see) stating in substance that the Cincinnati Democratic Con vention of J une,lBs6,(not "May,") had come to a "dead lock," on the evening before Mr. Buchanan's nomination, and had adjourned until the next morning, " with a fair prospect it Would meet only to adjourn sine die;" but that in the meantime arrangements were made to secure his nomination as soon as the Convention should reassemble, in con sequence of pledges given by his friends. The nature of these pledges, according to the article in The Post, was openly avowed by Judge Black on the floor of the Convention, immediately after the nomination. According to it: "A si lence ensued for a few moments, as if the Convention was anticipating some thing prepared, when Judge Black, of Pennsylvania, ( after ward Attorney- General under Buchanan) rose in his place and made a set speech, in which he proceeded to denounce ' Abolition ism and 'Black Republicanism' very freely, and to argue that the States pos sessed,under the Constitution, the right of secession. He went further, and told the Convention that if the nominee was elected, and a Black Republican should be elected as his successor, he (Mr. Bu chanan) would do nothing to interfere with the exercise of it. This pledge was ample, and was accepted by the South ern leaders." You will doubtless be astonished to learn that Judge Black, afterward Mr. Buchanan's Attorney General, by whom this pledge is alleged to have been made, and through whom the evi dent purpose now is to fasten it upon Mr. Buchanan, not a delegateto the Cincinnati Contention, nor was he within 500 miles of Cincinnati, during its ses sion. Instead of this, he vas at the very time performing his high official duties as a Judge of the Supreme Court of Pennsylvania. It may be added that from the date of General Jackson's message of January, 1833, against South Carolina nullifica tion and secession, until that of his own message of December, 1800, and indeed ever since, no public man has more steadfastly and uniformly opposed these dangerous and suicidal heresies than Mr. Buchanan. Had any person, in or out of the Convention, dared to make a pledge in his behalf, on this or any other subject, such an act would have been condemned a few days thereafter by the terms of his letter accepting the nomi nation. In this, after expressing his thanks for the honor conferred, he says that, " Deeply sensible of the vast and varied responsibility attached to the station, especially at the present crisis in our affairs, I have carefully refrained from seeking the nomination either by word or died;" and this statement is emphatically true. A few words in regard to the alleged " dead lock" in the Cincinnati Conven tion at the time of its adjourment, on the evening of the . - )th of June, after fourteen ballots had been taken for a candidate. It appears from its proceed ings, as officially published, that on each of these ballotings, Mr. Buchanan re ceived a plurality, and on the sixth at tained a majority of all the vote of the Convention, but not the required two thirds On the fourteenth and last ballot of that evening, the vote stood 1521 for Buchanan ; for Pierce ;03 for Doug las, and 51 for Cass. This being the state of the case, when the Convention assembled the next morning the New Hampshire delegation withdrew the name of General Pierce and the Illinois delegation withdrew that of Judge Douglas, in obedience to instructions from home by telegraph on the day be fore the ballotings had commenced. After this the nomination of Mr. Bu chanan seemed to be a matter of course. He had never heard of a " dead lock" in the Convention or anything like it, until he read the article in The rust. It may be proper to state that Col. Samuel W. Black of Pittsburg was a delegate to the Cincinnati Convention from Pennsylvania, and being well known as a ready and eloquent speaker; "shouts were raised" for a speech from him, immediately after the nomination was announced. To these he briefly responded in an able and enthusiastic manner. From the identity of their surnames, had this response, reported with the proceedings, contained the in famous pledge attributed to Judge Black, or anything like it, we might in charity have inferred that the author of the article had merely mistaken the one name for the other. But there is noth ing in what Col. Black said which af fords the least color for any such mis take. Col. Black afterward sealed his hos tility to Secession with his blood. At an early stage of the war, he fell mor tally wounded on the field of battle, while gallantly leading on his regiment against the rebels.. I doubt not you will cheerfully do me justice by publishing this letter; and I would thank you for a copy of thepaper containing it. Yours, very respt'y, JAMES BUCHANAN. Wheatland, near Lancaster, May 11,1865. An Important Difference The Camden Democrat points out a striking and important difference be tween the oaths of allegiance prescribed by President Johnson and his predeces sor. It says : "Look at the difference of the Oath of Allegiance prescribed by President Johnson, and that issued by his prede cessor. The one presented in the Am-. nesty Proclamation of Mr. Lincoln, compelled a penitent rebel to swear to support ' all the Proclamations which had been or might hereafter be issued' —while President Johnson, revoking all former regulations,' says: " Proof of loyalty must be the taking and subscribing to the following oath, or evidence to be tiled that it or onesimilar in purport and meaning hag been taken, viz: "I, —, do solemnly swear, in pres ence of Almighty God, that I will henceforth faithfully support, 'protect and defend the Constitution of the United States and all laws made in pursuance thereto." Thus disloyal persons in renewing their allegiance to the Government are now required to swear to "support, pro tept and defend "• the Constitution only. That is to be made the test of loyalty, and: not the support of proclamation's already issued, or to be hereafter pro, Mtlgated. The difference is , an im-• portant one, and possesses much signifi cance. ,“ , Gov: Vance ha's been arrested at the house of hiii r affier-in-law in Buncombe county . N . , C, is said he is. tried Ibr vitetzipte---of , —4lllveriment they Come from— Expenditures • ) ,Where they go to—lncidental