W)L. LXIIT. PRESIDENTS MESSAGE Fellow-Citizen* of the Senate and House of Representatives. Since jour last annual assembling another year of health and bountiful harvests has passed ; and while it has not pleased the Almighty to bless us with a return of peace, we can but press on guided by the best light He gives us, trusting that in His own good time and wise way all will yet be well. The correspondence touching foreign affairs, which has taken place during the last year, is herewith submitted, in virtual compliance with a request to that effect made by the House of Representatives near the. close of the last ses sion of Congress. FOREIGN RELATIONS If the condition of our relations with other nations i less grntifying'than it has usually been at former periods, it is certainly more satisfactory than a nation so unhappily dis tracted as we are, might reasonably have ap prehended. In the month of June last, there were some grounds to expect that the maritime powers, which at the beginning of our domestic diffi culties, so unwisely and unnecessarily, as we think, recognized the insurgents as belligerent, would soon recede from that position, which has proved only less injurious to themselves than to our own country. But the temporary severses, which afterwards befel the national arms and which were exagerated by our own disloyal citizens abroad, have hitherto delayed that act of simple justice. The civil war, which has so radically changed for the mo ment the occupations and habits of the Amer ican people, Has necessarily disturbed the social condition, and affected very deeply the prosperity of the nations with which we have carried on a commerce that has been steadily increasing throughout a period of half a century. It has, at the same time, excited political ambition and apprehensions, which have pro duced a profound agitation throughout the civilized world. In this unusual agitation we have forborne from taking part in any contro versy between foreign states and between parties or factions in such States. We have attempted no propagandism and acknowledged no revolution. But we have left to every nation the exclusive conduct and management, of its own affairs. Our struggle has been of course contem plated by foreign nations with reference less to itb own merits than to its supposed and often exaggerated effects and consequences result ing to those nations themselves. Nevertheless, complaint the part of this government, even if it were just, would certainly be un wise. The treaty with Great Britain for the sup pression of the slave trade has been put into operation with a good prospect of complete success. It is an occasion of special pleasure to acknowledge that the execution of it on the part of Her Majesty’3 Government has been marked with a jealous respect for ihe authori ty of the Uaited St.nf.cs, and the rights of their loyal and, moral citizens. The convention with Hanover for the abo lition of the Studt Dues, has been carried into full effect under the act of Congress for that purpose. A blockade of three thousand miles of sea coast could not be established and vigorously enforced in a season of great commercial activity like the present, without committing occasional mistakes and iuflicting unintention al injuries upon foreign nations and their subjects. A civil war, occurring in a country where foreigners reside and carrying on trade under treaty stipulations, is necessarily fruitful of complaints of the violation of neutral rights. All such collisions tend to excite misapprehensions, and possibly to pro duce mutual reclamations between nations which have a common interest in preserving peace and friendship. In clear cases, of these kinds, I have, as far as possible, heard and redressed complaints which have been pre sented by friendly powers. There is still, however, a large and augmen ting number of doubtful cases upon which the Government is unabled to agree with the governments whose protection is demanded by the claiments. There are, moreover many cases in which the United .States or their citi zens suffer wrongs from the naval or military authorities of foreign nations, which the governments of these States are not at once prepared to redress. States are not at once prepared to redress. I have proposed to some of the foreign States, thus interested, mutual conventions to examin and adjust such com plaints. This proposition has been made es pecially to Greal Britain, to France, to SpaiD, and to Russia. In each case it has been kindly received, but bas not yet been formally adopted. I deem it my duty to recommend an appropriation in behalf of the owners of the Norwegian bark Admiral ?. Tordinskiold, ■which vessel was, in May, .1801, prevented by the-commander of the blockading force off Charleston from leaving that port with a cargo, notwithstanding a similar privilege had short ly before been granted to an English vessel. • I have directed the Secretary of State to cause the papers in the case to be communi cated to the proper Committees. Applications have been made to me by many free Americans of African descent to favor their emigration, with a view to such coloni zation as was contemplated in recent acts of Congress. Other parties, at home and abroad ■r—some from .interested motives, others patriotic considerations, and still others in fluenced by philanthropic sentiments, have suggested similar measures; while, on the other hand, several of the Spanish American Republic have protested against the send ing of Buch colonies to their respective terri tories. Under these circumstances I have declined to move any such colony to any State with out first obtaining the consent of its govern ment, with an agreement on its part to re ceive and protect such emigrants in all the rights of freemen. And I have at the same time offered to the several States situated within the tropics or having colonies there, to negotiate with them, subject to the advice and consent of the Senate, to favor the voluntary emigration of persons of that class to their respective territories, upon conditions which Bhall be equal, just and humane. Liberia and Hayti are as yet the only coun tries to which colonists of African descent from here could go with certainty of being received and adopted as citizens, and I regret to say that such persons as contemplate col onization do not seem so willing to migrate to these countries as to some others, nor so will ing as I think their interest demands. I be lieve, however, the opinion among them in this respect is improving, and that ere long there will be an augmented and considerable migration to both these countries from the United States. The new commercial treaty between the United States, and the Sultan of Turkey has been carried into execution. A commercial and. consular treaty has been negotiated subject to the Senate’s consent with Liberia, and a similar negotiation is now pen ding with the Republic of Hayti. A consid erable improvement of the national commerce is expected to result from these measures. Our relations with Great Britain, France Spain, Portugal, Russia, Prussia, Denmark* Sweden, Austria, the Netherlands, Italy, Rome and the other "European States, remain undis turbed. Very favorable relations also contin ue to be maintained with Turkey, Morocco, China, and Japan. " ’ During the last year there has not only been no change of our