gattooter inttiliatuar. WEDNESDAY, MAY 17, 1865. "The prilitifyresses' shall be free to every person who tin ertakes to examine the pro ceedings of the legislature, or any branch of government; and no law shall ever be made to restrain the rift thereon The free commu nication of thou t and opinions is one of the invaluable righ of men r_ and every citizen may freely Speak, write and print on any sub ject; being responsible for the abuse of that liberty. In prosecutions for the publication of papers Investigating the official conduct of offi cers, or men in public capacities, or where the matter published is proper for In:Mlle informa tion, the truth thereof maybe given in evi dence." Our New Ally. Our friends throughout the county will be gratified to learn that the Lan caster Express exhibits hopeful signs of conversion to Democracy. The dissatis faction with Republican misrule that led it to withdraw from the political arena immediately after the late Presi dential election, appears to have deep ened into a feeling of intense disgust with its late party associates. It has taken to quoting largely from some of the leading Democratic journals of the country, such as the Lancaster Intelli geneer and the Philadelphia Age ; and to proVe the depth of its new conviction, it has drawn on the files of those papers for the strongest articles they published during an exciting campaign. In this it exhibits the zeal that usually distin guishes the new convert. Awakened to a realizing sense of the jeopardy in which the American people have suf fered their liberties to be put by an ad ministration that buried the Constitu tion out of sight before it had been thirty days in their keeping, the Express, un able to command language of its own sufficiently strong to meet the exigen cies of the occasion, borrows the most pointed articles it can find in the files of its Democratic exchanges. Whilst we are gratified to see these evidences of .the thoroughness of its convictions, we feel bound, as the hum ble instrument of its happy conversion, to tender it our advice. We think it ought to listen to us. We have been at some pains to set it right and point out to it the way to political salvation. The hard knocks we have sometimes been obliged to give it, have been given from as pure and benevolent motives as those which impelled a certain muscular Me thodist preacher to pound the grace of God into a belligerent blacksmith who had been the terror of the circuit. The advice we want to give to our convert is just this : That having al ready published enough of the politi cal literature of the late campaign to show the utter detestation with which it now views the tyrannies practiced by its late political associates, it should pass over dead issues and dead men, and address itself to the present and the future. For all useful purposes, the record it has made is broad and clear enough. When the Constitution and the laws again resume their sway all over the North, and verdicts for damages to the amount of $32,000 begin to be rendered in this region, (as one was lately rendered in Boston,) against malignant Abolitionists for procuring the arrest of men who had committed no offence, the Express will find a strong defence in its issue of Friday last.— It has given ample indemnity for the past. Now let it address itself to the future ; and let it also continue to copy largely from the Intelligences. As long as it follows our lead it will be sure not to go astray. It will always find able and candid articles in our editorial col umns, whilst our selected matter is the best the newspaper market affords. In deed we think it would be a good stroke for the Express to copy our paper entire every day. By so doing, it would immedi ately raise itself to a journalistic height that it can never attain in any other way. Good for Sherman Brave, manly words are good things. They are especially so when coming from lips that never felt the quiver of cowardice ; and still nobler when back ed up by a record of brave deeds. There are insults which should be resented promptly, at once, on the spot, and on the spur of the moment; and there are insults which, cannot and ought not to be forgiven. Mean and cowardly na tures hasten to strike at a falling man. The country had an instance of this lately in the case of General Sherman. The bully Stanton thought he had the grim veteran down where he could safely pound him, and the dirty dog Halleck, as full of venom as cowards usually are, had the hardihood to offer to the vic torious hero the grossest insult that could be put upon a miliary comman der. The other day, however, when Sherman and his war-worn veterans on the march home approached Richmond, Halleck thought to do the agreeable to the men whose feelings he had outraged. It is surprising that the dirty scoundrel should have had such over-weening au dacity. 'We suppose, however, he had seen so much truckling subserviency during the last four years, that he imagined even bold Sherman would fawn • upon the hand that had struck him. For once he was mistaken. He came in contact with a soldier who was_ every inch a gentle man, with all a gentleman's scorn of what was mean and low. The follow ing abstract of the correspondence be tween the two men is the best thing we have seen for many a day. It crushes Halleck and Stanton at one blow, and makes them look most despicably mean. Hurrah for Sherman We copy from a special telegram to the New York Herald of yesterday what is given as only the substance of the correspondence, which we hope soon to be able to publish in:full: GEN. HALLECK TO GEN. .SHERMAN As you will be in Richmond in a few days, allow me to offer you the hospi tality of my house here, where I shall be gratified to receive you and contribute to make your sojourn here agreeable, GENERAL SHERMAN TO GEN, HALLECK. Your proffered hospitality is respect fully declined. I had hoped to pass through Richmond without the painful necessity of meeting you. Your recent advisory dispatch to the War Depart ment is a sufficient explanation. GEN. HALLECK TO GEN. SHEREAN I regret your declining my invitation, and the unfriendly spirit manifested in your note. If you knew the feeling in Washington and at the War Depart ment in reference to your agreement with Johnston you would appreciate the motive of my despatch to which you refer. Permit me to assure you of my kind feeling toward you personally, and my high admiration for your ser vices. GEN. SHERMAN TO OEN. HALLECK I think I understand both the circum stances and the men sufficiently well to appreciate the motives of your despatch. Both you and Mr. Stanton sent me warning to beware of assassins. I did not then know that the authors of the warning were themselves the assassins I had to fear. John Cessna 'The Abolitionists of Bedford county 'have ehosen the fidgety little renegade, John Cessna, to represent them in the next Abolltion State Convention. Of course he will be after cutting a figure in his new posietion, among his new po litical associates. He has no modesty, and will be .sure 'top pount the back of some bench and roar ,14,1P3e1f hoarse. He will be on the record at least a dozen times. We can imagine •the peculiar ly soothing effect his cracked and "screechy" 'voice will have on the,ears of the Convention. Such members as are wise will take a roll. f aotloli large enough to atop both ears. The Democratic Party.l The life and strength of the old Dem ocratic party was its national spirit.