State:, Oatents. Coll espondence of the N. Y. Tribune.] J . ??, 18(04 TheisiSi4iptsatieratilittreatinlie t .7. ;•-1 e t innerit are itemief intervs' 4411 ; bp` more esseciallknow, "ken thwasltithEf pleportiodealmosflieyorigcompteheniOnt In 1859 anBlS6O the - curt-gel expesses ewe, ,a little 4isoer $77,000,000, pramoutti t that tad given use to many remarks and seemed ex travagant in the eyes of the political econo mist and soberly-minded; but when that sum is swelled to over one billion, the above scarcely serves as loose change in Uncle Sam's pocket. To those not posted in the machinery,ofthaGovErroment. trCattlag of spectHdatiort Situnice cotitekftla retenzter4 to balance this expeilu.tbszeporta of finance from the Secretary of the Trea sury we have receipts from customs, lands, direct taxes, internal revenue and Miscel , laneous, which latter is very indefinite, and might be interesting to , epterinto minutelY. We 'have sal! CXpel3ditilreS for the' year ending Jitire:3o; 1884, were over one billion. The gross:amonnt for which war rants were issued from. the Treasury was $1,313,157,87294, distributed as follows Civil and mistel laneous ..... . Fdreign in Ce r coarse._ Public debt Interior Depart anent (fulßlling treaties with In dians, pensions, &c' 7,501609 60 Military esta b- • 1,346,113 48 4,746,113 4•? 1i5hretent695,404,867 63 Naval establish- 92,304672 96 $1,313,157 872 94 There was repaid into the Treas ury, Civil and •bdiseellanedus,... Foreign inter- 270,W9 3-1 Publiedebt, Interior Depart- 24,110 53 3,218,667 70 ffiMal 288,026 4- 11Rhmeta 4,613,024 64$ Naval establish- 6,578,678 29 15,013,216 94 Which deduct, leaves the net expenditures__ $1,298,114,656 00 The receipts for the year were— From Customs Sales of Public Lands Internal Revenue Direct Tax, act August 5, 1881 ' Consul Fees (for passports Consular Receipts, (effects of decetyted seamen, and other - Arneflean citizens) • Steamboat Fees.. Fines, Penaties and Forfeitures. Surplus emolum' ts, Officers of Customs Surplus emolum'ts, Marshals, Lt:c Internal and Coastwise inter- course Fees - Captured and Abandoned pro perty Sales of Confiscatti goods For costs and expenses in various prize cases, Act of July 17, 1862_ Sales of Vessels engaged in slave trade, (due captors) Sales of vessels engaged in slave trade, (due navy pension fund) Homestead Fees •Locating military bounty land warrants Preemption declarations Locating land scrip On account of interest on stocks due certain Indian On account of interest on stocks due certain Chickasaws Interest due Smithsonian Insti- tution interest on debts due by individ uals From - of Philadelphia as due the Government from au over payment of some time standing Salei of has Sale of iron sate, &e., at Detroit_ Frompersons unknown On account of Patent Fees From bullion deposits, available for the incidental eZpenses the branch m int,San Francisco From bullion deposits, available for the incidental expenses oft' the Assay (Alive, New York For gold and silver coinage For cent coinage._ For premium on gold and silver For premium on gold coin ship ped from San Francisco to Lon- don From the Government of the United States of Colombia, rep re.seuting the former Govern meat of New Granada, under Convention between the U. S. and New Granada of Sept. 1857 From sale of rigging of ship " Uncle Toby." Rent of old Treasury Building, New York From a 'patriotic individual for the extinguishment of the pub lic debt Sales of ore evacuated at Laza retto Ugh t-house From surplus distraint, of taxes,. act. June 1, 1802.... Commutation money from draft ed persons Avails of $950 in U. S. Six per cent. bonds of 1882, held iu trust by Secretary of the Interior, sold to the Tonawanda band of Seneca Indians for benefit of Ottawas of Blanchard's Fork and Roche de Bouef Sale of the Sac and Fox agency farm Sales of waste paper Total receipts independent of bonds and currency For two years 5 per cent. treasury notes 166,480,000 00 For one year 5 per cent. treasury notes For 6 percent. compound interest notes For 10-40 bonds For premium on 10-40 bonds_ For premium ou accrued interest on 10-40 bonds For 5-20 bonds For treasury notes, Act of 7 Feb.t: 2:3, 186 i. (Greenbacks) For certificates of indebtedness.. For 1.13 years 6 per cent. bonds, act of July 17, 1801 For 5 per cent. bonds, act March 2, 186 1 3 For premium on 1881 bonds For temporary loan, acts Feb. 25, and March 17, 186 1 For temporary loan negotiated in London For tractional currency For the deduction of 4 per cent. on the redemption of Texan indemnity bonds. Total U:393,161,017 57 Add to this the balance on hand Juiy 1, 1863, commencement of the fiscal year, And we have the grand total ;31,429,984,054 70 There is included in the above balance amounts loaned to, or deposited with the following States Maine New Hampshire. Massachusetts . Vermont Connecticut Rhode Island... New Y0rk......... New Jersey ...... Pennsylvania... De1aware.......,.. Mary1and.......... Virginia Nor , ll Carolina. South Carolina. Georgia Alabama..., Louisiana.. Mississippi Tennessee.. Kentucky.. Ohio Missouri.. Indiana... Illinois__ Michigan. Arkansas Total 8%,101,64-1 91 In making up the Report of Receipts and Expenditures there is taken into account as expenditures only such sums as have actu ally been paid by the Treasurer, which does not include all the warrants issued for money during the year. Those that are issued remain unpaid at the end of the year are reported as Outstanding Warrants, and for the year ending June 30, 1864, are divided as follows: Civil and Mi5ce11ane0u5.........5217,178 28 Foreign intercourse.. 1,063 1:1 Public debt 2,r2.5.'5,154 16 Department of the Interior... 63,220 61 Military , establishment 1,691,595 56 Naval establishment 44,024 43 Total $4,272,836 17 lAs the amount of these Warrents is in creased, or lessened, each year over the pre ceding one the actual• payments are in creased or lessened. Many of these war rants are dated back to 1838, and for sums of only six cents, many of them to close the accounts of persons employed by the Government. There are probably thous ands in others which the Government will never be called on to pay. The Oregon and Washington war has given rise to many for claims and services, the parties to which will probably never see. Taking the outstanding warrants for June 30, 1884, which, as above, are $ 4,2:72,836 17 and deducting those of June 30, 1883, (which were less) Ave have $2,603,550 14 Take this difference from the gross expenditures 1,313,157,872 94 • and we have the amount actually paid from the Treasury during the year ending June 30, 1884..... 