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SPEECH OF
HON. HORATIO SEYMOUR,
Before: the Democratic State Convention
at Albany, JV. Y., Sept. 10, 1862, on
: Receiving the JVominatioh for Gov
ernor.
Mr. President, having uniformly and
deoidedly expressed my unwillingness to
hold any official position, at this time, I
did not expect my came would be brought
before this Convention. The nomination
you have made subjects me to great incon
venience, whatever may be the result of
the ensuing election.' I came to this
Convention expecting to aid in plaoing at
the head of the ticket the name of one
whom I feel to be more fit than myself for
that honorable position. But, sir, what
ever may be the injury to myself, I cannot
refuse a nomination made in a manner that
touohes my heart and fills me with a still
stronger sense of my obligations to this
great and patriotic party. In addition to
my debt of gratitude to partial friends, I
am impelled by the condition of our
country to saorifioe my personal wishes
and interests to its good.
Two years have not passed away since
a Convention, remarkable for its numbers,
patriotism, and intelligence, assembled at
this place to avert if possible the calamities
which afflict our people. In respectful
terms, it implored the leaders of the poli
tical party whioh had triumphed at a
recent election to submit to the people of
this oountry some measures of conciliation
whioh would save them from civil war. It
asked that before we should be involved
in the evils and horrors of domestic blood
shed, those upon whom it would bring
bankruptcy and ruin, and into whose homes
it jvould carry desolation and death, should
be allowed to speak. That prayer for the
rights of our people was derided and de
nounced, and false assurances were given
that there was no danger. The storm
came upon us with all its fury—and the
war so constantly and clearly foretold,
desolated our land, ‘fit is said no compro
mise would have satisfied the South. If
we had tried them it would not now be a
matter of discordant opinion. If these
offers had not satisfied the South, they
would have gratified loyal men at the
North, and would have united us more
perfectly.
_ Animated by devotion to our Constitu
tion and Union, our people rallied to the
support of the Government, and one year
since showed an armed strength that
astonished the world. We again appealed
to those who wielded this mighty material
power, to use it for the restoration of the
Union and to uphold the Constitution, and
were told that he who clamored for his
constitutional rights was a traitor 1
Congress assembled. Inexperienced in
the conduct of publio affairs, drunk with
power, it began its oourse of agitation,
outrage, and wrong. .The defeat of our
arms at Manassas for a time filled it with
terror. .Under this influence it adopted the
■resolution of Mr. Crittenden, declaring,
“ That the present deplorable oivil war has been
ftrcea upon the country by the Disunionists of the
couthern States, now in arms against the Constitu
tional Government, and in arms around the Capital;
Taiat in this National emergency, Congress, banish
ing all feelings of mere passion or resentment, will
recollect only its duty to the whole country; That
tliis war is cot waged, on their part, in any spirit of
oppression, or for any purpose of conquest or subju
gation, or purpose of overthrowing or interfering
with the rights or established institutions of those
otates, but to defend and maintain the suprtTnacty of
the Constitution and to preserve the Union, with all
the dignity, equality, and rights of the several States
unimpaired, and that as Boon as these objects are ac
•complished the war ought to cease.”
Again the people rallied around the flag
of the Union. Hut no sooner were their
fears allayed than they began anew the
factions intrigues—the violent discussions
and the unconstitutional legislation which
ever brings defeat and disgrace upon
nations. In vain were they warned of the
consequenoes of their follies. In vain did
the President implore forbearance and
moderation. No act was omitted which
would humiliate and mortify the loyal men
of the Sonth. Every topio calculated to
divide and distract the North was dragged
into embittered debates. Proclamations
of emancipation were urged upon the
President, which could only confiscate the
property of loyal citizens at the South ;
for none others could be reached by the
power of the government. The confisca
tion aot had already forfeited the legal
rights of all who were engaged in or who
aided and upheld the rebellion. These
were exoited to desperate energy by laws
which made their lives, their fortunes, the
safety of their families and homes depend
upon the success of their schemes. Prom
the dragon’s teeth, sown broadcast by
• Congress, have sprung the armies which
have driven back our forces and which now
beleaguer the Capital of our country. The
acts of the National Legislature have given
pleasure to the Abolitionists and victor
ies to the Secessionists. But while trea
son rejoices and triumphs, defeat and dis
graoe have been brought upon the flag of
our oountry and the defenders of our Con
stitution. Every man who visited. Wash
ington six months ago could see and feel
'We were upon the verge of disaster. Dis
mord, jealousy, envy," and strife pervaded
its atmosphere.
I went to the camp of our soldiers.
Amid the hardships of an exhausting
campaign—amid sufferings from exposure
and want—amid those languishing upon
beds of sickness, or those struck down by
the casualties of war, I heard and saw
only devotion to our Constitution, and love
for our Country’s Flag. Each eye bright
ened as it looked upon the National Stand
ard with its glorious emblazonry of Stars
and Stripes. From this scene of patriotic
devotion I went into the National Capitol.
I traversed its Mosaic pavements ; I gazed
upon its walls of polished marble; I saw
upon its ceilings all that wealth, lavishly
poured out, oould do to make them sue- i
gestive of our country’s greatness and its !
wonderful wealth and varied productions.
Art had exhausted itself in painting and
soulpture to make every aspect suggestive
of high and noble.ihonght and purpose,
Full °f, fbe associations' which cluster
about this vast Temple which should be!
dpflioated to patriotism and truth, I,enters'
ed its Legislative Halls ; their gilded walls h
gorgeous furniture did not oontrast
moro strongly with the rnde scenes of mar
tial life than did the glistening putrescence
and thin lacquer of Congressional virtue
contrast with the sterling loyalty and noble
self-sacrifioe of our country’s defenders.
I listened to debates full of bitterness and
strife.