previous relations with the independent Stateß of our own continent, but more friendly sentiments than have heretofore existed are believed to be entertained by those neighbors, whose, safety and progress are so intimately connected with our own. This statement especially applies to Mexico* Nicaragua, Costa Rica, Honduras, Peru and Chili. The Commission under the Convention with with the Republic of New Grenada closed its session without. having audited and passed upon all the claims which were submitted to it» A proposition is pending to revive the Convention, that it may be able to do more complete justioe. The joint oommiision between the OnlteS States and the Republic of Costa Rica, has completed its labors and submitted its re port. I have favored the project for connecting the United States with Europe by an Atlantic telegraph, and a similar project to extend the telegraph from San Francisco to connect by a Pacific telegraph with the line which is being extended across the Russian Empire. THE TERRITORIES OT THE U. S. The territories of the United States, with unimportant exceptions, have remained undis turbed by the civil war, and they are exhibit ing such evidence of prosperity as justifies an expectation that some of them will soon be in a condition to be organized as States, and be constitutionally admitted into the Federal Union. The immense mineral resources of some of these territories ought to be developed as rapidly as possible. Every step in that direction would have a tendency to improve the revenues of the Government and diminish the burdens of the people. It is worthy of your Berious consideration whether some ex traordinary measures to promote that end can not be adopted. The means which suggests itself as most likely to be effective is a scientific exploration of the mineral regions in those territories, with a view to the publication of its result at home and in foreign countries—a result which cannot fail to be auspicious. THE CURRENCY QUESTION. The condition of the finances will claim your most diligent consideration. The vast expenditures incident to the military and Daval operations required for the suppression of the rebellion, have hitherto been met with a promptitude and certainty unusual in similar circumstances, and the public credit has been fully maintained. The continuance of the war, however, and the increased disbursements made necessary by the augumented forces nowin the field, de mand your best reflections as to the best modes of providing the necessary revenue, without injury to business, and with the least possible burden upon labor. The suspension of specie payments by the banks, soon after the commencement of your last session made large issues of United States notes unavoidable. In no other way could the payment of the troops, and the satisfaction of other just demands be so economically, or so well provided for. The judicious legislation of Congress secur ing the receivability of these notes for loans and internal duties, and making them a legal tender for other debts, has made them a uni versal currency, and has satisfied, partially at least, and for the time, tho long felt want of a uniform circulating medium, saving thereby to the people immense sums in dis counts and exchanges. A return to specie payments, however, at the earliest period compatible with due regard to all the interests concerned, should ever be kept in view. Fluctuations in the value of currency are always injurious, and to reduce these fluctuations to the lowest possible point will always be a leading purpose in wise legis lation. Convertibility—prompt and certain convertibility into coin is generally acknowl edged to be the best and surest safeguard against them, and it is extremely doubtful whether a circulation of United States notes, payable in coin and sufficiently large for the wants of the people can be permanently, use fully and safely maintained. Is there then any other mode in which the necessary pre vision for the public wants can be made aud tl’.e great advantages of a safe and uniform currency secured ? I know of none which promises such certain results and is, at the same time, so unobjec tional, as the organization of Banking Associ ations, under a general act. of Congress, well guarded in its provisions. To such associations the Government might furnish circulating notes on the security of United States bonds, these notes prepared under the supervision of proper officers, being uniform in appearance and security, and convertible always into coiD, would at once protect labor against the evils of a vicious currency, and facilitate commerce by cheap and safo exchanges. A moderate reservation from the interest on the bonds would compensate the United States for the preparation and distribution of the notes and a general supervision of the system, and would lighten the burden of that part of the public debt employed as securities. The public credit, moreover, would be greatly improved and the negociation of new loans greatly facilitated by the steady market demand for Government, bonds, which the adoption of the proposed system would create. It. is an additional recommendation of the measure, of considerable weight in my judg ment, t hat it would reconcile, as far as possi ble, all exisistiog interests, by the opportuni ty offered to existing institutions, to reorgan ize under the act, substituting only the se cured uniform national circulation, for the local and various circulation secured and un secured, now issued by them. THE FINANCES, The receipts info the Treasury from all sources, including loans and the balance from the preceeding year, for the fiscal year ending on the 30th of June, 1862. were $583,885,247- 06—of which sum 549,056,379,G2 were derived from customs, 51,705,331,73 from the direct tax. From public lands, $152,203,77 ; from miscellaneous sources, $031,787,64; from loans in all forms, $529,692.405,50. The remainder $2,287,065,80, was the bal ance from last year. The disbursements during the some period were— For Congressional, Executive and Judicial purposes, $5,039,009 29 For foreign intercourse, 1,339,710,35 For miscellaneous expenses, including the mints, loans, post-office deficiencies, col lection of revenue aud other like charges. 14,129,771 50 For expenses under the Inte rior Department. 