— From its earliest history this never fail ed to assert itself clearly, ferventlyove may say, indeed, fiercely , on every ques tion involving thepreservation, or the enlargement, or the - honoi and glory of the country. Id our great controver sies with England, with France, v4th Mexico, it was peculiarly thewar party. In every minor dispute with other na tions, it was always the party most apt to plant itself on high pretensions and extreme claims. In our domestic affairs, it was the party that always labored most earnestly to put down sectional dis cord, and to strengthen the bonds of the Union. The above extract is from a late num ber of the New York Times, as bitter a partisan Abolition newspaper as there is one in the country. Let every man who fondly hopes for the extinguish ment of the great Democratic party read it; let every one who predicts its death ponder it well. It is a clear recognition of the wisdom and the patriotism of the past course of the Democratic party, and, by plain implication, a condemnation of those who,likethe New York Times, have stood opposed to it. It is much for any great political party to be able to present a record of past history so pure and fair that not even its bitterest opponents can successfully attack . it. Such is the record of the Democratic party in the past. It is historic now, written where it can never be kfaced, indelibly impressed upon the minds of this nation through many years of a rule that was always happy, peaceful and prosperous. The past four years have burned this truth in upon the minds of the people as if in letters of fire. Under the administration of the Dem ocratic party the country was so wisely ruled, that we could say we were the best governed people on the earth, because least governed. No good citizen felt the power of the Government forced upon him, and its burthens pressed so lightly as not to be noticed. The Democratic party cherished the in dustry of the people, developed all the resources of our vast material wealth, added State to State, extended the influence and the power of the Gov ment without making it in the least oppressive, and led the United States along peaceful ways to a height of power and prosperity which no other nation in the world could boast. While doing this it defended every right of the individual citizen, no matter by whom the assault was made. Every man was secure in every right that could attach to person and property. To defend these rights, all and each of them, it considered to be its bounden duty. While it was in power they were all secure, even to the humblest citizen. Since the war, which fanaticism brought upon the country begun, the Democratic party has been almost the sole champion of individual rights. While with one hand it gave, without stint, to the Federal Government its men and its means to suppress the rebellion, with the other it held in check, so far as it was able, every at tempt to destroy the liberties of the people, or to impair the rights of the individual citizen. Amid the fierce storm which raged it stood firm, de termined not to yield the sacred rights of the citizen to the grasp of arbitrary power, without pronouncing its protest and doing all it could to check the ad vance of the enemies of liberty. Abused, reviled, threatened—seeing men thrust into prison without form of law, and detained or released as the caprices of those in power dictated—it still protested boldly and fearlessly.— It contented itself for the time being with protests alone. Why? Because it feared to do more than this? Nay, verily. It knew al ways that it had the physical resources at command to put an end to all such acts of despotic power in a most summary manner. Why did it not use them? Does any one need to ask? It was because it chose to suffer shame, and outrage even, for the time being, rather than complicate the diffi culties under which the nation was struggling. In this, as in all else, it was moved by deep-seated devotion to the best interests of the- eople. It waited patiently and hopefully for the return of calmer times, being sure that with the subsidence of passion the people would hear the words of wisdom, and no longer turn a deaf ear to the counsels of Thank God, the mists of passion and delusion are being rapidly scattered, the political sky is clearing,the night of ter ror is passing away, we hope never to return again. The people will now hear words of truth :and soberness, they will listen to them, they will cherish them, they will act upon them. Jealousy of their civil rights will again speedily become the distinguishing characteristic of the American citizen. They will not allow a single one of those rights to be touched by the hand of ar bitrary power. The sooner those in authority recognize the awakening of this spirit the better for them. The day for arbitrary arrests and for substituting military tribunals for courts of justiceis past. The sooner all concerned recog nize this for a fact the better. The film of passion and delusion which has darkened the vision of many good men is dispersing, and the day is not far distant when the wise and just principles of the Democratic party will be in the ascendant and the helm of the ship of State once more in its hands.— Then will the new era of peace and har mony be permanently established, and our country will enter upon a career of prosperity which will blot out the rav ages of four years of war, while it hurries itt merited oblivion the names of all those who were instrumental in bringing it about. Printing Office for Sale We offer the Printing establishment of the " Indiana Democrat" for sale on reasonable terms. It will be sold for less than the cost of the material in the office. The paper enjoys a handsome patronage, being the only Democratic paper in the county. The subscription list, after being cut down this spring, is about 850—most of these good, advance paying subscribers. The advertising patronage is large, as will be seen by au examination of the paper, and the job bing respectable. 'Po an industrious and enterprising practical printer with a small family, this is a rare oppor tunity, for we guarantee the profits of one year to pay for the entire establish ment. Address Jas. B. SANSOII, Indiana, Pa. We would call the special atten tion of any person desiring such a situa tion to the above advertisement. They can rely upon the establishment being all it is represented to be.—Eds. Intelli gencer. /363? - We give up much of our space to day, to the exclusion of other matter prepared for our columns, to the com ments of the press upon the Secret Mil itary Star Chamber now in session at Washington. As our readers will see all the extracts we have made, except a single one, are from leading Republican papers. Let every one read them care fully. It is time the people should awake to the dangers which threaten their dearest liberties and their most sacred rights as freemen. gir We notice in this week's Valley Spirit, one of our editorials, entitled " The Duty of the Hour," credited to .the ,Juniata Register. As we •send the , o,u,r 4apy in exchange, we think that sort 9(41141 ii,p):ler unpardonable in it. 'Conflseatlon. The rebellion is over. Within ninety days the last remnant of the armed forces that for , four years stood up against all the power of the General Govermnent'will have ceased to exist. The`Worleof our brave soldiery will be done . - What remains to becomplish ,44 must be effected by wise and judi cious statesmanship.: To cry for ven geance upon a vanquished foe shows the vindictive spirit of a barbarian and a coward ; to allow any consideration to move us for a moment, other than the widest and most comprehensive desire to secure the greatest possible public good, is to show ourselves weak, nar row-minded and unpatriotic. We can not afford to treat the people of the South in a harsh or even in au ungener ous manner, if we expect to live with them peaceably in the future under a republican form of government. The more clearly this plain truth is realized by our rulers, and the more speedily and fully it is acted upon, the better it will be for the whole country. The attempted execution (for practi cal execution is impossible) of the con fiscation act passed by the Thirty- Seventh Congress, must necessarily in volve the country in great difficulties. It can bring in its train nothing but disaster. It is impossible that any con siderable portion of the Southern lands should be sold to actual settlers. They would pass, for a mere trifling part of their value, into the hands of rapacious speculators. Tliere could be no buyers in the South ; for, by the execution of the confiscation law, the whole South would be immediately reduced to beg gary. It would at once convert the people of the South into a vast horde of turbulent beggars; it would fill it with desperate outlaws and banditti, who, having nothing to lose, would have nothing to restrain them from deeds of violence. Such a method of proceedure, it seems to us, would