I saw in the camp a heartfelt homage to
our national flag—a stern defiance of those
who dared to touch its sacred folds with
hostile hands. I heard in the Capitol
threats of mutilation of its emblazonry—
by striking down the life of States. He
who would rend onr national standard by
dividing our Union is a traitor. He who
would put out one glittering star from its
azure field is a traitor too.
j THE PRESENT CONDITION OP OCR COUNTRY.
Let us now confront the facts of our
condition, and they shall be stated in the
language of those who brought the ad
ministration into power, and who now are
politically opposed to the members of this
Convention. After the expenditure of
nearly one thousand millions of dollars,
and the sacrifice of more than one hun
dred thousand Northern lives, in the lan
guage of the Evening Post :
What has been the result? Our armies of the
West, the noble victors of FortDonelson and Shiloh,
are scattered so that no man knows their whereabouts,
while the foe they were sent to disperse is a
hundred miles in their rear, threatening the cities of
Tennessee and Kentucky, and even advancing tow
ard one of the principal commercial cities of the
Free States. There is no leadership, no unity of
command, apparently no plan or concert of action
in the entire region we have undertaken to hold and
defend. At the same time, our army of the East
numbering 250,000 troops, fully armed and equip
ped, and admirably disciplined, after investing the
capital of the enemy has been driven back to its
original position on the Potomac, decimated in
numbers, and unprepared to make a single vigorous
movement in advance.
And it adds :
Now it is useless to shut our eyes to the fact that
awful** * failur0 ’ dis graceful, humiliating, and
The Evening Journal, the accredited
organ of the Secretary of State, now admits,
the truths uttered in this Hall when we
assembled here in February,'lB6l; truths
then derided and denounced as absurb
and treasonable. It says :
The war has been a stern sohooimaster to the peo
ple of the loyal States. We have learned theufolly
of underrating our enemies. We have learned that
they are equally brave, equally hardy, equally
quick witted, equally endowed with martial quali
ties with ourselves. We have learned that they are
terribly in earnest in their efforts to aohieve their
onds.
The New York Tribune deolares that
The country is in peril. Viewed from the stand
point of the public estimate of - the situation,’ it is in
extreme peril. The Rebels seem to be pushing for
ward their forces all along the border line from the
Atlantic to the Missouri. They are threatening the
Potomac and the Ohio. They are striking at Wash
ington, Cincinnati, and Louisville. This simulta
neous movement is both alarming and encouraging
It is alarming, because through the timidity des
pondenoy, or folly of the Federal Government, it may
become temporarily successful, giving to the foe a
lodgment in some portion of the Free States which
may require weeks to break np.
But it is admitted by those who were
opposed to us, that debt and defeat are not
the heaviest calamities which weigh us
down. A virtuous people and a pure
government can bear up against any
amount of outward pressure or physioal
calamity, but when rottenness and corrup
tion pervade the legislative hall or execu
tive department, the heart of the patriot
faints and his arm withers. The organ of
the Secretary of State admits :
“There have been mistakes. There have been
peculations. Weak men have disgraced, and bad
men have betrayed the Government. Contractors
have fattened on fat jobs. Adventurers have found
the war a source of private gain. Moral despera
does have flocked about the National Capital and
lain in wait for prey. The scum of the land has
. gathered about the sources of power and defiled them
by its reek and offensive odor. There has been
mismanagement in the departments; mismanage
ment whereever great labor had been performed and
great responsibilities devolving. Men—even Presi
dents and Cabinet ofiioers and Commanding Gen
erais—have erred because they could not grasp the
full significance of the drama, and because they
were compelled to strike out on untrodden paths.”
Hear the voice of a leading Republican
orator:
‘I declare it upon my responsibility as' a fena
tor of the United States,” said John P. Hale, “that
the liberties of this country are in greater danger
to-day from the corruptions and from the profligacy
practised in the various departments of the Sovorn-
they are from the open enemy in the
The New York World, exclaims in an
agony of remorse :
It is with dismay and unspeakable shame that
we, who have supported the administration from tho
Ther« n i!, nS ’ its abuBe of its P o "er of arrest.
There is no snoh thing as either justifying or exten
uating its conduct in this particular/ Elery prin
ciple of American liberty, every regard for the loyal
cause, every sentiment of justice, every impulse of
manhood, ones ont against it. The mah who thinks
at all is absolutely staggered that these things oan
be. They seem like some hideous dream. One can
almost fancy that Mephistophiles himself had got
access into the connoils of the government, and bv
some device, fresh from the pit, had diverted its
energies from the repression of the rebellion to the
suppression of liberty.
The New York Times demands a ohange
in the Administration, and in the conduot
of affairs.
I have thus carefully set forth the
declarations and named the witnesses to
this lawful indictment, against our rulers,
for we mean to proceed with all the oare
and candor, and all the solemnity of a Ju
dicial Tribunal.
It is with a sorrowful heart I point to
these dark pictures, not drawn by journals
of the Demooratio party. God knows that
as a member of that patriotic organization,
American citizen, I would gladly ef
face them if I could. But, alas, they are
grounded upon truths that cannot be gain
sayed. Once more then, our Kepublican
fellow-citizens, in this day of our common
humiliation and disgrace, we implore you,
as respectfully as in the hour of your
political triumph, listen to our sugges
tions. We do not come with reproaches,
but with entreaties. Follow the pathways
marked out by the Constitution and we
shall be extricated from our perilous posi
tion. On the other hand, if you will still
be governed by those who brought us into
our present condition,you will learn too late
that' there are deeper depths of degrada
tion before us, and greater miseries to be
borne than those which now oppress us
Nay, more, the President of the United
States appeals to us all, in his communi
cation with the loyal men of the Border
states, when he says he is pressed to vio
late his duty, his oath of office, and the
Constitution of the land—pressed by cow
sr y and heartless men, living far away
trom the scenes of war, fattening upon the
I'Z, 1 00l ? e d from the blood and misery
where Hving “ thoSe localities
Tenni ln vestigations'show that this
P®°P “f Government have been robbed
th a ?t!hnsi en t, 00 a tra0tS ' Such men demand
that those who have suffered most in this
oontest, who have shown the highest and
purest patriotism under the terrible trials
ofdesolatedtomSf
ruined fortunes, and of blood-stained fields
should have a new and further evil inflin Jd
£? , tie h„d. on SS£3-
they struggling to uphold. By the
Gud'anTthe people we will relieve
til© President from that pressure.