0,102 98") 53 Under the War Department, 36 Under the Navy Department, 42,074,569 69 For interest on the ppblic debt, 13.190*324 45 For payment of the public debt, including the reim bursement of the tempora- ry loan and redemption, Making an aggregate of $570,841,700 25 And leaving a balance in the Treasury on the Ist day of July, 1862, of $13,043,546 81. It should be observed that the sum of $90,- 096,922.09 expended reimbursements and redemption of the public debt being in cluded also in the loans made, may be proper ly deducted both from the receipts and expen ditures, leaving the actual receipts for the ? e * r 324.97, and the expenditures $4,4,,44,778.10. Other information on the subject of the finances will be found in the report of ibe Secretary of the Treasury, to whoso state ments and views I invite your most candid and considerate attention. The reports of the Secretary or War nod of the J,avy are herewith transmitted. These reports, though lengthy, are scarcely more than brief abstracts of the very numerous and extensive transactions, and operations, con ducted through these Departments. Nor could ! I give a summary of them here upon any ! principle which would admit of it being much ' shortor than the reports themselves I there fore content myself with laying the reports before you and asking your attention to them. It gives me pleasure to report a decided im provement in the financial condition of the Post-office Department. As compared with several preceding years, the receipts for the fiscal year 1861, amounted to $8,349,296.40, embraced revenue from all the States of the Union for three-quarters of that year. Notwithstanding the cessation of revenue from the so called seceding States during the last nscal year, the increase of the correspondence of the loyal States has been sufficient to pro- Qon°oo P v 7 - emie dur L n S same year of $8,239,- 820.90 bemg only $50,000 leas than was de nied from all the States of the Union during the previous year The expenditures show t still more favor ab , e result. The amount ex pended in 1861, was $13,606,769.11. For'the o be T no^ nthai ? been redu <ted to $ll,-. 4RI ?nn ? 3 -® homn S a decrease of about $2,- 481,500 m the expenditures as compared with the preceding-year, and-about $3,750,000 as oompared with .the fisoaj year 1860. The deiSoienoy In the Department;, for th<f “ THAT COUNTRY 18 THI.MOST PROSPEROUS WHIRS LABOR OOHHANDS THE GREATEST REWARD."- LANCASTER CITY, PA., TUESDAY MORNING, DECEMBER 9, 1862. previous year wa9 $4,557,966,98. For the last fiscal year it wa9 reduced to $2,112,814,- 57, These favorable results are in part ow ing to the cessation of mail service in the in suiTectionary States, aDd in part to a careful review of all expenditures in that Department on the interist of economy. The efficiency of the postal service, it is believed, has also been much improved. The P. M. General has. also opened a cor respondence through the Department of State with foreign governments proposing a conven tion of postal representatives, for the purpose of simplifying the rates of foreign postage, and to expedite the foreign mails. This proposi tion, equally important to our adopted citizens and to the commercial interests of this country, has-beeD favorable entertained and agreed to by all the governments from whom replies have b.een received. I ask the attention of Congressman to the suggestion of the Postmaster General, in his report, respecting the further legislation re quired, in his opinion, for the benefit of the postal service. The Secretirfy of the Interior reports as fol lows in regard to the public lands: The public lands have ceased to be a source of revenue. From the Ist of .July, 1861, to the 30th of September, 1862, the entire cash receipts from the sale of lands were $137,- 476.26—a sum much less than the expenses of our land system during the same period. The Homestead law, which will take effect on the Ist of January next, offers suoh in ducements to settlers that sales for cash can not be expected to an extent sufficient to meet the expenses of the General Land Office, and the cost of surveying and bringing the land into market. The discrepancy between the sum here stated as arising from the sales of the public lauds and the sums derived from the same source as reported from the Treasury Department, arises, as I understand, from the fact that the periods of time, though appar ently were not really coincident at the begin ning poiDt—the Treasury report including a considerable sum now which had previously been reported from the Interior, sufficiently large to greatly overreach the sum derived from the three months now reported upon by the Secretary of the Interior, and not by the Secretary of the Treasury. The Indian tribes upon our frontiers have, during the past year, manifested a spirit of insubordination, and at several points have engaged in open hostilities against the white settlements in tbeir vicinity. The tribes oc cupying the Indian country south of Kansas renounced their allegiance to the United States, and entered into treaties with the in surgents. Those who remained loyal to the United States were driven from the coun try. The CJiief of the Cherokees has visited this city for the purpose of restoring the former re lations of the tribe with the United States.— He alleges that they were constrained by a superior force to enter into treaties with the insurgents, and that the United States ne glected to furnish the protection which their treaty stipulations required. In the- month of August, last, the Sioux Indians in Minnesota attacked the settlements in their vicinity - with extreme ferocity, killing indiscriminately men, women and children.— This attack was wholly unexpected, and there fore no means of defence had been provided. It is estimated that not less than eight hun dred persons were killed by the Indians, and a large amount of property was destroyed. How this outbreak was induced is not definitely known, and suspicions which may bo unjust need not be stated. Information was received by the Indian Bureau,from different source. s ?, about the time hostilities were commenced, that a simultane ous attack was to be made upon the white settlements by all the Indian tribes be tween the Mississippi river and the Rooky Mountains. The State of Minnesota has suf fered great injury from this Indian war. A large portion of her territory has been depopu lated and a severe loss has been sustained by the destruction of property. The people of that State manifest much anxiety for the re moval of the tribes beyond the limits of the State as a guaran»ee against future hostilities. The Commissioner of Indian Affairs will fur nish full details. I submit for your especial consideration whether our Indian system shall not be re modelled. Many wise and good men have impressed me with the belief that this can be profitably done. PACIFIC RAILROAD, &0. I submit a statement of the proceedings of the Commissioners, which shows the progress that has been made in the enterprise of con structing the Pacific railroad; and this sug gests the earliest completion of this road, and also theiavorable action of Congress upon the projeots now pending before them for enlarg ing the capacities of the great oanals in New York and Illinois, as being of vital and rapid ly increasing importance to the whole nation, and especially to the vast interior region here after to be notioed at some greater length.— I purpose haviDg prepared and laid before you, at an early day, some interesting aud valua ble statistical information upon this subject. The military and commercial importance of enlarging the Illinois and Miohigan Canal, and.improving the Illinois river, is presented in the report of Col. Webster to the Secretary of War, and now transmitted to Congress. I respectfully ask attention to it. To carry out the provisions of the act of CoDgrea3 of the 15th of May last, I have caused the Department of Agriculture of the United States to be organized. The Commis sioner informs me that, within a period of a few months, that department has established an extensive system of correspondence and exohaDges, both at home and abroad, which promises to effect highly beneficial results in the development of correct knowledge of re oent improvements in agriculture, in the in troduction of new produots, and in the collec lection of the agricultural statistics of the different States. Also, that it will soon be prepared to distribute largely, seeds, cereals, plants and cuttings, aud has already published and liberally dif fused much valuable information, in anticipa tion of a more elaborate report, which will in due time be famished, embracing some val uable tests in chemical science now in pro gress iu the laboratory. 