be the maddest possible folly. But, such a general and sweeping confiscation of property would not only be injudicious, calculated to impair materially our na tional resources at a time when we need to cherish and foster them all most carefully, and to 'prevent the return of an era of good feeling and hearty friend ship for the government among the people of the South ; but it would be contrary to the spirit of the times in which we live, in opposition to the opinions of the best writers on the law of our own country and of England, and in direct and most flagrant viola tion of the Constitution of the United States. Sir William Blackstone, in his com mentaries upon the Laws of England, thus emphatically condemns the whole theory and practice of confiscation. "And therefore, as every other op pressive mark of fu dal tenure is now worn away in these Kingdoms, it is to be hoped that this corruption of blood, with all its attendant consequences, not only of present escheat, but of future incapacity of inheritance even to the twentieth generation, may in process of time be abolished by act of parliament." This was done by statute of 7 Anne, Chapter 22, which abolished, after the Pretender's death forfeiture for treason beyond the life of the offender. Dr. Paley has strongly shown his dis approbation of laws of this kind. We quote from him a single pregnant pas sage: "The fundamental rule of civil juris- prudence is violated in the case of acts of attainder or confiscation, in bills of pains and penalties, and in all ex post facto laws whatever, in which the legis lative branch of any government exer cises the double office of legislature and judge. And whoever either understands the value of the rule itself, or collects the history of those instances in which it has been invaded, will be induced, I believe, to acknowledge that it had been wiser and safer never to have de parted from it. He will confess, at least, that nothing but the most manifest and immediate peril of the Commonwealth will justify a repetition of these dan gerous examples." The framers of the Constitution of the United States, careful to throw re straints around the powers of the Gov ernment, and to provide against possi ble abuses, gave this subject theiratten tion. In that part of the Constitution defining the limitations set to the powers of Congress, the following declaration is to be found: "No bill of attainder or cx post facto law shall be passed." Commenting upon the above clause of the Constitution, the great and learn ed Chief Justice Story says : " Bills of attainder, as they are tech nically called, are such special acts of the legislature. as inflict capital punish ment upon per ,, ms supposed to beguilty of high offences, such as treason and felony, without any conviction in the ordinary course of Judicial investiga tion. If an act inflictsa milder punish ment than death, it is called a bill of pains and penalties. But in the sense of the Constitution it seems, that the words " bill of attainder" include bills of pains and penalties ; for the Supreme Court have said: "A bill of attainder may affect the life of an individual, or may Confiscate his property or both." " The injustice and the iniquity of such acts in general, constitute an ir resistible argument against the exist ence of the power. In a free govern ment it would be intolerable; and in the hands of a reigning faction, it might be, and probably would be abused to the ruin and death of the most virtuous citizens. Bills of this kind have been mostly passed in England in times of rebellion, or of gross subserviency to the crown, or of violent political excite ment; periods, in which all nations are most liable, (as well the free as the en slaved) to forget their duties and to trample upon the rights and liberties of others." Professor Lieber, in his work entitled " Civil Liberty," has the following re marks upon the subject: "The true protection of individual property demands the exclusion of con fiscation. For, although, confiscation as a punishment is to be rejected, on ac count of the undefined character of the punishment, depending notupon itself, but upon the fact whether the punished person has any property, and how much it islikewise inadmissible on the ground that individual property implies' indi vidual transmission, which confiscation totally destroys. It would, perhaps, not be wholly unjust to deprive an in dividual of his property as a punish men for certain crimes, if we were to allow it to pass to his heirs. We do it, in fact, when we imprison a man for life, and submit him to the regular pris on discipline, disallowing him any benefit of the property he may possess ; but it is unjust to deprive his children or other heirs of the individual prop erty, not to speak of the appetizing effect which confiscation of property has always produced upon Govern ments. The English attainder and corruption of blood, so far as it effects property, is hostile to this great principle of the ut most protection of individual property, and has come down to the present times from a period when the King was con sidered the primary owner of all land. Corruption of blood is distinctly abolish ed by our Constitution." When the framers of the Constitution came to define treason, to provide as to the manner in which those guilty of so high an offence should be tried, and to lay down the measure of punishment, they incorporated the following clause into the instrument: " No person shall be convicted of treason except upon testimony of two witnesses to the same overt act, or upon open confession in open court." Congress shall have power to declare the punishment of treason, but no at tainder of treason shall work corruption of blood or forfeiture, except during the life of the person attainted," Such is the fundamental law of this land, and such are the opinions of some of the wisest men who have ever writ ten upon the subject of confiscation. Congress has not the . "poiv er to pass a sweeping confiscation loin, and /IQ titles acquired under , >such an act would be valid for a period longer than during the lives of the original offenders. Would it not be infinitely wiser and vastly more ju-. dicious foryresident Johnscin to avail himself of the power conferred . upon him by the so-called confiscation act, passed by a Congress, which was not disposed to observe the constitutional restraints upon its powers. That' act says: SEC. 13. And be it further enacted, That the President is hereby authorized, at any time hereafter, by proclamation, to extend to persons who may hay.e participated in the existing rebellion in any State or part thereof, pardon and amnesty, with such exceptions, and at such time, and on such conditions, as he may deem expedient for the public welfare. Let him offer a free and generous pardon to all who will pledge themselves to yield a proper obedience to the laws of the United States, to bear true alle giance to the government. By so do ing he will make it the interest of every holder of property in the South to pre serve order. He will also take the surest road toward decreasing the expenses of the government, and lessening the burthens upon the people, by speedily making the South as productive as it can become under the disturbed rela tions between capital and labor which now exist there. Every motive of states manship and wise policy would urge such a course upon him. We cannot believe he will trifle with all thebest in terests of the country, for the sake of gratifying the vengeful feeling of a few fanatics, in which the mass of the peo ple of the North do not share. Let him be wise and bold ; wise in shaping his course and bold in adhering to it, and the people will sustain him. The Military Commission no Longer Something is accomplished for the national honor and law. The trials by military commission of the alleged ac complices in the assassination of Presi dent Lincoln is no longer to be a secret trial. A part of the wrong which the administration was doing to. itself is thus removed—not all, but a part. The justice of the general protest which has reached the ears of the government from almost the entire press of the country, has doubtless caused it to be intimated to the court that it