‘‘THAT COUNTRY IS THE MOOT PBOSFXBOITB
NECESSITY POE PARTY ORGANIZATIONS.
An attempt is made to close the ears of
onr Republican friends to our appeals, be
cause we aot as a political organization.—
Can we do otherwise ? Would not the dis
persion of this anoient party, identified as
it is with the growth, greatness and glory
of our land, be looked upon as a calamity,
even by our opponents ? Did not a shadow
tall upon our country when it was torn
apart at. Charleston; and do not men of
all parties point to its disruption as one of
the causes of this unnatural war ? is it
not just we should nave a representation
in the State and National Government pro
portioned to our contributions to our
armies and the treasury 1 If we elect all
of our ticket at this time, we shall have no
more than our proportioned share of polit
ical power. It may be said we should meet
without regard to political organizations,
and nominate officers. This destroys the
object of such organizations. Let the two
great parties be honest and honorable
enough to meet in fair and open disoussion
with well-defined principles and polioies.
Then each will serve our oountry as well
out of power as in power. The vigilance
kept alive by party contest guards against
corruption or oppression. This watchful
ness is most needed when unusual expen
ditures of money present unusual tempta
tions to the corrupt and selfish.
For another reason we cannot disband
our organization. The Union men of the
Border and more Southern States, without
distinction of party, implore us not to do
so. They tell us a triumph of our party
now would he worth more than victories
upon the battle-field. It would re-assure
their friends, it would weaken their oppo
nents. Every advantage gained over Ab
olitionism puts down the rebellion. While
they and we know that there are many just
and patriotic men in the Republican party,
it is still true that its success gives power
and influence to the violent and fanatical,
and that their party action always goes
beyond their party platform.
Every fair man admits there is no way
of correcting abuses but by a change of
political leaders. The Republican party
demanded this when they charged abuses
upon Democratic administrations. They
should concede the principle now.
Experience shows that frauds practised
by political friends are not punished by
men in power. It is conceded that gross
frauds have been committed in different
departments of the government; that they
have brought distress upon our L soldiers,
defeat upon our arms, and disgraoe upon
our people. But not one man has beeu
punished or made to feel the power of that
prerogative which is claimed to be an in
cident of war-corruption, that has done
more to destroy the National power than
armed rebellion, has gone unsoathed. The
sentinel who slept upon his post has been
sentenced to death—the official who closed
his eyes to frauds, whioh destroyed armies,
is quietly removed, by and with the advice
of the Senate, and represents the Nation’s
character at the Capital of a friendly
power 1 Citizens in loyal States who be
came the object tf suspicion or of malig
nant assaults, have been seized at their
homes, dragged to distant prisons without
trial and without redress, while each con
vioted plunderer walks freely and boldly
among the people he has robbed and
wronged. Maladministration demands a
change of administration.
At this time, issues should be fairly
and boldly made. It is no dishonor to be
mistaken, but it is disgraceful not to be
outspoken. Let this war at least settle
questions of principle. A few months will
deoide whb is right and who is wrong now,
as the past two years have shown who
were right and who were wrong heretofore.
We are in favor of the rights of the State,
as well as of the General Government; we
are in favor of local self-government, as
well as of the National jurisdiction within
its proper sphere.
TV hile we thus meet as a political or
ganization, it is not for partisan purposes.
We can best serve our country in this re
lationship. The President of the United
States will bear witness that he has not
been pressed or embarassed by us. We
have loyally responded to every oall made
upon us by constituted authority. We
obeyed all orders to reinforce our
armies. When we were in power we de
nounced the higher law doctrine—the
principles that men might set up their wills
against the statutes of the land—as trea
sonable. We denounced it when uttered
by Northern men ; we are combatting it
now when it is asserted by the rebellious
South. We repudiate it by submitting to
every demand of our Government made
within the limits of rightful jurisdiction.
This obedience has not been constrained
but cheerfully rendered, even in support
of a party and policy to whioh we are op
posed. We have struggled to sustain not
oniy the letter but the spirit of our laws.
We feel that we have set an example of
loyalty that will not be lost upon those
opposed to us. Having done our duty,
we now demand our rights, and we shall
at this time set in calm and fearless judg
ment upon the conduot of our rulers.
Ours shall not be the language of discord
and violence. We deplore the passionate
and vindictive assaults of leading Repub
lican journals upon those holding civil or
military stations. Above all, we protest
in behalf of our country’s honor and dig
nity against their insubordinate and disre
spectful language towards the President
of these United States. Such language
wrecks the authority of Government and
tends to anarchy and publio disorder.