06,096,922 09 The creation of this Department was for the more immediate benefit of a large class of onr most valuable citizens, and I trust that the liberal basis upon which it has been or ganized will not only meet your approbation, but that it will realize at no distant day all the fondest anticipations of its most sanguine friends and become the source of advantage to all our people. SLAVERY AND EUAyCIPATIOX. On the 22d day of September last, a pro clamation was issued by the Executive, a co py of which is herewith submitted. In ao cordance with the purpose expressed iu the second paragraph of that paper, I now respect fully recall yonr attention to what may be called “compensated emancipation.” A nation may be said to consist of its terri tory, its people and its laws. The territory is the only part which is of certain durability. “One generation passeth and another cometh, but the earth abideth forever.” It is of the first importance to duly oonsider and estimate this ever enduring fact. That portion of the earth’s surface, which is owned and inhabited a people of the United States, is .well S home of one national family and it is not well adapted for two or more.— Its vast extent and its variety of climate and productions are of advantage iu this age for one people. Whatever they might have been in former ages, steam, telegraphs and inven tions have brought these to be an advantage ous combination for one united people. In the inaugural address, I briefly pointed out the total inadequacy of disunion as la remedy for the differences between the people of the two.seGtion3 I did so in language whioh I cannot improve, and whioh, therefore. I beg leave to repeat: 4 6 “One section of our country believes slavery is right and ought to be extended, while the other believes it fa wrong and ought not to This is the only substantial jmte. The fugitive slave olause -of the Con-i ■Btitution apd suppression of THE PUBLIC LANDS THE INDIAN TRIBES. AGRICULTURAL. | the foreign slave trade, are each, as-well en- I forced perhaps, as any laws can ever be in a community where the moral sense of the peo ple imperfectly supports the law itself. The great body of the people abide by the dry le gal obligation in both cases, and a few break over in each. This, I think, cannot be per fectly oared, and it wonld be worse in both cases after the separation of the seotions than before. .The foreign slave trade, now imper fectly suppressed, wonld be ultimately revived without restriction in one section, while fugi tive slaves, now only partially surrendered, would not be surrendered at all by the other. Physically speaking, we cannot separate.— We cannot remove oar respective sections from each other, nor bnild impassable walls between them. A husband and wife may be divoroad and go out of the presence and be yond the reaoh of each other, but the differ ent parts of onr country cannot do this. They oannot but remain face to faoe, and inter course, either amicable or hostile, must con tinue between them. Is it possible, then, to make that intercourse more advantageous or more satifactory after separation than be fore ? Can aliens make treaties easier than friends can make laws ? Can treaties be more faithfully enforced between aliens than laws oau amongfriends ? Suppose you go to war —you cannot fight always, and when, after much loss on both sides, and no gain on either, you cease fighting, the identical old. question as to terms of intercourse are again upon you.” There is no line, straight or crooked, suitable for a national boundary upon whioh to divide. Trace through from east to west, upon the line between the free and the slave oountry, and we shall find a little more than a third of its length are rivers, easy to be crossed and populated or soon to be populated, thickly upon both sides, while nearly all its remain ing length are merely surveyor’s lines, over which people may walk baok and forth, with out any consciousness of their presence. No part of this line oan be made any more diffi-, cult to pass by writing it down on paper or parohmeut as a national boundary. The faot of aeperation, if it comes, gives up , on the part of the seceding section, the fugi tive slave elause, along with all other constitu- j tioual obligations upon the seotions seceded j from, while I should expeot no treaty stipula- j tion would ever be made to take its place, j Bat there is another difficulty. The great in- I terior region bounded east by the Alleghenies, I north by the British dominions, west by the I Rocky Mountains, and south by the line along i which the culture'of corn and cotton meets, ! and whioh includes part of Virginia, part of : Tennessee, all of Kentucky, Ohio, Indiana, ; Miohigan, Wisconsin, Illinois, Missouri, Kan- : sas, lowa, Minnesota, and the Territories of Dacotah, Nebraska and part of Colorado, al- 1 ready has about ten millions of people, and I will have fifty millions within fifty years, if ! not prevented by any political folly or mistake, i It contains more than one-third of the oountry j owned by the United States, certainly more I than one million of square miles. One half j as populous as Massachusetts already is, it j would have more than seventy-five millions of people. A glanoe at the map shows that, ter- j ritorially speaking, it is the great body of the : republic. The other parts are but margiual ! borders to this maguificient region sloping we3t from the Rocky Mountains to the Pacific, • being the deepest and also the richest in unde veloped resources. , In the productions of provisions, grain, grasses, and all which proceed from them, this great interior region is naturally one of the most important in the world. Ascertain from the statistics the small proportion of this region which has just been brought into cul tivation, and also the large and rapidly in creasing amount of its products, and we shall be overwhelmed with the magnitude of the prospeot presented. Aud yet this region has no seacoast—touches no ocean anywhere. As part of one nation its people now find, and may forever find, their way to Europe by New York, to South America and Africa by New Orleans, and to Asia by San Francisco ; but separate our common country into two na tions, as designed by the present rebellion, aud every man of this great interior region is thereby ent off from some one or more of the outlets, Dot only bv a physical barrier bnt by embarrassing and onerous trade regulations. And this is true wherever advantage or boun dary line may be fixed. Place it between the now free aud slave oountry, or place it south of Kentucky or north of Ohio, and still the truth remains, that none south of it can trade to any port or place north of it, except upon terms dictated by a Government foreign to them. These outlets, Eaßt, West and South, are indispensable to the well being of the people inhabiting and to inhabit this va9t interior region. Which of the three may be the best is no proper question ; all are better than either, and all of right belong to that people and to their successors