1,310,551,322 80 Deducting it from the net expen diture given, leaves 1,295,341,105 88 as the actual expenditure of the Government for that year, taking the reports as a basis. . It will be borne in mind that in using the above figures, we are speaking of the moneys paid out by the Government during the year, on accounts allowed, and for which warrants have been issued. It will be years before it is known what the Rebel lion has cost this people. Claims and cer tificates of indebtedness issued by disburs ing officers and agents of the Government will be presented, the owners of which will have to prove their fealty to the Union dur ing the war, and the end of this is far dis tant. It is not a little, singular that with the increase of expenditures there has fol lowed an almost corresponding increase in the regular resources of the Government, those on which it depended id ordinary tinies t and it is.the more singular when.We , take into account that war so gigantic would.. tend more to impoverish than increase therb, for they are such as aline directly fronithb pockets of the people, *Wont an equivalent return. But of this, as well as some other : items bf interst, I shali'have occasion a4,+ain',l to speak. is '• • • RrAeitsmicull , --r: The KeßtuokY- 1 -4*Ellibtwe aesombled on • thef:l6thj but:,ao quorum was present. Chief On.stice .13tullitt is tp ibe tried, on the 01t.r6 cif eonspix' ticS , : egainit , pio'Govern, 'Meat. ,, : • , 1 1 .1 I To the "Young Nen% Democratic AmO -= elation," of lanemter, Pa. Gnrrianamit: From.your President and Becietaries, as also from individual metoL- • I Ai, I have, within*itiklmirik oMicT;: r;dived repeated cordiatittiktidifOnitto ad-, • rents your Association. trimplg ance in person would be list aweiliable tb do not believe that ciilliestitirOkr , cig ounistimce is anspiciontyjnat new fir 4' Live nolitical agitation. But I avail myself -of -yiStu• kind request, to present, very re spectfully, in writing, a few thoughts upon the present position and duty of the Demo eratieloartyi At best Aie - bid eon jeettire inpirt and in Pkrt inaigestiOn f for - ought omniacient tat ea well the future as the pres ent,-who should attertipt to lay • down, in these times, when the scenes _change with the, diyeraity, suddenness, and marvelous contrariety of theatric, representation, a fixed rule of policy upon any public tines= ,lion. YetNtrith this qualification, and speak ing for myself only, I shall address you with becoming freedom and candor. I do not, indeed; conceal from myself, the ap prehension that we are rather at the begin ning than the end of a great revolution, and that free institutions in America are - to-day far more upon trial than at any period dur ing the past four years. If, indeed, the agencies of force were at once to give place to the arts of peace, and placid liberty regu lated by , sub pio rege, to succeed the sword,- , ' elancbolr forebodings of the mOreth. g .tful among 1113 might yet prove to be the vain fears of men whom much learning in history and an enlarged study of human nature have made timid. I sur render myself willingly, however, for the present to the cheering illusion of those who believe that miraculous power will again interpose, and a great calm, at the word of command, follow the tempestuous raging of the sea. The Democratic organization will, of course, be maintained. Surviving every change of party and policy from near the beginning of the government to this day; often triumphant, sometimes defeated, nev er conquered ; always adhering, as a na tional organization, to the essential princi ples of its founders, but adapting its policies, so far as these principles admitted, to the changing circumstances of the country; enduring even through the great dangers and the mistakes of the past four years, and at the end, numbering one million eight hundred thousand voters in the States which adhered to the Union—a number larger within the same States, than at any previous election—it needs now only re-organization and discipline to make it powerful at once and ultimately triumphant. For myself; under no circumstances, will I consent that the Democratic organization be dissolved, so long as it shall have vitality enough to hold together. The masses of the party will never agree to thesurrender, whatever "the leaders," so called, might attempt. The fundamental principles of the Demo cratic party, of course also, must remain unchanged so long as our Federal system, or even any form of democratic-republican government, shall survive; and especially its true STATE-RIGHTS DOCTRINE—not Nul lification, not Secession, but the theory of our system laid down in the Virginia and Kentucky Resolutions of 1798, as interpre ted by their authors ; the one by Madison in his Report in 1799, and the other by Jeffer son in his solemn official Inaugural of 1801. Thus interpreted they were, and, I doubt not, still are the constitutional doctrines of the new President. So long as these con stitute the accepted theory and the practice under our system, there can be no consoli dated government, either Republic or Mon archy, in the States which now make up the American Union. The other general prin ciples of the . Democratic party, are but va riations or amplifications of 'the maxims, " the greatest good to the greatest number," 102,316,152 99 588,333 92 109,7 , 11,13 , 15 475,648: 98 164,0= 27 3 OSS 50 27,01,0 53 116,265 23 .%7,705 01 32,311 49 0,708,873 09 2,167,129 20 112,933 70 ,0&8,111 42 3,927,126 70 53,648 57 MEI] 4.118 40 2.1782 64 119,535 09 100,000 00 16,498,9 - 3 49 2,799,920 64 " the interests of the masses," " the rights of the many against the exactions of the few"—axioms which, though the dema gogue may misuse or abuse therm lie, never theless, at the foundation of all democratical government.. 