For another reason we cannot disband
our organization. No other party can
save this country. It alone has dearly
defined purposes and well settled princi
ples. It' has been well Baid in our Con
gressional Address, that under its suid
anoe— ®
thfrty m mini„“ mi Tho A OKa ' ed
tinguished r Revolutionary debt was ex
profecuted witt wero sa °°“»fnlly
and navy, and outla y “ d army
comas • withm,r„ “ t r thB suspension of the habeas
without one nsoZ e r mfr^‘ ion of tho Constitution ;
sTng a single S n?wsp° a > without suppreA
single editor; withoVlimit m f imprisomng a
press, or of speech inorratofcS "i 01 "? i. of
midst of the grossest abuse ' nZ
the arrest of a single '• traitor " ?£ d
Convention sat daring one of the^ win
other, Senators invited the enemy to’ * ho
SSXSS Graves^ 7 WBl °°“ 8
at good prices, pnblio liberty was secure, private
ngEtsnndistnrbeU; every min’s hou«woߣ
tie, the Courts were open to all; no .passports for
W»Z°*h e °^ t i,? 0 A ioe ’ 110 spies, no informers, J>
a f seml > le paaooably,!the right
to petition , freedom of religioa. freedom, of-srMwmh
a tree ballot, and a free presa fand all this thnathe
WHIR* LABOB
Constitution maintained nnd the Onion of the States
preserved. *
T7HT THE. REPUBLICAN ' PARTY CANNOT
SATE THE COUNTRY.
Oq the other hand, the very oharaeter of
the Republican organization, makes it in
oapable of conducting the affairs of the
'Government. For a series of years, it has
practised a system of ooalitions,;with men
differing in principle, until it can have no
distinctive policy. In such chaotic masses
the violent have most control. They have
been educating their followers for years,
through the press, not to obey laws which
did not aocord with their views. How can
they demand submission from whole com-"
munities, while they contend that individ
uals may oppose laws opposed to their con
sciences ? They are higher law men.—
They insist that the oontest in which we
are engaged is an irrepressible one, and
that therefore the South oould not avoid it,
unless they were willing at the outset to
surrender all that abolitionists demanded.
To declare that this contest is irrepressi
ble, declares that our fathers formed a
government which could not stand. Are
such men the proper guardians of this gov
ernment ? Have not their speeches and
aots given strength to the rebellion,, and
have they not also enabled its , leaders to
prove to their deluded followers that the
oontest was an irrepressible one ?
But their leaders have not only asserted
that this contest was irrepressible, unless
the South would give up what extreme Re
publicans demand,(their local institutions,)
but those in power have done much to
justify this rebellion in the eyes of the
world. The guilt of rebellion is deter
mined by the character of the government
against which it is arrayed. The right of
revolution, in the language of President
Lincoln, is a saored right when exerted
against a bad government.
We oharge that this rebellion is most
wicked, beoause it is against the best gov
ernment that ever existed. It is the ex
cellence of our government that makes re
sistance a crime. Rebellion is no.t neces
sarily wrong. It may be an act of the
highest virtue—it may be one of the deep
est depravity. The rebellion of our
fathers is our proudest boast—the rebel
bellion of our brothers is the humiliation
of our nation, is our national disgrace.—-
To resist a bad government is patriotism
to resist a good one is the greatest
guilt. The first is patriotism, the last is
treason. Legal tribunals can only regard
resistance of laws as a orime, but in the
form of public sentiment the character of
the government will deoide if the act is
treason or patriotism.
Our government and its adminstration
are different things ; but in the eyes of the
civilized world, abuses, weakness or folly
in the conduct of affairs go far to justify
resistance. I have read to you the testi
mony of Messrs. Greeley, Weed, Bryant,
Raymond, and Marble, charging fraud,
corruption, outrage and inoompetenoy
upon those in power. Those who stand
up to testify to the inoompetenoy of these
representatives of a discordant party to
conduct the affairs of our government are
politically opposed to us. Bear in mind
that the embarrassments of President
Lincoln grow out of the conflicting views
of his political friends, and their habits
and principles of insubordination. His
hands would be strengthened by a Demo
cratic victory, and if his private prayers
are answered, we will relieve him from the
pressure of philanthropists who thirst for
blood and who call for the extermination
of the men, women and children of the
South.. The brutal and bloody language
of partisan editors and political preachers
have lost us the sympathy of the civilized
world in a contest where all mankind
should be upon one side.
Turning to the legislative departments
of our Government, what do we see ? In
the history of the decline and fall of na
tions, there are no more striking displays
of madness and folly. The assemblage of
Congress throws gloom over the nation
its continuance in session is more disas
trous than defeat upon the battle field. It
excites alarm and disgust.
The publio are disappointed in the re
sults of the war. This is owing to the
differing objeots of the people on the one'
band, and fanatioal agitators in and out of
Congress on the other. In the army, the
Union men of the North and South battle
side by side, under one flag, to put down
rebellion and uphold the Union and Con
stitution. In Congress, a fanatioal major
ity make war on the Union men of the
South and strengthen the hands of seces
sionists by words and aots which enable
them to keep alive the flames of civil war.
What is done on the battle field by the
blood and treasure of the people, is undone
by Senators. Half of the time is spent in
faotious measures designed to destroy all
confidenoe in the Government, at the
Soui h, and the rest in annoying our army/
in meddling with its operations, ombarrassi
mg our generals, and in publishing undi
gested and unfounded scandal. One party
is seeking to bring about peace, the other
to keep alive hatred and bitterness by in
terferences. They prove the wisdom of
Solomon, when he said: «It is an honor
to a man to oease from strife, but every
tool will be meddling.”
This war cannot be brought to a suc
cessful conclusion or our oountry restored
to an honorable peace under the Republi
can leaders, for another reason. Our dis
asters are mainly due to the faot that they
have not dared to tell the whole truth
to_ the community. A system of
misrepresentation had been practised so
long and so successful by that when the war
burst upon us they feared to let people
know its full proportions, and they per
sisted in assuring their friends it was but
a passing exoitement. They still asserted
that the South was unable to maintain and
carry on a war. They denounced as a
traitor every man who tried to tell the
truth, and to warn our people of the mag
nitude of the oontest.