forever. True to themselves, they will not ask where a line of separation shall be, bnt will vie rather that there hall be no such line. Nor are the, marginal regions le3B interested in the oom- and through them to the great outside world. They, too, and each of jhem must have access to this Egypt of the West, without paying toll for the crossing of aDy na tional boundary. AMENDMENTS TO THE CONSTITUTION PROPOSED, AND CONSIDERED AT LENGTH Our national strife springs not from our permanaut past, mot from the land we inhab it, not from our national homestead. There iB no possible severing of this but would mul tiply and not mitigate evils among us. In all its adaptation and aptitudes, it demands union and abhors separation—in fact, it would ere long force reunion, however much of blood and treasure the separation might have cost. Our strife pertains to ourselves, to the pass ing generation of men, and it can without con vulsion be crushed forever with the passing of one generation. In thiß view I recommend the adoption of the following resolution and articles amendatory to the Constitution of the United States: Resolved, By the Senate and House of Rep esentativss of the United States of America in Congress assembled, two-thirds of both Honses concurring, that the following articles be to tbe legislatures or conventions of tbe several States as amendments to the constitution of the United States, all or any of which artiolea when ratified by three-fourths of the said legislatuere3 or conventions, to be valid as part or parts of said Constitution, viz: Article.—Every State, wherein slavery now exists, which shall abolish the same therein, at any time or times before the first day of January, iQ the yoarof our Lord one thousand nine hundred, shall receive compensation from the United States as follows to wit. The President of the United States shall de liver to every suoh State, bonds of the United States, bearing interest at the rate of—for shown to have been therein by the eighth census of the United States, said bond 3 to be delivered to Buck States by instalments, or in one parcel at the completion of the abolishment, accordingly as the same shall have been gradual, or at one time within such State, and interest shall begin to ran upon any suoh bonds only from the proper time of its delivery as aforesaid. Any State having received bonds as aforesaid, and afterwards re-introducing or tolerating slavery therein, shall refund to the United States the bondß so received, or the valns thereof, and all interest paid thereon. Article—All slaves who shall have enjdyed actual freedom by the chances of the war at any time before the end of the rebellion, shall be forever free, but all owners of such who shall not have been disloyal shall be compen sated for them at the Bame rates as is provi ded for States adopting the abolishment of slavery, but in such a way that no Blave shall be twice accounted for. Article— appropriate money and otherwise provide for colonizing free col ored persons, with their own consent,* at any place or places, without the United States. I beg indulgence to discuss these proposed artioles at some length. Without slavery, rebellion would never have existed ; without Blavery it oould not continue. Among the friends of the Union there is great diversity of sentiment and of policy in regard to slavery and the African race amongst ns. Somawouldperpetuate slavery; some wonid abolish it suddenly,, and without com pensation ; jofce would abolish it gradually," and with compensation ; some would remove the freed people from us, and some would re tain them with us; and there are yet other minor diversities. Because of these diversi ties, we waste much strength in struggles among ourselves. By mutual concession, we should harmon ize aud act together. This would be compro mise, but it would be compromise among the friends, not with the enemies of the Union.— These articles are intended to embody a plan of snob mutual concessions. If the plan shall be adopted, it i 9 assumed that emancipation wonld follow, at least in several of the States. As to the first article the main points are : first, —the emancipation; secondly, the length of time for consummating it, thirty-seven years; and thirdly, the compensation. The emancipation will be unsatisfactory to the advocates of perpetual slavery, but the length of time shonld greatly mitigate their dissatisfaction. The time spares both raceß from the evils of sadden derangement, in faot from the necessity of any derangement, while most of those whose liberal course of thought will be disturbed by the measure will have passed away before its consummation. They will never see it. Another class will hail the prospeot of eman cipation, but will depreoate the length of time. They will feel that it gives too little to the now living slaves. But it really gives them mnoh. It saves them from the vagrant des titution which must largely attend immediate emancipation in localities where their bum bera are very greaf, and it gives inspiring as surance that their posterity shall be free for ever. The plan leaves it to each State, choos ing to act under it, to abolish slavery now, or at the end of the century, or at any interme diate time, or by degrees, extending over the whole or any part of the period, and it obliges no two States to proceed alike. It also provides for compensation and gen erally, the mode of making it. This, it would seem, must further mitigate the dissatisfation of those who favor perpetual slavery, aud especially of tbosejyho are to receive the com pensation. Doubtless some of those who are to pay, and not to receive, will object; yet the meaßnre is both just and eoonomioai. In a oertain sense, the liberation of slaves is the de struction of property. Property acquired by descent or by purchase is the Bame as any other propeoty. It is no less true for having been often said, that the people of the South are notmore responsible for the original introduction of this property than are the peo ple of the North, aud when it is remembered how unhesitatingly we all use cotton and sugar, aud share the profit in dealing in them it may not be quite safe to say, that the South has been more responsible than the North for its continuance. If then, for a common object this property is to be sacrificed, it is not just that it be done at a common charge ? And if with less money, or money more easily paid, we can preserve the benefits of'the Union by this means better than we can by the war alone, is it not also economical to do it ? Let us consider it then. Let us ascertain the sum we have ex pended in the war since the compensated emancipation was proposed last March, and consider whether, if that measure bad been promptly accepted by even some of the slave State3the same sum wonld not have done more to dose the war than has been otherwise done. If eo, the measure would save money and in that view, would be a prudent and economical measure. Certainly it is not so easy to pay something as it is to pay nothing, but it is easier to pay a large sum than it is to pay a larger one, and it is easier to pay any sum when we are able, than it is to pay it before we are able. The war requires large sums, and requires them at once. The aggregate sum necessary for compensa tion of course would be large, but it would require no ready cash, nor the bonds