2,151,8% is But true as all this is, it would be the ex treme of folly not to comprehend and recog nize that as to men'and policies, the events of the past four years, and especially of the last five weeks, have wrought a radical change. Old things have passed away : all things become new. New books, as Mr. Webster said upon an occasion of far less significance, are now to be opened. A new epoch in the American era has been reached• 5262,751,564 ,520,00 1 00 ;17,250,000 00 • 73,,r37,651) 00 104071 10 0,092 30 321,551,283 41 and he who cannot now realize, or is not willing to accept this great fact, would do well to retire to his closet and confine him self to funebrial meditations over the his tory of the dead past or airy speculations upon the impossible future. He may be come an instructor, but is not fit to be an actor in the stirring scenes which are before us. The time will, indeed, come, and may not be far distant, when it will be justifia ble and may be necessary to inquire into the =tees of the civil war just now ap parently'xit an end, and to institute a scruti ny into the measure of guilt of those who are responsible fer it, as well North as South; and it is fortunate that we have a President who, upon neither side, is among its authors—unless, indeed, his support of General Breekinridap for the Presidency in 66,41)),,5711 00 160,179,000 00 30,56i,b75 2,1 1,771 65 1,975013 90 166,79h,0 1 :b• 2,420,008 00 9,109,721 2,5 MIME IMO be reckoned up against him. In all else, at least, whatever may have been his position during the war, or shall be his course now, he is guiltless. Upon the other hand, by our political foes, the line of con duct of those who opposed war, demanded conciliation and insisted that the path of peace was the shortest, easiest, cheapest road to the Union, and of those who, march ing in the same direction, but along the rugged and bloody highway of war, denounced only the policies of the the late Administration, will be called in question. For myself I am ready to an swer, and by the record to be adjudged. If I erred, it was in the glorious company of S ),336 25 669,086 711 1,316,171 78 669,086 79 701,670 60 382,"5.5 30 4,014,320 71 764,670 (9) 2,867014 78 266, - 1, 49 955, , aS 2,198,427 99 1,43.1,707 1,051,422 09 1,1x51 422 03 669,0 M 79 77,919 14 382,335 SO 1, . 1, 57 3.1 1,433,757 39 2,007,260 34 382,335 30 835,2T4 94 477,919 14 =556,751 49 1-86,751 49 the patriot founders of our peculiar system of government. And now, accepting the new order of things, I yet enter upon no defence for adhering to the last moment to the policies of those great men, adopted and sanctioned as these policies were, by the second generation of American statesmen. So far from it, I would conform yet, as far as possible, to their teachings and practice. We may not, indeed, be ready to follow the enthusiast who had rather err with - Plato than be right with other men ; yet neither are we far enough corrupted, I trust, to be obliged to apologize for accepting Wash ington, Jefferson, Sherman, Hamilton, Webster, Clay, and Jackson, as exemplars worthy of study and imitation. But they were wise in their day and generation. Let us be wise in ours. Whether theirs was not . the true wisdom for us also in the long run, remains to be seen; for the end is not yet. And be that t it may, for any man to have erred as to the advent, progress, duration or final issue of a civil war which has mocked, so far, the prescience of the wisest states 'men of as well the Old World as the New, is no disparagement of any judgment or intellect less than divine. In any event, I beg that it be announced that upon all questions of vaticination up to this point, I am " paired off" with the Secretary of State, . Mr. Seward. But as to the present and future, and the new and stupendous ques tions which every day will now be develop ed, a public man's position must be deter mined, not by his mistakes where all have erred, but by his capacity, his integrity and his patriotism. The day has paised when the party epithets upon either side, which were without justification, almost without nxcuse, , even amid the rancor of a civil - War .and the heat of partizan discussion, ought any longer to be tolerated.. No man in the ,Democratic party• in the North or West, of responsible or recognized posi tion, was for disunion or separation for its own sake. But if any such there was, false to the government of the Union, he was folk, also to the ,southern Confederacy; else MS place would have been in the ranks of her armies. Sinne; • indeed, not many, of the ablest and' most' sincere and honest among us--men who, to-day, changing their opinions, .are• the worthiest of trust, and I speak strongly as . one not of their cOnvictiou—Atelieved that Only through PlilaPOrArY rfrogOtiPn:Pfl 8 90404 ind' 4- peudence, could the Federal Union be 're- 1,669,286 03 . qtmed, Such , too, had bpet‘Uie deelaratiorie before and in the'beghmtng'of the war, of waxy distinguished men in the Reptiblioan party,' BOMQ, thfall, still, high in posi tion. exPrfuoleti hinguage the , an,oBt ern pUA I, ieVng even to the extent of perms_ rent separation.. The recent of thew deo . 1- - -buttoymotethetni , or to. -- , ORMlibit—' yes; - "life Union as it wae;''Una• name the authors, is needless. The argu- the Constitution as it is "—to either slavery ment stands sufficient of itself, or the abolition .of slavery_ Fanatics at It is not that the Democratic party op- home, and en*as, reiplilardtrig statesmen ;, - , either the civil war or the peculiar abroad, may not be aliiiiorwalling to com- . upon whicfit,wMionduetAllui\Mr this? contrition 1ai!317 true and riE4eexol,llde them from The' confiffitW -jr . -llOnded American . patri ot will. thel:o44i. sii(irce a promMenirnanifi thei;7 11 - a Mal mistake . .of-tbe . South—her Itepulilicim rinks, Artless of Demearatiii.' l , " bluit • der l'k which* false morality pro was in ignoring ant.eceilents, fPren the . fate Preitu'ientrifowN. : PutOW , wo rse tb . l l ,Us n , . tint oko o th y of th el d w ith nib :mas c.', ..tha!kiettt Ariaeriettt . cOm of Orin Courrr tirerbitterneSz and'violence—the prosecu- —not an impulse; not a precept, not a mere lion of the foreign hi 'am war. Devoted aspiration of national vanity, but a coin wholly to the Union, the old Union, in any mandment written by the finger of God event, the men of-the Democratic party upon The rivers and mountains and the judged of the war and of its policies solely whole face of the land, at graifteril thence: by that