Now, my Republican friends, you know
that the misapprehensions ot the North
with regard to the South has drenched the
land with blood. "Was this ignorance ao
oidenta!? 1 appeal to you Republicans,
it tor years past, through the press and in
publications which have been urged upon
your ‘attention by the; leaders of your
party, you have not been taught to de-pise
the power and resources of the South? 1
appeal to you to say if this teaohing has
not been a part of the machinery by whieh
power has been gained ? I appeal to you
to answer if those who tried to teach"
truths how admitted have not been de
hounced ? r -1 uppieiil to you if a book, be--
yond all others, false, bloody and treason-
THB 0]
MWAHD.”- BTTOHAHAJf,
able, was not sent ont with the endorsement
of all your managers; and is it. not true
that now, when men blush to own the; be
lieved its statements, that its author is
honored b; an official station ?
Jt is now freely confessed by you all
that you have been deoeived with respect
to the South. Who deoeived you ? Who;
by false teaching, instilled contempt and
hate into the minds of the people 1 Who
stained our land with blood ? Who oaused
ruin and distress ? All these things are
within our own knowledge. Are their
authors the to rescue us from our
calamities ?- They shrink baok appalled
from the misohief they have wrought, and
tell you it is an irrepressible contest. That
reasoh is as good for Jefferson Davis as for
them. They attempt to, drown reflections
by new excitements and new appeals to
our passions. Having already, in legisla
tion, gone far beyond the limits at
whioh, by their resolutions, they were
pledged to stop, they now aßk to adopt
measures whioh they have heretofore de
nounced as unjust and unconstitutional.
For this reason they cannot save our
country.
As our national calamities thicken
around us an attempt is made by their
authors to avoid their responsibilities by
insisting that our failnres are due to the
fact that their measures are not oarried
out, although Government has already
gone far beyond its pledges. The demands
of these men will never cease, simply be
cause they hope to save themselves from
condemnation by having unsatisfied de
mands.
At the last session, Congress not only
abolished slavery in the Distriot of
Columbia, but, to quiet olamorous men, an
act of Confiscation and Emancipation was
passed, whioh, in the opinion of leading
Republicans, was unconstitutional and un
just. By this act, the rebels have no
property—nor even their own lives—and
they own no slaves. But to the astonish
ment and disgust of those who believe in.
the policy of statutes and proclamations, ■
these rebels still live and fight and hold
their slaves. These measures seem to
have reanimated them. They have a oare
less and reokless way of appropriating
their lives and property, which by aot of
Congress belong to us, in support of their
oanse. '
But these fanatical men have learned
that it is neoessary to win a victory before
they divide the spoil—and what do they
now propose ? As they cannot take the
property of rebels beyond their leach they
will take the property of the loyal men of
the Border States. The violent men of
this party, as you know from experience,
my conservative Republican friend, in the
end have their way. They now demand
that the President shall issue a Proclama
tion of immediate and universal emancipa
tion ! Against whom is this to be directed ?
Not against those in rebellion, for they
come within scope of Congress. It oan
only be applied to those who have been
true to the Union and our flag. They are
to be punished for their loyalty. When
we consider their sufferings and their cruel
wrongs at the hands of the secessionists,
their relianoe upon our faith, is not this
proposal blaok with ingratitude ?
The scheme for an immediate emancipa
tion and general arming of the slaves
throughout the South is a proposal for the
butchery of women and ohildren, for
scenes of lust and rapine ; of arson and
murder unparalleled in the history of the
world. The horrors of the French Revo
lution would become tame in comparison.
Its effect would not be confined to the
walls of cities, but there would be a wide
spread scene of horror over the vast ex-
panse of great States, involving alike the
loyal and seditious. Suoh malignity and
cowardice would invoke the interference
of civilized Europe. History tells of the
fires kindled in the name of religion, of
atrooities committed under pretexts of
order or liberty ; but it is now urged that
scenes bloodier than the worid has yet seen
shall be enacted in the name of philan
thropy !
A proclamation of general and armed
emancipation at this time, would be a cruel
wrong to the African. It is now officially
declared in Presidential addresses, which
are fortified by Congressional aetion, that
the negro cannot live in the enjoyment of
the full privileges of life among the white
race. It is now admitted, after our loss
of infinite blood and' treasure, that the
great problem we have to settle is not the
slavery, but the negro question. A terri
ble question, not springing from statutes
or usage, but growing out of the unchange
able distinction of race. It is discovered
at this late day, in Republioan Illinois,
■ that it is right to drive him from its soil.
It is discovered by a Republican Congress,
after conyulsing our country with declara
tions in favor of his equal rights, and "as
serting that he was merely the viotim of
unjust laws, that he should sent away from
our land. The issue is now changed. The
South holds that the African is fit to live
here as a slave. Our Republioan Govern
ment denies that he is fit to live here at all.
The Republioan party cannot save the
country, because through the powerful
press it teaohes contempt for the. Laws,
Constitution, and constituted authorities.
They are not only destroying the Union,
but they are shaking and weakening the
whole structures of State as well as of the
National Government, by denunciations of
every law and of all authority that stands
in the way of their passions or ■ their pur
poses. They have not only carried discord
into our churches and legislative halls, but
into our armies. Every General who.
agrees with them upon the subject of
slavery is upheld in every act of insubor
dination and sustained against the dearest
proofs of incompetence, if not of corrup
tion. On the other hand, every com
mander who differs from their views upon
the single point of Slavery, is denounced,
not only for inoompetenoy, but constantly
depreciated in every aot: No man is al
lowed to be a Christian ; no man is regard
ed as a. statesman; no man is suffered un
molested to do his duty as a solder, unless
he supports measures which no one dared
to urge eighteen months since. They insist
that martial law is superior to constitu
tional law, that the wills of Generals in
the field are above all restraints; but they
demand for themselves the right to direot
and control these Generals, They olaim
an influence higher than that they will al
low to the laws of the land; Are these
displays 1 of insubordination 'and violence,
safe at this time i '
The weight of annual taxation will test
severely the loyalty of the people: of the
North. ourfinihoialmbli
j gations would cause disorder and- endless
j moral evils. Pecuniary rights will rever
; “ e held more saored than personal rights.