must no longer sit with closed doors. On Saturday, there fore, the reporters of the press were ad mitted, and we lay before our readers this morning a verbatim account of the court's proceedings on Saturday. Some thing is thus accomplished for justice and law ; not all, but something. The greater wrong remains. The civil courts are still to be superseded. The trials of the alleged conspirators will doubtless proceed before this mili tary commission, whose temper, whose calibre, and whose subserviency the proceedings of one day so completely publish. But even upon such a com mission, so constituted, the withdrawal of the seal of secrecy will. have some effect. The daylight of publicity is some little protection to the innocent unjustly accused, if any such there be; even a Hunter and a Harris may be lifted above the natural level of their characters by the consciousness that the whole American people are now in silent session about the old Penitentiary, watchfully gazing through the ironed windows of that dark upper room, sternly determined that they who plot ted the horrid murder of their Chief Magistrate and protected the flight of his assassin shall not escape the aveng ing arm, but earnestly anxious that it shall be clear to themselves and to all the world, now also spectators of this historic trial, that the blow to fall shall be not more remorseless than just. And so the battle is not won. Some thing is gained. Publicity for secrecy. But the military trial goes on, and the civil courts of the country which you, oh American people, suffered to be closed in time of war by the hand of lawelss power, you cannot °per now by asking, nor by denunciations general and deep. These devils go not out but by much prayer and fasting. You would not pay the fixed and well-known price of a liberty regulated by law, namely : Your own obedience and eternal vigilance over your rulers. And now that law, as old as Fate, which President Lincoln seemed to himself to have a vision and to make a solemn re cognition of, in his last inaugural, when he said of black slavery, that the war might continue till every drop of blood drawn by the lash should be paid with another drawn by the sword, it will need no enthusiast's vision to see work ing in the recovery of what the nation has lost of respect for law and of the safeguards of civil freedom during the last for years. Obedience, eternal vigi lance—these are their price. We refused to pay it, and now would recover what they might have held secure. Surely as fate, the whole price will be exacted, with all its dread arrear of interest, to the last uttermost farthing.— ll'or/d. Total Amount of National :Currency In Circulation by States. The following is the tabular state ment for May 1, issued by the Hon. Freeman Clark, the able Controller of the Currency, showing the circulation of the National currency by the banks in the several States: States. Banks. Total circulation. Maine 42 f 53,091,060 New Hampshire... 25 1,407,0(5) Vermont 17 1,865,700 Massachusetts 170 31,513,71 Rhode Island 21 1,317,050 Connecticut 48 0,848,500 Ness , York 172 19,461,750 New Jersey 25 2,736,720 Pennsylvania 182 25,100,590 Maryland 7 1,427,500 Delaware 3 287,500 District of Colb'a... (1 748,400 Virginia 2 181,500 West Virginia 4 203,000 Ohio 125 10,545,570 Indiana 00 5,048,430 Illinois 04 5,285,260 Michigan 22 1,501,000 Wisconsin -, 1,017,000 lowa 41, '2 1,302,4 W Minnesota 8 951,250 Kansas 1 40,000 Missouri 7 825,830 Kentucky S 558,200 Tennessee 4 3)10,640 Louisiana 1 180,000 NebraskaTerritly. 1 27,000 Mississippi 1 Colorado Territ'y.. 1 Total 1,092 Opened S. wound up Total in active operation 1,089 One hundred and twenty-eight banks have been established during the month, and $12,772,930 of currency issued. The Pennsylvania banks have greatly over issued, and the controlleris taking them in hand. It is said that some of them will be required to diminish their circulation immediately, or they will be closed up. Ilkir The profits of cotton-growing have become so enormous, that it is said the whole valley of the Nile has been converted into one vast cotton plantation. In place of producing tatadstufFs for the inhabitants, with a vast surplus for exportation, the inhabi tants are now supported with grain from Asia. The rebellion in America has thus revolutionized the industrial pursuits of the East. While the cotton fields of the West have been converted into corn-fields, the rice and wheat fields of the Orient have become as fer tile in the great Southern staple as the sea-islands of South Carolina. With the suppression of the rebellion, there will be a return to the cultivation of cot ton, and the cheapness and abundance of its production will probably arrest the cultivation of it in,Eg,ypt. Another Speech from the President In another column we publish a speech delivered by President Johnson to a deputation of negroes whq waited upon him. The speech is sensible, and does not go to such extremes as the fanatical Abolitionists might desire. It will be the more popular with the white masses on that account. They are sick and tired of the constant. Adulation of the negro which has prevailed so long. THS •MILITARY STAR CHAMBER AT WASHINGTON. Eveiy Decent Newspaper in the Country Denouncing it as Infamous. Tice Most Sacred Rights of the People assailed: [From the Philadelphia Ledger.] The Philadelphia Ledger, a warm supporter of the Administration, thus speaks in regard to this outrage : The attempts of Mr. Stanton to set aside the courts of law for the trial of offences and to substitute secret military tribunals are not receiving that quiet deference that he possibly hoped for -from the public. The most strenuous supporters of the Republican party are loud in their condemnation of this as arbitary and unwarrantable by any law or precedent in the history of the Government. The people know what courts and juries are and submit to their decisions with respect, because they see all the machinery and processes by which a decision is reached, and know that condemnation comes only from the preponderance of testimony uponajury's , mind. Military tribunals they know nothing about, nor are they permitted to know, for everything is done in secret and only their judgments are an nounced. This outrages every man's sense of justice, and creates a suspicion against the fairness of the proceedings, which weakens the reverence which ought to be popularly felt for tribunals that have the power of deciding upon the life and liberty of the citizens. The war which this country has so successfully waged was a war for freedom and the rights of humanity. The people do not wish to see it end with their liberties in danger. Nothing more endangers them than this subversion of jury trials and the substi tution of secret military courts sitting in judgment upon the lives and personal freedom of the citizens. If there is any thing-the people regard as sacred, and the best security for their rights, it is the institutions of justice—an open trial and by a jury of their countrymen. Closed doors and secret investigations, with life and liberty at stake, look too much like the days of the inquisition ever to be tolerated as a part of the ad ministration of justice in a free land. Mr. Stanton greatly mistakes the temper of the American people when he under takes this dangerous innovation upon the established institutions which every man has learned to respect, and which he himself is bound to recognize and defer to by his oath oroffice. There is no functionary in this country above the laws, and the strength of power in the heads of the government, is in ad hering to them and administering them in their integrity and as the people have created them. The New York Evening Post, one of the strongest Republican journals of the country, has the following scathing comments : THE TRIAL AT WASHINGTON. The Government is making a pro digious and fearful mistake in the mode of trial it has adopted for the conspira tors in the late assassination. It makes a double blunder, in fact, first in resort ing to a military tribunal, and secondly, in causing the proceedings to be held in secret. What law is there for these military courts, now that the war has ceased, now that the President himself