standard, and upheld or opposed upon the hearts , of;tb hi e ilee tfeld._ the was borde; 'them acctirdingly.' The narty'-anli I refen' not anti - f sv i elY tiie w Ulaand r stirred, - for to the question becauseft, tia.el:een made the subject Ofiecent newspaper cominent—will, a —„-' 6 • ,, sil einve dr 'evi 4 7l, - the whole. No ' ith and . West_ to indeed, , certainly not , foll ow the r, Chicago such . _ e xertions of military, naval' and linen- Platform "of 1864 as a political text book fo rce , eutt as never 'before:Were put forth by now, any more than the . Republican party, any natio n. ' And oha it. hmthiseta;, hedged ' d and by or its heirs or - assigns, Will adopt the "pit: . Pe the sanc tion of destiny; which; according to re eage se in Ple th ti e ene future " of ; not lBM th a t 'for the the former was ' the lnof my ability, I undertook to expound and justify in the House of Rep not the very best practicable at the period and for the occasion which brought it forth; resentatives, in 1863, and by this line of ar but because, dealing in a tinaeof war, almost gumentation to establish that the Union wholly with questions of policy, not prim- ugh peace was inevitable. Nothing but ciple, it would, in. time of peace, be quite as the violence of an intense counter-passion, and the terrible pressure of civil -war, could inappropriate as the code of Justinian or have suppressed, even for a time, the power the journals of the Continental Congress. of this sentiment among the people of the All that need now be asked of our political foes is, that it be quoted correctly ; the more South also. Had their leaders forborne to especially since, through the work of a demand separation and a distinct govern committee made up of some of the ablest meat, adhering to the old flag, and, within and truest men in the Contention, a nd the Union under the Constitution, firmly adopted by that body unanimously amid but justly, required new guarantees for old the rapturous applaus , e of two hundred rights be li eved to be in peril, they might ' not, indeed, have s had barren and deluding thousand freemen present or at hand, it sympathy from subjects, and false hopes of survived but eight days—dying of circum- vision. But there is one crown of glory, at assistance from kings anti emperorB in least, during the terrible trials of the last Europe, eager for the decline and fall of the American Republic ; but they would four years, richest among the treasures of have been cheered by the cordial greet the Democratic party, whiche.nuot betaken ings and the active support of finally away. If it shall so happen that to the Re au overwhelming majority of the States publican party is due the honor of main and people of the West and North.— country t e Union, to the Democracy the i i, But when they established a permanent distinct government, and took up anus for country i ndebted' for the preservation of whatev'er remains of that other and even independence, they marked out between dearer birthright of Americans—Constitu them and us, a high wall and deep ditch tional Liberty and private right. Rot laying all these questions aside for w hich no man, North or West, could `without the guilt and the penalties of trpassea the present, I trust that all men who, in the They went beyond the teachings of old Roman phrase, feel alike concerning son. the Republic now, may be soon brought to their own greatest Statesmen of the past age; for Mr. Calhoun himself had declared, act together. He who cannot at this uto in 1831, that "the abuse of power, on part went, for a season at least, forget his pri of the agent (the Federal Government), vale griefs, or lay aside his prejudices to the injury of one or more of the members against nibel and parties, for the sake of his (the States), would not justify secession on country in an hour of trial which demands all the wisdom of the wise and the utmost their part: there would be neither the right nor the pretext to secede." No matter who firmness of the stoutest-hearted among us, is too much of a partizan to be any thing of was responsible originally for that condi lion of things which led finally to war, nor a patriot. Fortunately among politicians what the motives and character of the war the labor is usually not difficult. If the melancholy reflection of Cicero, in his later after its inception—and upon both these questions I entertain and have expressed years, were well considered and just, that opinions as fixed as the solid rock—so far as among those who concern themselves in true friendships are most rarely found the South fought for a separate government, public affairs, it is quiet certain also that she stood wholly without sympathy or sup perdurable enmities are equally rare with port in the States which adhered to theer them. And it is the motive, not the new Union. Whatever else may happen, h vision of independence has now melted into association, which marks the change of . . party habitudes, as patriotic or corrupt.— In the appeal to arms—maintained upon It was not the mere fact that Fox and Burke both sides for four years with a courage and endurance grandly heroic—she has united in coalition with Lord North, that it had made them all odious to the British people, failed; and though hut because the purpose and circumstances wise, still, in my deliberatehappened other but conviction, her e of the coalition were unpopular and not experiment of distinct government would just Here and now the war having ac- have failed also. But the sole question . complished all that the sober and rational really decided by the war, as by peace Years among its advt., .des ever claimed for it,— ears before it had been settled, was that• two several governments could not exist the breaking down of the chief military erican power of the Confederate Government—we among the States of the American sy Union. have reached the point where all that class And here the whole con r ought to end; with or without slavery, I care not, so among its supporters, of whatever party, it end here. If upon this point, the " Crit must now unite with the friends of peace tendon Resolution " of July 186 I—proposed and conciliation, in exhausting all the arts too, at the same time, in the Senate, by An of statesmanship, to the end that a speedy drew Johnson—should be modified, let it in and perfect pacification, and with it, a real all and cordial re-union, may be secured.