Separation of the Constitution involves
repudiation of national debts, of its guar
anties of rights of property, of person, and
of oonsoienoe. The moment we show the
world that we do not hold the Constitution
to be a saored compact, we not only de
stroy all sense of seourity, but we turn
away from our shores the vast tide of
foreign immigration. It comes here now
not because there are not other skies as'
bright and other lands as productive as
ours. It seeks here seourity for freedom
—for rights of conscience—for immunity
from tyrannical interferences, and from
meddling impertinenoe. The home and
-fireside rights heretofore enjoyed by the
American people—enjoyed under protec
tion of a written Constitution—have made
us great and prosperous. I entreat you.
again, touoh them not with saorilegious
hands!
We are threatened with the breaking up
of our sooial system, with the overthrow
of State and National governments. If
we begin a war upon the pompromises of
the Constitution we must go through with
it. It contains many restraints upon our
National rights. It may be asked with
what right the six small New England
States, with a population less than that of
New York, have six times its power in the
Senate, which has beootho the controlling
branch of government ? By what natural
right do these States with their small
united population and limited territories,
balance the power of New York, Pennsyl
vania, Ohio, Illinois, Indiana and Michi
gan ?
The vast debt growing out of this war
will give rise to new and angry discussions.
It will be held almost exclusively in a few
Atlantio States. Look upon the map of
the Union and see how small is the terri
tory in whioh it will be owned. We are
to be divided into creditor and debtor
States, and the last will have a vast pre
ponderanoe of power and strength. Un
fortunately there is no taxation upon this
national debt, and its share is thrown off
upon other property. It is held where
many of the government contracts have
been executed, and where in some instances
gross frauds have been practised. It is
held largely where the Constitution gives
a dispropor,tional share of political power.
With all these elements of discord, is it
wise to assail constitutional law, or bring
authority into contempt? Is it safe to
encourage the formation of irresponsible
.committees, made up of impertinent men,
who thrust themselves into the conduct of
publio affairs, and try to dictate to public
rulers ? or will you tolerate the enrollment
of armies whioh are not constituted or
organized by proper authorities ? Are
such things just towards those who have
placed their fortunes in the hands of the
Government at this crisis ?
We implore you do not be deoeived
again with this Syren song of no danger.
There is danger, great and imminent, of the
destruction of all government, of safety
for life and property, unless the duty of
obedience to law and respect for authori
ties, and the honest support of those in the
public service both military and civil, are
taught and enforced, by all the means
within our oontrol.
With us there is no excuse for revolu
tionary aotion. Our system o’f govern
ment gives peaceful remedies for all evils
in legislation.
WHAT THE DEMOCRATIC PARTY PROPOSE
Mr. Presidentlt will be asked what
do we propose to do. We mean, with all
our powers of mind and person to support
the Constitution and uphold the Union ; to
maintain the laws, to preserve the public
faith. We insist upon obedience to laws
and respect for Constitutional authority ;
we will defend the rights of citizens ; —we
mean that rulers and subjeots shall respect
the laws ; we will put down all revolution
ary committees ; we will resist all unau
thorized organizations of armed men, we
will spurn officious meddlers who are im
pudently pushing themselves into' the
councils of our Government politically op
posed to those in authority, we demand
they shall be treated with the respect due
to their positions as the representatives of
the dignity and honor of the American
people. We do not try to save our country
by abandoning its government. In these
times of trial and danger we cling more
closely to the great principles of civil and
religious liberty and of personal right; we
will man the defence and barriers which
the Constitution throws around them ; we
will revive the courage and strengthen
arms of loyal men by showing them they
have a living government about which to
rally; we will proolaim amidst the oonfu-
Bton and uproar of civil war, with louder
tones and firmer voioes, the great maxima
and principles of civil liberty, order and
obedience. What has perpetuated the
greatness of that nation from which we
derive so many of our maxims ? Not its
victories upon land nor its triumphs upon
the seas, but its firm adherence to its tra
ditional policy. The words of Coke, of
Camden and Mansfield, have for long
periods of time given strength and vitality
and honor to its social system, while bat
tles have lost their significance. When
England was agitated by the throes of
violence—when -the person of the King
was insulted; when Parliament was be
sieged by mobs maddened by bigotry ;
when the life of Lord Mansfield was sought
by infuriated fanatics, and his house was
burned by incendiary fires, then he uttered
those words whioh oheoked at once un
lawful power and lawless violence. He
declared that every citizen was entitled to
his rights according to the known proce
dures of the land. He showed to the
world the calm and awful majesty of the
law, unshaken amidst convulsions. Self
reliant in its strength and purity, it was,
driven to no acts whioh destroy the spirit
of law. Violence was rebuked, the heart
of the nation was reassured, a sense of se
ourity grew up, and the storm was still.
Listen to his words :
“Miserable is the condition of individuals, dan*
geroos is the condition of the State where there is no
or. wbat is the same thine, no certain
administration of law by which indivifnals may be
protected and the State made secure.”
Thus, too, will we stand oalmly up
amidst present disasters. We have warned
the public that every aot of disobedicnoo
weakened their claims to proteotiofi; ' We
admonished our rulers '■ that' every
violation of right destroyed-sentiments :ofr
loyalty and duty, that obedienoe and.pr.o-.