has declared in a formal proclamation that the "armed resistance in certain States is virtually at an end," now that the plea of nececessity is wholly voided? The civil law is everywhere in the as cendant, and the ordinary courts are competent to any criminal inquest and decision. They possess the confidence of the people, because their methods of arriving at justice, matured by the ex perience of centuries, are regular, effec tive, well understood. But these mili tary commissions are new things, as foreign to our habits as they are un known to our laws, and whatever is done by them takes that color of force, or of Government dictation, which renders them suspect in the popular mind. Judge and jury we know ; but Major Generals and Judge Advocates, not with swords in their hands, but with pens behind their ears, we do not know. The offences, moreover, for which these conspirators are to be tried are not all military offences. The killing of the President, who is also Commander-in- Chief of the army and navy, may be construed into a military offence, but the attempt upon the life of the Secre tary of State, an exclusively civil officer, was not of that character. As a crime it comes wholly under the cognizance of the civil law, and the perpetrators of it, criminal and atrocious as they may be, are yet sheltered by that provision of the Constitution which declares that "no person shall be held to answer for a capital or otherwise infamous crime, unless on a presentment or indictment of a grand jury, except in cases arising in the land or naval forces, or in the militia, when in actual service, in time of war or public danger." This is a positive, unrepealed, invaluable muni ment of the liberty of the individual, and no administration has a right to set it aside without answering for it to the people. President Johnson has just as much right to proclaim himself em peror to-morrow as Secretary Stanton has to enact these strange forms of pro cedure. What renders this resort to an unusual tribunal the more offensive is, that the doors are to be closed during the trial. A military court is sufficiently objec- Aionable, but a military court, sitting with closed doors, is infinitely more so ; it is a shameful departure from our legal usages, and a disgrace to a nation that boasts of its liberal, free, and open in stitutions. The pretext that it will not be prudent to publish the evidence about to be given, because of the fears of the witnesses that they may expose themselves to the malice of the un known accomplices of the criminals, seems to us a feeble one. It is a pretext that would defeat all public trials in cases involving a great deal of personal or political passion. No community should give way to it. Is not our gov ernment strongenough, and oursociety orderly and well-disposed enough, to protect any man who does his duty? Every loyal house in the nation would furnish him a shelter, every loyal heart be ready to defend his person. Besides, let a proper example be made of the as sassins we have caught already; let them be hung speedily, after a fair trial and those we have not caught will dis perse. Not one of them is likely to be in a position or mood to pursue his crim inal ends, after the Confederacy that hired him has been exploded, and the leading scoundrels that conspired with him have had their necks stretched. \Ve want a public trial, because it is due to the people at home, to the people of the South, and to the people of for eign nations, that their judgments be satisfied of the entire fairness and jus tice of the precedure. If the fate of Payne, Atzeroth and other wretches de pended on it only, it would be a matter of some importance, but not of so much importance as it is in other relations.— Our Government, on the strength of evidence drawn from the confessions of these offenders, and from the witnesses to be used in this trial, has proclaimed to the world the complicity of Jefferson Davis, Thompson, Clay, Tucker, San ders and Cleary, in the awful murder of Mr. Lincoln. It is a charge that must be fully sustained, not to recoil unpleas antly or injuriously upon the heads of its authors. The proof of it must be ample, direct, unequivocal, of a kind to convince the general mind, to justify the issuing of such a proclamation. If it be deficient, doubtful, indirect, or li able to suspicion of having been procured and manipulated for effect, we shall have put weapons into the hands of the friends of those distinguished rebels, to be wielded in aid of their cause and in sympathy for their persons. For our selves we have little doubt that the proof is complete and satisfactory, but it must be given to the public also in the most complete and satisfactory way. What an inconsistency it is that we, who boast of the free and popular char acter of our institutions, should revive these secret courts, these military con claves, these mysterious Vehm-Geriehte, at a time when they have been discard ed even by the monarchies and despo tisms of Europe ! When Henry -the Fourth of France was assassinated by Ravaillac, though it was supposed that the whole Jesuit, society stood behind the criminal, he was yet publicly tried in the regular courts. Balthaser Gerard, who murdered the good William the Silent, was tried in that way, and of the numerous Italians who at different times have attempted the life of Louis Phillippe or Napoleon 111, we cannot remember thdt a single one was ever handed over to military justice. Shall we, at this late r day, renew a bad exam ple so happily abandoned? How dan gerous it is as : .recedent we need not say, fqr, tho t+ of it is .so obvious as suggest Ito i• every mind. If we may try Haro d, Payne, and their eon $123,690,080 federates by military courts, hOw long will it be before we shall undertake to try other less atrocious offenders in the same irregular way? How long will it be before the established judicial sys tem is set aside for new-fangled and ir responsible methods ! Let the people th nk of this, and let them, through the journals, protest against the abuse. The New York Times, is especially severe. It says : We think itwould have been infinite ly better to have postponed the trial till all publicity could do no harm, even if that period were likely to be six months distant, than introduce into this country so novel a tribunal, and one so repug nant to the spirit of our institutions, as that which is now sitting at Washing ton. It is one for which no precedent is to be found in the history of any free country, and one to which the worst European despotisms have rarely ven tured, even iu Poland or Hungary, to resort. Even the unhappy victims of the Irish rebellion were prepared for the gallows in open court, and in the light of day. Moreover, there are strong doubts en tertained by ill-affected persons at the North as to the existence of any good foundation for the charges made against Davis in the late proclamation Abroad, all the enemies of the Government will certainly receive them with incredulity and derision ; and there is no question that, under all the circumstances, it would be difficult to imagine a position more humiliating and embarrassing than that in which the Government will stand, if it should appear thatthose charges were lightly or frivolously made. Nothing will prevent, however, the spread of such a presumption ex cept the production in open court of the evidence on which they were based, and its submission to the scrutiny of the prisoners' counsel and of the public at large," Those who flatter themselves , that public opinion, either at home or ' abroad,cwill be much influenced by a version of it which has been edited and expurgated by the Judge Advocate, must be very simple people indeed. No body will permit himself, whatever his leanings may be, to attach any value to revelations made under conditions in which every rule of evidence is set at naught, and even the experience of every-day life treated with contempt. What makes the matter all the worse is, that on the very day on which this tribunal begins its proceedings, the state of things which could alone justify it, had been formally declared at an end by a proclamation, under the President's own hand and seal. Foreign Powers were warned that the war was over at the very moment that a tribunal was assembling, for whose constitution and procedure nothing but overwhelmning and imminent danger to the national existence would be sufficient warrant. Will they really believe that peace has been restored when a most atrocious crime has to be tried and punished by a military court sitting in secret in the national capitol, and in a country in which all secret things, and above all, secret trials, have always been held in abhorrence? Prein the N. T. Tribune.] There is a curious old document in existence, known as the Constitution of the United States, which formerly had the force and effect of law in that large portion of our country not speci ally dominated by the Slave Power. Under the rule of our present Cabinet, it seems to have gone out of fashion ; and, since Mr. Stanton's accession to the control of the War Department, it has becotne pn!