— else, both in spirit and letter, be exactly w carried out. But whatever policy may no The questions which belong to a suite of be decreed—and I trust it will be a wise, a war are, in their very nature and from liberal, a healing policy—it is the part of necessity, totally distinct from those which wisdom for the people of the South to ac arise upon a cessation of hostilities. Men quiesce ; returning wholly and cordially to who have hitherto agreed on other issues, the Union, thus making it once again a will differ widely now, and new party as- union of consent, a union of hearts and sociations must follow. The hereditary hands, as our fathers and their father's made supporters of the President just inaugurated, it at first. Then will the passions of the re ' must not assume that, as a matter of course, cent terrible strife speedily be hushed. Al the Democratic party will be found fu 0 P - ready millions in the North and West re position upon these questions. On the gard them as brethren still, and in a little 1 record up to the day when the Executive while these millions will become a vast ma office, by reason of a horrible crime, was jority of the people, and will see to it that forced upon him he himself differed from that the. solemn pledge be redeemed and the party only, or chiefly, as to the fact and the Union restored" with all the dignity,equality manner of prosecuting Chewer. Not respon- and rights of the several States unimpair sible for anything done or omitted by the ed," With slavery, the people of the South late Administration,whereof the Democracy will prosper within that Union, as before. complained, now that the war is ended, he Without slavery, if in a wise and judicious begins his chief magistracy without past way, it shall be abolished, they Must, in difference in principle or present separation less than a single generation—except pos es to policy. In any event, he is entitled at sibly as to two or , three States—become the hands of the Democratic party to a fair, more populous, prosperous and powerful Candid and charitable consideration of the than any other section. - And though every several measures which he shall propose; Southern State Government should be re though most assuredly at the same time, it organized—an act both impolitic and on will be the duty of that party to render a necessary—yet in ten years, If our Federal strict, firm and fearlessjudgment upon them, system survive, the whole people of every and to act accordingly as they shall be found State will be restored to all their rights to merit support or to demand opposition, within the State, and the South hold, along It is, indeed, already to be lamented that with all her citizens, the same position of although General Sherman may not have equality and influence which she held fifty had the authority—and he claimed none for years ago. Tins is the lesson of history, the himself, refeWing all to the Executive—his laW of human nature ; and no narrow, sup plan of Pacification and Re-union was not pressing spirit of revenge or of bigotry and promptly confirmed by the President. It sectionalism, in the fonn of test oaths and was concise, comprehensive, complete; teasing, restraining, denying regulations proving hint not less wise and great in the without number, can stay the inevitable re science of statesmanship, than grand and suit—no, not even though it should sue triumphant in the arts of war. And it would ceed now in controlling the civil and mili have made peace, immediate and sincere terry power of the Federal rlovernment, "peace from the Potomac to the Ilio Grande." and, This was his proud congratulatory boast to p " 1 1.) .y rees su e c l i i f n an a t li n g e e authority,.l) r r i ig st,efore hih Heaven, his army at the end of the great struggle, As make the angels weep." and not of any victory in the field. Defeat- But to return: as to the time and wan ing the armed military hosts of the Confed- ner, as well as the results of abolishlng eracy, his aim, at the close, was to conquer slavery, and gravest of all, what. shall be the hearts of its people also, and to be ex- done with the. negro, thepower and responsi alted thus as the Hero of Peace—the only bility are alike with the Administration ; true heroism in civil war. and again it will be for the Democratic Upon the great question of RECONSTRUC- party, guided by the 'light of its ancient Trox, as the Democratic party is without principles and looking only to the public power, so it is Without responsibility. It -- rej can but accept or reject whatevermeasures T , e good, simply to accept or question of the political and social n may be proposed. If the policy which the President may recommend shall appear, status of the negro, is essentially and totally distinct from the issue of African servitude; upon a calm and deliberate scrutiny best adapted in general to secure a speedy, corn- and any man may have been or be yet plots, cordial and lasting pacification upon radically anti-slavery, without being a friend to' negro siaffrage and equality. the basis of the Federal Union of the States, Party spirit or pressure, indeed, has driven it, will, in my judgment, be fit and just that many into support of the doctrine, contrary the Democracy, waiving all minor points of to both impulse and conviction; but now detail, lend to him a liberal, earnest and ,the issue is changed. Outside of slavery, patriotic support in carrying it into execu- ':, the negro, where admitted to reside in a flan. If, upon the other hand, it be such as State, eught to be the equal of every other can but make that solitude which conquer- man in all legal rights and remedies, just 8.91 S peso firs call peace; or, worse if possible, that the female or the minor. But political rights ace which hangs like a black and heavy and social usage are questions which each pall, over Hungary, Ireland, Poland, then State and community or individual Must it will be the duty of the Democratic party, be permitted alone to decide. And four with determined firmness and fearlessness, millions Of Afrimns are not to become the to interpose such constitutional and legal wards and pupils of the whole American opposition, through the