[were .obligationi. He.
iwfe»;-withhold!, Jus
support to 4j, t .
eminent invitee oppression and usurpation
on the part of those in authority. The
publio servant who oversteps,his jurisdic
tion or tramples upon the rights, person,
property or procedure of the governed, in
stigates resistance and revolt,
Under abuse and detraction we have
faithfully acted upon, these precepts, ' If
our purposes were faotious, the elements
of disorder are everywhere within, Our
reaoh. If we were as disobedient to this
Government and as denunciatory of! its
officials as those who placed them in power,
we oonld make them tremble in their seats
of power. We have been obedient under
all oiroumstanoes. But let no man mis
take this devotion to our country and its
Constitution for unworthy fear. We have
no greater stake in good order than other
men. Our arms are as strong, our endo
rance as great, our fortitude as unwaver
ing as those of our political opponents.—
But we seek the blessings Of peaoe, of law,
of order. . . : ■
We ask the public to mark our polioy
and our po. .ition. Opposed, to the election
of Mr. Linooln, we have loyally sustained
him. Differing from the Administration as
to the course and conduct of the war, we
have cheerfully responded to every demand
made on us. To-aay we are putting forth
our utmost efforts to reinforoe our armies
m the field.; Without conditions or threats
we are exerting our energies to strengthen
the hands of government, and to roplaoe it
in the commanding position it held in the
eyes of the world before reoent disasters.
We are pouring out our blood, our trea
sures, and qur men, fo rescue.'.it from apo
sition in whioh it oan neither propose
[ peace nor oonduot successful war. ' Ahd
this support is freely and generously ao
oorded. We wish to see our Union saved,
our laws vindicated, and peace once more
restored to our land. We do not olaim
more virtue or intelligence than we award
to our opponents, but we now have the sad
and bloody proof that we aot.upon sounder
principles of government. Animated by
the motto we have, placed upon our banner
—“ The Union, the Constitution, and the
Laws”—we go into the political contest
confident of the support of a People who
cannot be deaf or blind to the teachings of
the last two years. \
f
HE LANCASTER INTELLIORWfiu'p
v » J£L£ R l NTING ™
No. 8 NORTH DUKE STREET, LANCASTER pa
The Jobbing Department Is thoroughly furnishe’d with
.now and elegant type of every description, S d Is
the charge of a practical and experienced Job Printer—
The Proprietors are prepared to owr '
PRINT CHECKS,
NOTES, LEGAL BLANKS,
bill heads and handbills 03 AND CIBODLASa '
PAPER BOOKS AND PAMLeT™ P ° STBB8 ’
PRINTING INCOWR^SptAINP^rraG I ' B '
bio t ß rm, » ea S l aconrac 3 r »nd dispatch, on tho moat reason*!
men? io tCity. “ raa “ 6r n<>t elC '’ ll '> d -“““i
Orders from a distance, by mall or otherwise
promptly attended to. Address otnerwlse,
GEO. SANDERSON A SON,
.. Intelligencer Office,
No. 8 North Duke street, Lancaster, Pa.
FRAME PIANOS
hi J.l * / P; ODOnnMli by the Press and Mnsio Masters to
-A S Instruments. They are bnllt or the best and
“lmate Thß /hh B ? SOned a m “ terlolß ' and '"«« B t»nd any
climate. The tone is very deep, round, full and mellow ■
Pta ° «»
lr^. P j SIOHa 08 Ta!l “ Tbs Horace,Watars Pianos are
of th " “LI'.H," 8 tbo ™.ry beet. We are enabled to speak
nlrl™,l b ,Etrnm ®nta with some degree of confidence, from
,one ‘ nd dnrable
, * Vj 0 — N J w f-OCTAVE PIANOS in Rosewood cases,
*l5O- f drSi?^°' , i!i? trn ”S, b “''’ of dlfror6nt maker^&J
*l5O, do., with mouldings, *160;. do., with caryed leg? and
* l7s ' * lBs ’ “d *230; do., with*pearl
keys, *225, *250 and $300; naw 614-octave, $lBS' do 684-
octave, $l4O The above Pianos .H My £s
pll.™ /ii 08 * 8 !! 1 bar B >lns that can be found In the city.
sBM,nd h *nd pi ““» »* *m. m».
THE HORACE WATERS MELODEONS. ,
SS,KT d t a h °oS qU!>l Teln Pe r »ment, with the
tarn n?Il!, d n 8 811 , Bnd 80,0 BtO P- Prices from $36 to
lam' °n.h Harmoninmawith Pedal Bass, $260. *276 and
School.B<rmoninms, *4O. *6O, *BO and *lOO. Also,
audllarmooeuina of the following makers!
8 D A H t w S ’<P a n h h rt if ? eedh nn>. Mason A Hamlin, Bnd
in- i H ' W m? mlth ’ all of wb l cb will be sold at extremely
FbUh M > S 'a TheSo Melodeona remain in tuna a long timi
EachMelodeon warranted for three years. b
Rowtw 4 l ib S ral Recount to Clergymen, Churches, Babbath
mnTi a Seminaries and Teachers. The trade
supplied on the most liberal terms.
THE DAT SCHOOL BELL
• 36,000 COPIEB IBSUED.