even any faster than the emancipation progresses. This might not and probably would Dot close before tbe end of the thirty-seven years. At that time we shall probably have a hundred mil lions of people to share tbe burden instead of thirty-one millions as now. And not only so, bnt the increase of our population may be ex peoted to continue for a long time after that period as rapidly as before, because our terri tory will not have become full. Ido not state this inconsiderately. At tbe same ratio of in crease which we have maintained od an average from our first national census in 1790 until that of ISGO, we should in 1900 have a population of 103,203,415, and why may we not continue that ratio far beyond that period ? Oar abundant room, our broad national homestead, is our ample resource. Were our territory as limited as are the British Isles, very certainly our population conld not expand as stated. Instead of receiving the foreign born as now, we should be compelled to send part of the native-born away. But such is not our condition. We have 2,963,000 square miles. Europe has 3,800,000, with a population averaging 73J persons to the square mile. Why may not our country at some time average as many ? Is it less fertile ? Has it more waste surface, by mountains, rivers, lakes, deserts or other causes. Is it inferior to Europe in any natural advantage ? If then we are at some time to be as populous as Europe—how soon ? As to when this may be, we may judge by the past and present. As to when it will be, if ever, depends much on whether we maintain the Union. Several of our States are above tbe average of Enrope— to the equare mile. Massachusetts has 15 <, Rhode Island 133, Connecticut 99, New York and New Jersey each 80. Also, the two other great States of Pennsylvania and Ohio are not far below, tbe former having 63, and latter 59. Tbe States already above the Euro pean average, except New York, have increased in as rapid a ratio since passing that point as ever before, while no one of them is equal to some other parts of our country iu natural ca pacity for sustaining a dense population. Taking the ratio in the aggregate and we find the population and ratio of increase for the several decenial periods to be as follows : 1790 372.829. 1800— 5,305,937 ; 35,02 por cent of increase. ISlO 7.239.814 ; 36.-4 5 per ct. ratio of increase. 1820— U. 930,131 ; 33.31 “ <• “ 1530—12,86(3,020 ; 33.49 1540—17,969,453 ; 32 67 1850—23,131.870: 35.87 1860—31,433,790 ; 35.58 .This shows an average deoenial increase of 34.00 per cent, in population through the seventy years, from our first to our last census yet taken. It is seen that the ratio of increase at no one of the seven periods is either 2 per cent below or 2 per cent, above the average, thus showing how inflexible,and consequently how reliable the law of increase in oar case is. Assuming that it will continue it gives the following results : 1870, 42.1193,341; 18S0 56.967,210 ; 1890 70.077,892; 1900, 103,208,415; 1910, 108- 018,526; 1920,17(5,924,435; 1030, 251 03o’- 914. These figures show that our country may be as populous as Europe now is. At some point between 1920 and 1930, say about 1925, our territory at 73£ persona to the square mile being of the capacity to contain 217,186,000, we will leaoh this if we do not ourselves re linquish the chances by the folly and evils of disunion, or by long and exhausting wars springing from the only great element of na tional discord among ns. While it oannot be foreseen exactly how much one huge example of secession,breeding leaser oues f indefinitely would retard popula tion, civilization and prosperity, no one can doubt that the extent of it would be very great and injurious. The proposed emancipation would shorten the war, perpetuate peace, insure this increase ofpopulation,. and proportionately the'wealth of the cnoutry With these we should pay all the emancipation would co3t, together with our other debt, easier than we should pay our other debt without it. If we had al lowed our old national debt to run at six per cent, per annum simple interest from the end of the revolutionary straggle until to day, without paying anything on prinoipal or in terest, each man of ns would owe less upon that debt now than eaoh man owed upon it then. This is because our inorease of men through the whole period had been greater than six per oeDtjhas run faster than the interfestupon the debt. Thuß time alone relleveßthe debt* BUOHAItAN. or nation so long as its population increases faster than unpaid interests accumulate upon its debts. This fact would be no excuse for delaying th§ payment of what is justly due, but it shows the great importance of time in this connection —the great advantage ot the policy by which we shall not have to pay nntil we number one hundred millions, what bX a differ ent policy we would have to pay now when we number but thirty-one millions. I n a word, it shows that a dollar will be much harder to pay for the war than will be a dollar for emancipation on the proposed plan. And then the latter will oostno blood, no precious life. It will be a saving of both. As to the second article, I: think it would be impraotible to return to bondage the class of persons therein contemplated. Some of them, doubtless, in the property sense, belong to loyal owners, and hence provision is made in this artiole for compensating suoh. The third artiole relates to the future of the freed people. It does not oblige but merely authorizes Congress to aid in colonizing snoh as may consent. Thi3 ought not to be regarded as objection' able on tbe one hand or on the other, insa mnob as it comes to nothing unless by tho mntnal consent of the people to be deported, and the American voterß through their repre sentatives in Congress. I cannot make it better known than it al ready is that I strongly favor colonization, and yet 1 wish to Bay there is an objection nrged against free colored persons remaining in the oountry whioh is largely imaginary, if not sometimes malicious. It is insisted that their presence would in jure and diaplaoe white labor and white la borers. If there ever could be a proper time for mere oatch arguments, that time surely is not now. In times like the present men shonld utter nothing for whioh they would not willingly be responsible through time and iD eternity. Is it true that the colored people oau displaoe any more white labor by being free than by remaining slaves ? If they stay in their old places, they jostle no white laborers. If they leave their old places, they leave them open to white laborers. Logically there is neither more nor less of it. Emancipation even with out deportation would, probably, enhance the wages of white labor, and very surely would not reduce it. Thus the customary amount of labor would still have to be per formed. The freed people would surely not do more than their old proportion of it, and very prob ably for a time would do less, leaving an in creased part to white laborers, bringing their labor into greater demand, and consequently enhancing the wages of it. With deportation evdn to a limited extent, enhanced wages to white labor is mathematically certain. Labor is like any other commodity in the market; increase the demand for it, and you increase the price of it. Reduce’the supply of blaok labor by colonizing the blaok laborer out of the country, and by precisely