••tically obsolete. Loyal citizens did 1101 much mind this while Civil War convulsed the country, threatening the permanent overthrow of our Liberty and Nationality; but, now that the war is practically ended, it seems high dine that the old parch ment were exhumed and treated with some show of respect. There being, ap parently, no copy extant in the Federal City, we quote from one in our posses sion, for the instruction and admoni tion of our magnates, certain Amend ments ±proposed by the States when ratifying the instrument, which, being duly approved and adopted, became an integral part of our fundamental Taw— as follows : ART. V. No person shall be held to an swer for a capital or otherwise infamous crime, unless on a pivsent went or indictment of a (Iran,' Jury, eve (l )t in cases arising in the land or naval forces, or in the militia when in 'a:luta service in time of war or public danger; nor shall any person he subject for the same offense to he twice put in jeopardy of life or limb; nor shall he be compelled in any criminal case to be a wit ness against himself, nor be deprived of life, liberty or property, without due process of lave; nor shall private property he taken for public use without just compensation. Atm Vi. In all criminal prosecutions, the accused shall enjoy the right to a speedy and public trial, by an impartial Jurg of the State and district wherein the crime shall have been previously ascertained by law; to be confronted with the witness against him; to have compulsory process for ob taining witnesses in his favor, and to have the assistance of counsel for his defense. ART, VII. In suits at common law, where in the value in controversy shall exceed twenty dollars, the right of trial by Jury shall be preserved; and no fact tried by a Jury shall be otherwise re-examined in any court of the United States than according to the rules of the common law. Atm VIII. Excessive bail shall not be required. nor excessive tines unposed, nor cruel and unusual punishment indicted. We have made our citations full, not merely in deference to the apparent in accessibility of the document at -Wash ington, but because we wished every reader to see that the passages we have placed in Italics are not garbled nor picked, but that they are of the essence and vitality of the Constitution itself.— Being so, how can we justify, or excuse, or even keep silence with regard to, the military trials just initiated at Wash ington? A miscreant, acting in concert with other assassins, has attempted the life of the Secretary of State, and, though his purpose was defeated, he neverthe less severely wounded Gov. Seward, his oldesbson, and two or three others who nobly resisted him. Of course, this villain, and his confederates should be sternly dealt with, but why not accord ing to law ? What reason, what excuse, can be urged, to justify the sending of this case before a Court-Martial and having it tried in secret? How can such a trial be reconciled with t he plain provisions of the Constitution above quoted ? As to a Military trial of those who con spired with Booth to assassinate the President, and aided to achieve that fell purpose, the outrage is not quite so flagrant ; but such trial is at best a blunder, while enshroudingitin secresy is utterly indefensible. To try a doctor for his life, because he set a stranger's broken bone and gave, or sold, or lent him a pair of crutches, may just do ; but to try him in secret allowing no re port of the testimony but such as the prosecution sees fit to make, is nothing less than abominable. Two months ago, it would have been endured for the country's sake ; now, there is no reason that itshould he. We warn all who take any voluntary part in these strange proceedings that the Rebellion is suppressed, the War at an end, and the right to suspend the privilege of habeas corpus and make the will of a Secretary of War the supreme law of the land, has expired. If our present Secretary cannot be made to realize these grave truths it is high time he had a successor ; and if our Attorney General believes the assailant of Secre tary Seward now "legally triable before a Military Commission," he badly needs his own time for the completion of his legal studies, while the Government needs a different law officer. There may be politer ways of setting forth these convictions, but none of these would do them justice. Gentlemen of the Cabinet ! the War eastward of the Mississippi is ended ; the Rebellion is suppressed ; the Union is re-established, and Peace virtually restored : wherefore the People demand of you a speedy and thorough return to the safe and orderly ways of Law and Liberty. Do not compel them to speak in tones that you cannot refuse to hear ! The N. 'Y. World, the only Demo cratic paper from which we quote, has the following trenchant article: The odious machinery of tyranny which brought the head of Charles I. to the block, consisted of two principal parts, viz; the Star Chamber, which was a secret tribunal for the trial of offenses, and Martial Law, which (lid away with the safeguards of ordinary criminal proceedings. Some persons were condemned by the Star Chamber; some, by Martial Law; but to combine the abominable features of both in the trial of the same persons was a refine , ment to which tyranny, in those days of its apprenticeship, was not equal. It was reserved for the genius of discovery which marks the enlightened Ninteenth Century, and for the rulers of a nation whose chief boast has alWays been their Freedom, to devise this "modern im prevenient" by which the worst tures of these separate engines of op pression are combined into one. There is in full operation at Washington a Star Chamber to try by Martial Law, in time of peace, the accomplices in a murder—a murder committed, not in a camp, but in a place of public amuse ment thronged by well-gloved gentle men in the evening dress or civilians, and ladles in the gay and gossamer costumes of fashionable French Modistes. By the copious extracts given in other columns, it will be seen that the whole press of this city (with the exception of the cringing, lick-spittle Herald)—that every press in this city which has any pretensions to manliness, comments on this strange proceeding in a spirit of re gret, astonishment, and denunciation. The Republican Tribune, Times, and Evening Post speak of it in the same terms of trenchant and unmitigated re buke as do papers which have not dis played a forward zeal in supporting the administration. It gives us great satisfaction to see our contemporaries, even at this late day, enlisting in defense of open trials by the regular tribunals; for the fact that the administration dares thus outrage, at this time of day, the plainest principles of the Constitution, shows there is need that the whole artillery of the press should be brought to bear upon the de fiant iniquity if we are to have auy suc cess in battering it down. We, of course, assent to and indorse the unanswerable argument urged by our contemporaries, that the imminent danger of the overthrow of the government, w hich was the sole original pretext for such pro ceedings, having ceased, their continu ance is a monstrous and wholly inexcus able abuse of power. We thank God that we had the courage to proclaim this consequence, when these practices were first