press and in public vast assembly, as may be just and efficient, till people, nor the Federal Government a ; either the President shall be impelled to eleemosynary institution made up Of guardians and trustees and professors and change both his Cabinet and the measures m to which they may have advised him, or school asters for the negro population. p the people, peaceably through the ballot, Whateverarty now, with the pressure of anti-slavery and war removed, undertakes shall be enabled to secure pacification and the task, will fall before the popular re- Union by a change of Administration and action. Not the people only, but a large of policies. I say a change, in part or in majority of the army and of its bravest:anti whole, of the Cabinet, in advance of the ablest. officers, and foremost among them election; because, remembering the pecu- . the gentleman whom I have already named liar circumstances under which the office a''th honor,are determined in their hostility fell to the President, his advisers, " the to the whole doctrine of negro suffrage and Ministry," are rather to be held responsi- equality, and to its natural and necessary ble than himself. ' ' ' As to the hitherto vexed question of Slavery, allow me to say for myself, that from the very first to the last, with consis tency and persistence, I opposed all agita tion of the subject; not for the sake of the institution—l repeat it, not for the sake of the institution, but because I had been taught by the Fathers to believe, and did truly - believe, that it could end only in civil war and disunion, temporary or eter nal—whether right or wrong, let the his tory of the last, four years decide. The price has now been weighed out and in part paid. A heavy score yet remains. But I will not essay to reckon up and adjust the appalling accounts of debt and taxation, of suffering, crime and' . blood in the past or vet to come. • Again I accept the. facts, re joiced, indeed, if under the new order of things,we anci our children may, enjoy'the same measure of private happiness and 'public :prosperity which was. ermitted , to us and to our fathom under the Old Union; "part Slave anti part tree." And mow,. if withotit slavery, "re-union and a pacification real;':elifetirii and" lasting, together with welfare . and seciiritY to the people of all, the atAY 2lB, ,e4n - /* (I Q 6110 7:1 4t A lti 'l er Y,# tter Y' PftenaL at in no, ,eventi . stand any, longer In theiviesp; . I .ettlk prefer 'the Union; the , Fedezal Eaton; the' icof but unclean corollary, miscegenation. And it is not a question of religion or philan thropy, as slavery was assumed to be; but of pure politics., Women, minors and aliens are alike excluded hom political rights upon grounds of public policy ; and yet all are of the human family—nay ,of our own race, and more yet, are, many of them, our owi mothers and sisters and wives and bloaters. Afar higher and more impelling public policy, enforced by the example of Mexico and other republics and countries of mixed races not of one common stook, and, fifty fold more 'essential now if four millions of African slaves are to be set: free at once among us, forbids political eqi4tlity to the negro, where we , deny it to our 'own flesh and blood and 'to those of our :own hongeliolds: Said Mr. '..teffelson forty-four years, ago, and aNir the Missouri Question "Nothing is More certainly written in the book of fate, than that these Male (negro slaves) are to be free; nor hiltless certain that lh'e.twolliees, equally free,' cannot live in the same government. Nature, habit, opinion have drawri indelible lines of 'distinction be: tween them." And he advised gradu'al emanCipntion and deportation. Herein lies both the air: ticiillY and the danger of &siting now With' slavery.in the Solith.. • ' l ' • Tip9it'thkqueStioti tirthe• political' rights df the' iiegto,:ii43' 'l6s-bild: the kauW itad , reprtiabil of'tle iililherolii9ta of Etitope. ,Wherrtheyabanhav eintrOdtteeittififvereal removed thaQdierbilities ittipoSeld'UPOri of their OVri'sub jectsim:td:nhalished entitles of nobility and other distinctions, 9 f mtik,, timeenough . for them to again interpose in the domestic effairS of the Atearicannepnblic. On this question, too, the Democratic party has a record which it cannot reject. It has proclaimed that though- all men, of whatever race, may be equal before the municipal law, yet that the governments here were made by white men to be con trolled by the white race. Brit be this as it may, the entire question, whether slavery re main or be abolished, belongs solely to e people of each State to decide for them selves—else the whole theory of our system of governments has been surrendered, and the system itself is perished. Another subject remains upon which the Democratic party can yield not one jot or tittle. By every principle of its being, by its very name, by its whole record, it is in exorably committed to hostility to all vio lation of freedom of speech and of the press ; to arbitrary arrests and military commis sions for the trial upon any charge, of citi zens in States and places where the judicial tribunals WITH TRIAL ItY JURY, are unob structed; to armed or corrupt interference with elections ; and to the whole host of other wrongs done to public liberty and private right. There can never be peace, quiet, or—dearest, most needful to the hu man heart, beyond even physical health to the' system—the sense of security, till all these shall have been removed front ns. But upon this chiefest question of eon at/tut-lonal liberty, the Democratic party no longer stands alone. A large majority of the masses of the Republican party, some among their most influential presses, and many of the ablest and bravest public men of that party, as the votes and the powerful and manly speeches in the Senate and House at the late session attest, are wholly with us. If the President would, by one word, secure the largest public confidence, lot him forthwith restore the habeas corpus and proclaim an end tool] these instruments of tyranny and oppression. As to the "Monroe doctrine," I do not doubt that its speedy enforcement would tend more than any other cementing agency, to unite the people of all sections, Without the vindication of that doctrine, the mission. of Manifest Destiny will have been but half achieved, and the blood and treasure spent in our civil war largely ex pended in vain. Upon the Monroe (1001.111 e, England is estopped to make any issue with us, and must remain at peace. I have said nothing upon questions of Fi nance—debt, taxation, tariffs, a disordered currency and impending bankruptcy.