so mnoh you increase the demand for and wages of white laboT. lint it is dreaded that the freed people will swaim forth and cover the whole land. Are not they already in the land, Will liberation make them any more numerous? Equally distributed among the whites of tbe whole country, and there would be but one colored to seven whites. Could the one in any way greatly disturb the seven ? There are many communities now having more than one free colored person to seven whites, aud this without any apparent con sciousness of evil from it. The District of Co lumbia and the States of Maryland and Dela ware are all in this condition. The District has more than one free colored to six whites, and yet in it 3 frequent petitions to Congress, I believe it has never presented the presence of free colored people as oue of its grievances. But why should emanoipatiou south send freed people north ? People of any color seldom run unless there be something to run from. Heretofore, enslaved people, to some extent, have fled north from bondage, and now, perhaps, from both bondage and desti tution ; but if gradnal emancipation and de portation be adopted, they will have neither to flee from. Their masters will give them wages at least uutil new laborers can be procured, and the freed men in turn will gladly give iheir labor for the wages until new homes can be procured for them in congenial climates, and with people of their own blood and race. The proposition can be trusted on the mu tual interests involved, and in any event can not the North deoide for itself whether to re ceive them ? Again, ao practice proves more than theory, in any case has there been any irroption of colored people northward because of the abol ishment of slavery in this District last spring ! What I have said, of the proportion of free colored, persons to the whites, in the Distriot is from the census of 1860, having no refer ence to the persons called contrabands, or those made-free by the aot of Congress abolish ing slavery here. The plan consisting of these artioles is re commended, not but that a restoration of the National authority would be acoepted without its adoption, nor will the war nor proceedings under the proclamation of September twenty. Becond, 1862, be stayed because of the recom mendation of this plan. Its timely adoption, I doabt not, would bring restoration, and thereby stay both. And notwithstanding this plan, the recommendation that Congress provide by law for compensating any State which may adopt emancipation before this plan shall have been aoted upon, is hereby earnestly renewed. Suoh would be only an advance part of the plan, and the same ar guments apply to both. This plan is recommended as a means not in exclusion of, but additional to all others for restoring and preserving the national authori ty throughout the. Union. Thesnbjeot is pre sented exclusively in its economical aspect.— The plan would I am confident secure peaoe more speedily and maintain it more perma nently than can be done by force alone, while all it would cost, considering amounts aud manner of payment, would be easier paid than will be the addititional cost of the war, if we reply solely upon force. It is worth much, very much, that it would cost no blood at all. The plan is proposed as permanent consti tutional law. It cannot become such without the ooncurrenoe of, first, two-thirds of Congress and afterwards, three-fourths of the States. — The requisite three-fourths of the States will necessarily include seven of the Blave Sta'es. Their concurrence, if obtained, will give as surance of their severally adopting Emancipa tion at no very distant day,, upon the new constitutional terms. This assurance would end the struggle now, and save the Union forever. I do not forget the gravity which should characterize a paper addressed to the Congress of the nation by the Chief Magistrate of the nation ; nor do I forget that some of you are my seniors, Dor|that many of you have more experience than I in the conduct of public af fairs, yet I trust that, in view of the great re sponsibly resting upon me, you will perceive no want of respect to yourselves ju any undue earnestness I may seem to display. Is it doubted then that the plan I propose, if adopted, would shorten the war and thus lessen its expenditures of money and of blood ? It is doubted that it would restore the national authority and national prosperity, and per petutate both indefinitely ? Is it doubted that all here, Congress and Executive,, can seoare its adoption ? Will not the good people re respond to a unite and earnest appeal from us ? Can we, can they, by any other means, so cer tainly or so spedily assure these vital objects* We can Bucceed only by concert. It is not “can any of uS|imagine better ?” but “ oan we all do better ? !> It is no object, whatsoever is possible, still the question recurs “can we do better ?" The dogmas of the quiet past’are inadequate to the stormy present. The occa sion is piled high with difficulty, and we must rise high with the ocoasion. As our case is new, so we must think anew and aot anew. We. must disenthrall ourselves, and then we shall save the country. Fellow-citizens, we oannot escape' history. ' We, of this Congress and this Administration, will be reineinbered in spite of our .Nopersonal significance or. insignificance out 'spare one or another of us. The fiery trial through whioL we pass wIU light uB dpwnin honor or dishonor to the latest generation* We say “We are for the Union.” The world will not forget that we say this. We know how to gave this Union. The world knows we know how to save it. We— even we here —hold the power and bear the responsibility. In giving freedom to the slave we assure freedom to the free—honorable alike in what we give and what we preserve. We shall nobly savior meanly lose the last, best hope of earth. Other means may suc ceed ; this oan.not fail. The way .Is plain, peaceful, generous, just—a way whioh, if fol lowed, the world will ever applaud and God must forever bless. ABRAHAM LINCOLN. December 1, 1865. THE LANCASTER INTELLIGENCER JOB PRINTING ESTABLISHMENT, No. 8 NORTH DDKS STREET, LANCASTER, PA. The Jobbing Department Is thoroughly famished with new and elegant type of every description, and la under tho charge of a practical and experienced Job Printer.'-' The Proprietors are prepared to PRINT CHECKS, NOTES, LEGAL BLANKS, CARDS AND CIRCULARS, BILL HEADS AND HANDBILLS, PROGRAMMES AND POSTERS. PAPER BOOKS A*ND PAMPHLETS, BALL TICKETS AND INVITATIONS, PRINTING IN COLORS AND PLAIN PRINTING, with neatness, accuracy and dispatch, on the most reason*? ble terms, ana in a manner not excelled by any establish* ment in the city. Orders from a distance, by mail or otherwise, promptly attended to. Address GEO. SANDERSON A SON, Intelligencer Offloe, No. 8 North Duke street, Lancaster, Pa. COTTON LAPS, TIE TARN AND , CANDLE WICK. To the Merchants of Lancaster county. We have on hand a pool assortment of COTTON LAPS, TIB YARN, AND CANDLE WICK, which wo offer for sale at the lowest cash prices. F. SHRODER, Agent, Conestogo Steam Mill No. 1, oct 7 3m 39] New pall and winter millin ery GOODS.