adopted. The experience of the world has shown that power tends to abuse ; and our sagacious forefathers erected in the Constitution what they supposed to he sure bulwarks against this tendency. But what avail watch towers and fortresses without sentries to stand guard and men to defend them. When the people are simple enough to allow power, under any retest what ever, to march in and k, et possession, it is no easy matter to dislodge it. When it has been allowed, almost without re sistance, to fortify itself by long lines of precedents, we can only smile at the simplicity of those of our contemporar ies who seem disappointed and astonished that it does not surrender at the first summons. In all such cases, the worst part of the evil consists in the establishmentof bad precedents. When the public spirit is once let down by the habit of tame acquiescence, it is diffi cult to bring it up again to the old pitch. There is a sort of rhastity in the spirit of freedom, which turns a deaf ear to importunities, which spurns away from its presence the slightest advances of temptation, which knows no measure of more or less in an affront, which stops not to reason or deliberate before pouring its indignation against the pre ' sumption that dares insult it. When this chastity is once lost, the chief bar rier against ruin is broken down. Not that the Magdalen may not be reform ed ; but even if the hunger-bitten un fortunate originally yielded to a fancied necessity for escaping death, it seems to us a great simplicity which falls into wonderment that the habit does not cease when the fancied necessity is past. For ourselves, we never admitted the disgraceful necessity. We scorned the plea. We never believed that anything could justify the furnishing of these new calumnies against republican gov ernment; the giving of these new ex cuses to the detested despotisms of the old world, crumbling under the force of our previous example. We defy any man to-day, now that the war is past, to show that the success which has fi lially crowned it is in the slightest de gree due to, or has been in the slighted degree hastened by, over-riding the civil tribunals and trampling under foot the Constitution, in dealing with suspected persons. It has been an abominable engine of oppression ; it has brought odium upon the cause of free government throughout the world ; it has caused infinite heart-burnings and disaffection at home; it has nursed and encouraged a pestilent tribe of slanderers and informers ; ithas clothed devilish malice in the garb of public zeal ; it has lowered the tone of liberty and debauched the public mind ; it has enabled usurpation to intrench itself be hind a vast body of precedents ; but no good has it done that anybody can point out. We thank God that we have never, no, not for an hour, had any complicity with this accursed abuse ; that we snuflbd the danger from :the first mo ment that it tainted the air; that, with out taking counsel of a craven prudence, we had the courage to stand alone and denounce it when no other press in the country durst denounce; that we lifted up a voice, which though solitary was not weak, and caused it to be heard far and wide against acts of despotism for which we admitted neither palliation nor excuse. After having fought in this cause through good report and evil report, we are glad to find ourselves reinforced by every press of character and respecta bility in the city. We are encouraged to believe that now, at last, there will come a general awakening of the peo ple; followed, we trust, by a resolute refusal to submit longer to these arbi trary violations of the Constitution. The administration is giving a signal demonstration of what we have always maintained, that its illegal proceedings have resulted from the inherent ten dency of unrestrained power to abuse, and not from any necessity. A reluc tant yielding to necessity would be lim ited by that necessity, and cease with it. The pretense of necessity would be universally voted (except by lick-spittle parasites) to be preposterous now. We regret that President Johnson puts it out of our power to give him that cordial support which his ability, hon esty, and antecedents led us to hope might be consistent with our sense of public duty. We must be permitted to say to him, with a regretful frankness, that he is not fulfilling the promise of his Democratic antecedents, nor of those numerous speeches in which he referred to his antecedents as the index of his future course. We looked to him to re store the ascendency of law. We do nct yet despair; but we grieve. We admit the delicacy of his situation; but we humbly conceive that that does not ex cuse him. True, he profits immensly by the appalling crime that struck down his predecessor, and cannot afford to in cur any suspicion of slackness in bring ing its perpetrators to justice. But if he is worthy of his great station he should have the moral courage to do right. It misbecomes him to he the tool of his subordinates in I:iolating the laws.— Even if he regards this cabinet as tem porary ; as staying by a sort of courtesy while he can select another; even on this supposition we cannot acquit him for his complaisance. The rights in volved are too vital toyield to his notions of delicacy or complaisance. What the excuse is for conducting these trials by a military Commission, we neither know nor can conceive ' • but it is given out that the Star Chamber is adopted to prevent witnesses learning from the newspapers what other wit nesses testify. If the principal is sound, the Scar Chamber should be the uni versal model of courts of justice. It is true that secret trials afford some addi tional facilities for detecting false swear ing ; but this is so small an advantage in comparison with the outrageous evils of the system, that it is justly regarded as odious in all free countries. The argument is, that any method is justifi able thatunlocks the minds of witnesses and gets at the truth. But this argu ment proves too much. It no more justifies the Star Chamber than it justi- lies the thumb-screws and the rack, as the means of extorting evidence and getting at the truth. This general ques tion was well touched on by Macauly in his speech in Parliament, in 044, reprobating the violation of the mails by Sir James Graham as a means of ob taining evidence. We copy a short extract : There could be im doubt there might be an advantage in breaking open letters. No one denied it; but then was it fitting that it should be done? In the same way, did any one doubt that there was an advantage hi having police spies? But then the coun try did not approve of them. The French had an adyantage in having police spies? No one doubted the spy system enabled them to bring to justice many who must otherwise have escaped. It was the same thing as to torture. There could be no doubt that as long as the English law sanctioned the use of torture a great ninny crimes were detected by it. It has, too, its advantages. Yes; for the instant that Guy Fawkes was .flown the rack, out came at once the entire story of the gunpowder plot. Even this tortmc,, as well as the spy system, had these advantages, but then tluscountry had determinen t long ago, that such advantages were perniciong, debasing, and dangerous modes of maintaining its 'institutions. Their ancestors deulared that they would rather take the risk of ea- crimes being committed than owe thea‘security to that system, or those means, which would de stroy the manly spirit of the people on which far more reliance could be Aced than on all the schemes and decrees that could be invented for maintaining their greatness and independence as a nation. And what guarantee have we that torture has not been practiced by the tools and underlings of Stanton? Every other method known to despots has been practiced and improved upon by him ; why should he stick at this ? Torture was never practiced in public ; and we apprehend that anybody who could un fold the secrets of Stanton's prison houses might a tale unfold which would make the hair of humane men stand on end with horror. The mangling and mysterious disposal of the body of Booth discloses a taste like that of the old des pots who quartered and disemboweled criminals after execution ; a kind of treatment which the framers of the Constitution intended to guard against in the declaration that unusual punishments shall not be in flicted. btanton has rifled mails ; he has maintained an army of spies; he has insulted the tribunals of justice ' • he has established a Star Chamber; he has done every other odious and abominable thing known to the history of tyranny; and what assurance have we that he has not also Practiced torture? The ar gument offered for his Star Chamber would equally justify torture as ameaus of extorting evidence ; and who ever suspected Stanton of scrupling to carry out a tyrannical principle ? State Polities antic County.