— These are the inevitable penalties of war. But they are mischiefs which have scar,, yet been felt. Sufficient, abundantly NU tli dent unto the day will be the evil thereof. Concerning the Democratic party as an organization, with new policies arising out of the issues of the hour, many of them to endure for a life-time, it is essential, in my judgment, that a new vitality also be in fused into it. In numbers it is more pow erful than at any former period. That it was unsuccessful has been, at times, but the fate of all parties. In the character, ability, eldquence, Integrity malllove-*:if country of its public Inert, and the general intelligence, honesty and patriotism of its massif:, it nilty challenge comparison with any party. html for seven years, and more, it has lacked unity of purpose, and therefore energy of action, During the war especially, with tin , control of but two States out of the twenty three which adhered to the Union; without power, patronage or influence in the Fed eral Administration, and therefore without any special organization or agency author ized or permitted to prescribe a VOllllllOll line of policy and prompt united action upon the new questions daily arising; and with the most vigorous and vehement central authority against it ever known, wielding alike the clamor of patriotism and the cry of religion, acting in politics, upon military principles and through military instrumen talities, and to the whole power of the purse and that purse the entire wealth of the coun try, and the whole power of the sworl anti that sword the.entire fighting population of the country, adding a supervision and constraint over press, speech, person,. rail oad, lightning, highway, steamer . anti telegraph, all the modes of action and of locomotion and every vehicle 'of thought, such alone as the fabled Briareus might be supposed able to exert ; with every appliance of both Church and State, and of social and business organization combined against it, it is rather amazing that the Democratic party did not perish, than wonderful that it should exhibit signs of partial paralysis. To-day, indeed, it lies a powerful but inert mass, yet needing only a new life-blood, a fresh vitality, the " pro metheart tire," to be infused into it. There are those yet among the living who were actors, especially in Jackson's day, and. many, younger than I am, who remember when the party was a cowna in the coun try, exerting all the energy without any part of the terrorism of the late Adminis tration. " t ill, fur an hour of Old Dundee !" Without more of courage, more vigor, more audacity, if you please, in grappling with great questions as in former years, the Democratic party cannot, ought not to sur vive, and lutist give way to some other younger and more vital organization. If it is to remain in its present comatose state, at now the beginning of a new epoch in public affairs, it were Mr better that it should be buried out of sight at once. Cer tainly I do not advise that it shall move without occasion, and waste its superfluous vigor upon the air. " Rightly to be great is, not to stir without great argument;" and it may be months before policies and issues are sufficiently defined to require it to act at till. But the repose of conscious power and the lethargy of threatened dis solution are very different things. I have finished now what I would bay,. said in person, had I accepted your Mrita don to be present with you. I have con lined my address, I repeat, wholly to con jecture and suggestion; and desire it especi ally to be remembered that I have written not as ono having authority, but solely for myself. Within this limit I have written the more freely, because, inasmuch a. 4 with the single exception of the honored Governor of New Jersey, no member of the Demo cratic party is in authority—few even are in office any where, though among these are seine of the most eminent—each has an equal right to speak to and for the millions of freemen. who make up the ranks of that party. I ain persuaded, indeed, that by pursuirig a line of policy wholly different from that which I have suggested ; by rejecting all, middle ground; by oftering persistent, and indiscriminate opposition to the 'Administration; by waiting with cunning and unpatriotic . patience for and seizing upon the changing flood tide of popular passion and re-action on the many and perplexing and Most hazardous questions Which are to be met now and decided by the 'PreSident and his advisers, the DemocrafM ‘ party would, after some years and in the natural course of events, secure, through the forms of the Constitution, control of the- goverMt, , went, with the power and unquestionably '\ the will, set on fire then by "patient search . and vigil long," to take ample and violent revenge for wrongs real and imaginary. Such is the history of all revolutions and all great popular convulsions. But I still seek peace and would ensure it, and know well that meantime and after the event, as for years past, the country would be the victim at last. Patriotism and the public repose alike forbid it. C. L. VALLANDIGUAM . 'DAYTON, Ohio, May 5, 1815. It is reported that Jeff. , DaviF:,ts to be. confined at Fortress Monroe d ontithis trial at Washington. =Camp Morton, at Indianapofirs, is being 'rapidly depopulated, nearly alt the prison ers confined there having eipresseda desire to take the oath of allegiance and return to their former homes. --- The Washington National Intelligencer says that the ram Stonewall was.supplied With coal at Nassau, and , that the,act will lead toa remonstr once by ourGoveOraent... . . It is reported here that a detachment, of 'eavalry is lu pursuit of GOvernbllktfagrath, oeSiAith Carolina, who was histileard from Wien about leaving Spartartabiu*.' It is understdad that President John son ;has .senE the editor' of They Raleigh Standard • Luicl"pialiArJ lirnion• en , of North. • Carolin 4 fatitiVeMnat mmterciride;l 0
Significant historical Pennsylvania newspapers