Scbolf n.n ID |?SS Book for Day Schoola,. called the Day
school Bell, la now ready. It contains about 200 choice
songs, rounds, catches, duetts, trios, qnartotts and oho“
•usea, many of them written expressly for this tor* bH
sides 32 pages of the Elements of Mnsio. The Elements
floWa'i* ? Dd pr “f r ““ lla . Hiat ordinary teachers wIU
vmTni 8 i? i ! 6n . rely successful In lhstrncting even
the tnni. h ° *?“ to a° B “ rrectly «nd scientifically f whUe
° d w ° rd " embrace such a variety of lively, at
frmhhf’wm d |l. 0n '“ tlr , rl “ 6 mu ’ ic and sentiments. that no
In o b i „T,h *“ e , x f erlenced tn Inducing all beginners to
hl.iih ,' b Ze l* “ art iniring skill In one of the most
Ilrtiwla ln| ’i’ beauty-improving, happiness-yielding, and
ordeY-prodnclng exerciaes of school life. In simplicty of
Its elements, in varioty and adaptation of musicf and: in
I Unti? C f. a ? d - DUl ? ber of 118 songs, original, selected, and
adapted. It claims by much to excel all competitors. -It
will be found the beat ever issued for seminaries, acade
mies and public schools. A few sample pages of the ele
ments, tunes and songs, are givßn in a circular; send and
B a‘ 5“ 8 ; k i t J s ,‘2 l ? p . lled by Horace Waters, author of
School Belt,” Nos. land. 2, which have had the
enormous sale of 735,000 copies. Prices—paper cover, 20
cents, $l5 per 100; bound; 30 cants, $22 per 100; cloth
b ? ubd ’ ““boseed gilt, 40 cents, $3O i!er 100. 25 copies
niehed at the 100 price. Hailed at the retail-price
HORACE WATERS, Publisher,
481 Broadway, New York!
SABBATH SCHOOL BELL No 2
85,000 COPIES ISSUED.
His an entire new work of nearly 200 pages. Many of
tne tnnes and hymns were written expressly lor this vol.
ihHUV'T be “ popuUr 88 >“ predecessor, (Bell
mm ” p “ tho snormoni number of 650,-
000 copies ontstrippiug any Sunday school book of its
tonnd “ tb ' B country - A1 “o, both volumes are
bound In one to accommodate schools wishing them in
Mr l(»“hn^nrf M 9a 0r B ? U ??i 2 > P“P er covers, 15 cents, $l2
Kl»s n^™ 8 ’ 2 ? * lB *" 10 °: ='o‘b bound, mu
bossed gilt,3o cents, *23 per 100. Bell No. 1. paper coven,
13 cents, *lO per 100; bonnd, 20 cents, *lB per ISO; cloth
n ?’.°?o < ? B?d #?*' *? CBn,8 > t 2O pot hundred. Bells
Nos. 1 and 2 bound together, 40 cents, *3O per 100, cloth
bound, embossed gilt, 50 cents, $4O per 100. 25 copies fur
nishetl at the 100 pnce. Mailed at the retail price
HORACE WATERS, Publisher,
481 Broadway, New York.
p .. new instrumental music.
snt Lincoln’s Grand March, with the best Vignette
seellency that has yet been published; music by
HeUnumuller, leader of the 22d Regiment Band, price *0
cenU. Our Generals* Quick*Btep, with vignette 5 &of ear
generals; music by Grafnlla, leader of the 7th Regiment
Mnd, cents. The Seven Bons* Gallop, and Laura Eeene
Waltz, 36 cents each. Comet Sebottieche, 25 cents; all bv
Baker. Mu«ic Box Gallop, by Herring, 36 cents. Union
Waltz, La Grassa, 25 cents. Volunteer Polka, Goldback.
2o cents. Spirit Polka; General Scott’s Farewell Grand
March, 26 centa each; Airy Castles, 30 cents, all by A. E.
Parkhuxst. Freedom, Truth an<fc Right Grand March,
with tplendid vignette; mtuic by Carl Helneman, 60 eta.
Ail of which are fine productions.
T ...NBW-VOOAUMUSIO.
~ true to thee; A penny, for your thoughts; Lit*
tie Jenny Dow; Better times are coming; I dream of mv
mother and my home; Merry little birds are we, (a song
for children;) Slnmber, my darling, Lizzie dies to-night,
Jenny eooroing o’er the green; Was my Brother in'the
gS*2 aad^ hy h * ve my loved opes gone, by Stephen O.
Foster. Shall we know each other there? by the Eev.'R
Pleasant words for all, by J. Roberta! There is a
1 M* Holmes. Price 26 cents each.
Truth and Right, a national song and grand
choros, marie by Carl Heinemann, with English ‘
man words, 8° cents. Where liberty 4welU U-my counlry,
y°“ c “7 bat-forgive; I hear swtot
voices singing, and Home.is home; by J. B. Thomas, -30
cents each. These songs are very popular. Mailed free at
retail price. - j
Sheet Music at 2 cents per page, All kinds of
Marie merchandise at war prices. . .
- HORACE WATERS, Publisher,
481 Broadway, New York.
NEW MUSIC FOB THE MILLION, :
IN CHEAP roElf, ABBAHGED AS QUABTSTMS AHD OHOaCBM #0
.ucazcAirfocxanis, csoias, shspay Bc^pphs,
PUBLIC SCHOOLS, SXUntABIES. ria - -
Shall we know each other meet beyond
the river? Be in time; There is a beautiful world: Don’t
you hear jthe Angels oomlng; Where liberty dwellvT is any
country ; Freedom, TruUxnniUßdght, (natiQnal songs.) la
toere a land ofloye? ihall- .again no more.
Prlce 3 centa, 25 cents m inf., $2 per 100. PqsUgel eon*.
Jo sheet fbrm, with Plano aeenmpsn Imant
PabUrted by HORACE WATERS, 4SI Broadw»y l He*
; P- Keinp, BMton; ; OhsK SvXAXaer.
Philadelphia,; vG, Croasby, Ctncinniti; Tomlinson 4
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ASD DRILL- BQP9f ,i9)9&
the nsepf all Volunteers andMlHtla,
-rectedf anffgcftpted to thE dladpllne of the NkUehuf .the
by office in th^M^ed^atM^^rmy.v-r