—The Democratic iratehm(insays :._ NV. P. Reynolds, Esq., was cho:-en by the Standing Committee on the inth nit., as a delegate from this county to the State Convention. At the meeting of the Senatorial Conferees, Hon. Jas. McManus, of this place, and Hon. Ezra. Parker, of Juniata county, were chosen as Senatorial delegates. Bradford Counlp.—The Democrats of Bradford county met at the Court House on Monday evening, the 2il inst. On motion, J. DeWitt and H. C. Baird, Esqs. ' were elected delegates to the State Convention to be held at Harris burg, June 21st, 1865, subject to the con currence of Sullivan county. Eric County.—The Democratic County Committee met at the Observer office, Monday the sth inst., and elected Wilson Laird, Esq., and Capt. 1). W. Hutchin son representative delegates to the next State Convention. The Senatorial dele gates was conceded to Crawford county by unanimous consent. E.Camphausen, Esq., was chosen Secretary of the Com mittee. Cumberland County.—T he Democratic County Convention, to elect a delegate to represent Cumberland county in the State Convention at Harrisburg on the •'lst of June next, assembled at the Court House, Carlisle, on Monday the Bth inst., at 11 o'clock, A. M. On motion of Wm. Kennedy, Esq., of the l'aticySentinc/, the Convention pro ceeded to select a delegate to represent the Democracy of this county in the State Convention, when Dr. G. W. Haldeman, of Newville,was u nanimous ly elected. A resolution was passed denouncing in proper terms the assassination of the late President Lincoln; also one hailing with delight the return of peace, and the speedy release of our brave soldiers from the dangers and hardships of mili tary employment, and then return to their homes and families. The Sena torial delegate was conceded to York county. The delegate chosen was instructed to cast his vote for Abraham Lamberton for the office of Surveyor General. Worth Thinking About The New York Journal of Commerce submits the following very pertinent suggestion to the consideration of the War Department: " If the assassins of Mr. Lincoln and their accomplices are to be tried by mili tary commission, as offenders against military law, will it not lead to serious questions on the part of foreign Gov ernments when the extradition of ac complices is demanded. If any accom plice has tied to England he would un questionably be delivered upon demand as a murderer ; but if he were demand ed as a military offender, would it not needlessly complicate the matter. The suggestion may be of no practical im portance, but when the whole press unite with one voice in expressing an opinion on the subject, the argument may have weight." Marshal's Sale of Confiscated Property. Mr. Samuel J. Soper, auctioneer, sold on Thursday last per order of Marshal Bonifant, at the door of the United States Court House, in Baltimore by virtue of a decree of condemnation and confiscation, passed by the United States District Court, all the right, title, interest and estate, at law and equity, of Clement D. Hill in the lands and tenements lying in Prince George's county, Md., for and during the natural life of said Hill. The tract or parcel of land is called "Key's Quarter," is in the Nottingham District of the county, and contains about seven hundred and seventy-three acres. Purchased by Mr. Charles ('. Hill, of Prince George's, for the sum of $2,50u. in Executive Order Executive Order to Re-Establish the Au thority of the United States, and Exe cute the Laws Within the Geographi cal Limits Known as the State of Vir ginia. EXECUTIVE CHAMBER, WASHINGTON CITY, May 9, '65.1 ORDERED—First, That all acts and pro ceedings of the political, military, and civil organizations which have been in a state of insurrection and rebellion within the State of Virginia against the authority and lawn of the United States, ;dal of which Jefferson Davis, John Letcher and William Smith were late the respective chiefs, are declared null and void. All persons who shall ex ercise, claim, pretend, or attempt to exer cise any political, military, or civil power, authority jurisdiction, or right, by, through, or under :Jefferson Davis, lute of the City of Richmond, and Ids confederates, or under John Leteher or William Smith and their confederates, or ulster any pretended po litical, military, or civil commission or au thority issued by them or either of them since the 17th (lay of April, 1861, shall be deemed and taken tis in rebellion against the United States, and shall lie dealt with accordingly. Second, That the Secretary of State pro ceed to put in force all laws of the United States, the administration whereof belongs to the Department of State, applicable to the geographical limits aforesaid. Third, That the Se6retary of the Treas ury- proceed, without delay, to nominate for appointment, assessors of' taxes and col lectors of customs and internal revenue, and such other , fficers of the Treasury De partment as are authorized by law, and shall put in execution the revenue laws of the United States within the geographical lindia aforesaid. In making appointments, the preference shall be given to qualified loyal persons residing within the districts where their respective duties are to be per formed. But if suitable persons shall not be found, residents of the districts, then persons residing in other States or districts shall be appointed. Fourth, That the,Postmaster general shall proceed to establish post-offices and post routes, and put into execution the postal laws of the United States within the said States, giving to loyal residents the prefer ence of appointment; but if suitable per sons are not found, then to appoint agents, &c., from other States. Fifth, That the District Judge of said dis trict proceed to hold courts within said State, in accordance with the provisions of the acts of Congress. The Attorney-Gen eral will instruct the proper officers to libel, and bring to judgment, confiscation, and sale, property subject to confiscation, and enforce the administration of justice within said State, in all matters civil and criminal, within the cognizance and jurisdiction of the Federal courts. Sixth, That the Secretary of War assign such Assistant Provost Marshal General, and such Provost Marshals in each district of said State as he may deem necessary. Seventh, The Secretary of the Navy will take possession of all public property be longing to the Navy Department within said geographical limits, and put in opera tion all acts of congress in relation to naval affairs having application to the said State. Eighth, The Secretary of the Interior will also put in force the laws relating to the De partment of the Interior. Ninth, That to carry into effect the guaran tee of the Federal Constitution of a republi can form ofgovernment, and afford the ad vantage and security of domestic laws as well as to complete the re-establishment of the authority of the laws of the United States, and the full and complete restoration of peace within the limits aforesaid i Francis H..Piepont,Governor of the State of Virinia, will be aided by the Federal Government, so far as may be necessary, in the lawful measures which he may take for the exten sion and the administration of the State Government throughout the geograpbical limits of said State. In testimony whereof, I have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal seal of the United States to be at j fixed. ANDREW JQHNSON., By_the.President : _ • W. nuNTER, Acting • Secretary. of Ilitato,
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