—Tho subscriber calls attention to hi new and well selected stock of PALL AND WIN TER MILLINERY GOODS, which he offers, «{& wholesale or retail, as cheap as they can be pur- rinsed anywhere. He defies competition. His M* stock consists of Black and Fancy Velvets, Silks, Batins, Crape, Mode. Illusions. Joinblond, Black and White Lace, Edging, Capenett, Crown Lining, Tarlle»ou, Wire, Silk a; d Velvet Ribbon of all colors and widths, QoHlings, Frames to fit Ladies of all sizes, and a great many other articles u-.od in the bonnet line. Also, FRENCH AND AMERICAN FLOWERS, Feathers, Plaines, and all the new novelties in the market; together with Straw Bonnots, Hats, Shakers, trimmed and ready-made Fancy Bonnets—a largo assortment always on hand and manufactured to order, Dress Trimmings, No tions, Jewelry, Hosiery and Dry Goads, fold very cheap. The subscriber is thankful for past favors, and hopes to retain all hla old customers and got many new ones. L. BAUM, No. 31 North Queen street. Lancaster, September 0,1862. 3m 35 Dentistry. THE AMBER BASE, a new and superior method of nmg MOUNTING ARTIFICIAL TEETH I would announce to my patrons and others requiring the services of the Dentist, that I am about introducing the AMBER BASE iuto my practice. The advantages of this method of mounting teeth over the metalic base have been tully established in the five yearsin which it has been subject to the severest tests, with tho most satisfactory results. It i-; fully as strong and durable as either silver or gold —more easily kept Clean, more natural to the touch of the tongue and lips, and it is firmer and more serviceable in the mouth, in oneequence of onr being able to obtain a more perfect fit to the gum. This work is not so expensive as gold, but a little higher in price tbau silver. It will be warranted to give satisfac tion, or be exchanged for gold or silver work as the patient may prefer. OFFICE: No. 28 West Orange St., Lanoaster. july 29 3m 23J S. WELCHENS, D. D, S. rpo CONSUMPTIVES.— THe Advertiser. _L having been restored to health in a few weeks, by a very simple remedy, after having suffered several years with a severe lung affection, and that dreadful disease, Consumption—is auxious to make koowu to his fellow sufferers the means of euro. To all who desire it, be will send « copy of tbo prescrip' tion u-cd (free of charge,) with the directions for preparing and using the same, which they will flml a sore Cure for Consumption, Asthma, Bronchitis, 4c. The odlj object of the advertiser in ponding the Prescription is to benefit the afflicted, and spread information which he conceives to be invaluable, and be hopes every sufferer will try bis remedy, as it will cost thorn nothing, and may prove a blessing. Parties wishing the prescription will please address Key. EDWABD A t _WILBON, Wißhrasburgb, Kings obunty,'New York,. 3m ST Hair dressing and shaving SALOON. SAMUEL J. WILLIAMS takes pleasure In notifying hla numerous friends and customers, that he has removed his Saloon from Cooper’s Hotel to the basement under Peter M Conomy’s Shoe Store, in West KiDg street, near the M rket llousp, and has fitted it up In new and elegant style or the accommodation of customers. HAIR DRESSING, SHAVING AND SHXMPOONING done io tho m 6t scientific and fashionable style, and his tonswial operations are performed with the greatest ease ami comfort to all concerned. H 9 will also color the hair and whiskers, and guarantee the colors to bo applied without injury to either. Give tho Professor a call, and he flatters himself that he will be able to render general satisfaction. Don’t make a mistake and get into the wrong shop. Recollect, it is immediately under M’Conomy’sStaoo Btore aprlo If 141’ S. WILLIAMS. THE PIRATES OF THE PRAIRIES l X PIRATES OF THE PRAIRIES! PIRATES OP TUE PRAIRIES! nr GUSTAVE ATMARD . . Ia published and for sale this day by all Booksellers, and News Agents everywhere, complete in one large" octavo volume, price fifty cents In paper cover, or seventy-five coots in cloth. It is published and for sale at “ v ' T. 11. PETERSON & BROTHERS, No. 30G Chestnut Street, Philadelphia. St 45 SOMETHING FOR THE TIMES II I A NECESSITY IN EVERY HOUSEHOLD!! ! JOHNS <£ CROSLEY'S AMERICAN CEMENT GLUE, THE STBONOEST GLUE IH THE WORLD FOB CEMENTING WOOD, LEATHER, GLASS, IVORY. CHINA, .MARBLE, PORCELAIN. ALABASTER. BONE, CORAL, Ac., ftc., Ac. The only articlo of the kind ever produced which will withstand Water. EXTRACTS “ Every housekeeper should have a supply of Johns ft Crosley’s American Cement Glue.” —New York Times. “Itis so convenient to have in the house.” New York Express. ‘•lt is always ready; this commends it to everybody.” N. Y. Independent. “ W® bavo tiied it, and find it as useful in our house as water.”— W Wees' Spirit of the Times. PRICE TWENTY-FIVE CENTS PER BOTTLE. Very Liberal Reductions to Wholesale Dealers. TERMS CASH. For sale by all Druggists and Storekeepers generally throughout the country. JOHNS 4 OROSLEY, (Sole Manufacturers,) 78 WILLIAM ST., (Corner of Liberty BL,} NEW YORK 9 ly 26 THE AMERICAN ANNUAL CYCLO ± PxEDIA AND REGISTER OP IMPORTANT EVENTS OF TUK YEAK V IS6I. Embracing Political, Civil. Military and Social Affair*; Public Documents; Biography, Statistics, Com merce, Finance, Literature, Science, Agri culture and Mechanical Industry. The Tolumo will b& in the style of the New American Cyclopaedia, having not leas than 750 pages, royal Bvo. The work will be published exclusively by subscription and its exterior appearance will be at once elegant and sub stantial. D. APPLETON A CO* New York. ELIAS BARR 4 CO., No. 0 East Ring Street, Agt's for Lancaster City and Co apr 10 tf 14] D KESSLER’S HAIR JE if LLRY STORE* No. 203 North Bth Street above Kao*. PHILADELPHIA. On band and for sale, a choice assortment oi superior patterns, and will plait to order BRACELETS, EAR RINGS, FINGER RINGS, BREAST PINS, CROSSES, NECKLACES, GUARD AND' VEST CHAINS. 49* Orders enclosing the hair to bo plaited may be sent by mail. Givea drawing as near as yon can on paper, and enclose such amount as yon may choose to pay. Costs as follows: Ear Rings $2 to s3—Breast Pins $3 to s7—Finger Rings 76-ceuts to sB.so—Vest Chains $6 to s 7— Necklaces $2 to $lO. Hair put into Medalions, Box Breast Pins, Rings, Ac. OLD GOLD AND SILVER BOUGHT AT PAIR RATES. apr 16 . ly U XT A If IN6EF * fIFTDEIR, V DESIGNERS AND ENGRAVERS ON WOOD, N. E. CO BITES sth ASD CHEaTirUT StRXXTS. / PHILADELPHIA. , Execute all kinds of WOOD ENGRAVING, with beauty, correctness and despatch—Original Designs furnished for Fine Book Illustrations—Persons wiablngCnts, by sending a Photograph or Daguerreotype,"can have views of COLLEGES, CHURC.HEB, COTTAGES, STOREFRONTS, PORTRAITS, MACHINES, STOVES, • *. PATENTS, Ac. Engraved as well as on personal application.' r-' FANCY ENVELOPES, LABELS, BILL HEADINGS, SHOW BILLS, VISITING, BUSINESS and other CARDS, engraved in the highest style of the Art, and at the lowest, prices. ' * For Specimens of Fine Engraving, see the Illustrated 4 Works of J. B. LIPPINCOTT A Co., E. H. BUTLER A Co./ foot 221y'41, ■> Tatters all’s he avs powder Powdered Rosin, Antimony, Fennlgrees, Sulphur Baltpotre, Aasafoetlda, Aldm, Ac. For sale at apr 21 tf 14 . THOMAS ELLMAKEB. • T>rng,,and,Chemical W»k| Kiev ' ISAAC BARTON A SON, X WHOLESALE GROCERS, AND DEALERS IN COUN TRY PRODUCE, WINES AND-LIQUORS. Nos. 165 and 167 North Beoond street, •-> dee 11 »60tf481 ;• .PHILADELPHIA 0 Ca,tor OIL, Sweet. OiI,OII otf SPIKE, STONE, BENEKA, SASSAFRAS A<L'/ •- Fqr»al»at THOMASETiMAKOTft^- ; A ; -W«at B4i^ p NO. 48.
Significant historical Pennsylvania newspapers