(Tile If an caster Jintclligctuxi: CHE • Lancaster intelligencer. '•VgBXB *2*BX THIBDAT, AT NO. 8 NORTH DUKE STRUT, BT GKO. SATfDEKSON. ÜBM SuascaiPTiiiT.T-Twt) Dollars per Arraum, payable-in ad* is **hiiee. SabEcrfptJCm dlsoontinned until ail arrear ageeard paid, anises At the option of the Bditor. -AfiTißSZSDCZSTß.—Adverficements, not, exceeding one eqaare, (12 line*,), will be inserted three times , for one - dollar, and twenty-five cents for each additional inser tion. Those of greater length Ih'pfoportlon. ;Joh PROTTtNb—Such as Hand Bills, Posters; Pamphlets, ; Blanks, lAbela, Ac., Ac., executed with accuracy and on - -the shortest notice. . . SPEECH OF HON. HORATIO SEYMOUR, Before: the Democratic State Convention at Albany, JV. Y., Sept. 10, 1862, on : Receiving the JVominatioh for Gov ernor. Mr. President, having uniformly and deoidedly expressed my unwillingness to hold any official position, at this time, I did not expect my came would be brought before this Convention. The nomination you have made subjects me to great incon venience, whatever may be the result of the ensuing election.' I came to this Convention expecting to aid in plaoing at the head of the ticket the name of one whom I feel to be more fit than myself for that honorable position. But, sir, what ever may be the injury to myself, I cannot refuse a nomination made in a manner that touohes my heart and fills me with a still stronger sense of my obligations to this great and patriotic party. In addition to my debt of gratitude to partial friends, I am impelled by the condition of our country to saorifioe my personal wishes and interests to its good. Two years have not passed away since a Convention, remarkable for its numbers, patriotism, and intelligence, assembled at this place to avert if possible the calamities which afflict our people. In respectful terms, it implored the leaders of the poli tical party whioh had triumphed at a recent election to submit to the people of this oountry some measures of conciliation whioh would save them from civil war. It asked that before we should be involved in the evils and horrors of domestic blood shed, those upon whom it would bring bankruptcy and ruin, and into whose homes it jvould carry desolation and death, should be allowed to speak. That prayer for the rights of our people was derided and de nounced, and false assurances were given that there was no danger. The storm came upon us with all its fury—and the war so constantly and clearly foretold, desolated our land, ‘fit is said no compro mise would have satisfied the South. If we had tried them it would not now be a matter of discordant opinion. If these offers had not satisfied the South, they would have gratified loyal men at the North, and would have united us more perfectly. _ Animated by devotion to our Constitu tion and Union, our people rallied to the support of the Government, and one year since showed an armed strength that astonished the world. We again appealed to those who wielded this mighty material power, to use it for the restoration of the Union and to uphold the Constitution, and were told that he who clamored for his constitutional rights was a traitor 1 Congress assembled. Inexperienced in the conduct of publio affairs, drunk with power, it began its oourse of agitation, outrage, and wrong. .The defeat of our arms at Manassas for a time filled it with terror. .Under this influence it adopted the ■resolution of Mr. Crittenden, declaring, “ That the present deplorable oivil war has been ftrcea upon the country by the Disunionists of the couthern States, now in arms against the Constitu tional Government, and in arms around the Capital; Taiat in this National emergency, Congress, banish ing all feelings of mere passion or resentment, will recollect only its duty to the whole country; That tliis war is cot waged, on their part, in any spirit of oppression, or for any purpose of conquest or subju gation, or purpose of overthrowing or interfering with the rights or established institutions of those otates, but to defend and maintain the suprtTnacty of the Constitution and to preserve the Union, with all the dignity, equality, and rights of the several States unimpaired, and that as Boon as these objects are ac •complished the war ought to cease.” Again the people rallied around the flag of the Union. Hut no sooner were their fears allayed than they began anew the factions intrigues—the violent discussions and the unconstitutional legislation which ever brings defeat and disgrace upon nations. In vain were they warned of the consequenoes of their follies. In vain did the President implore forbearance and moderation. No act was omitted which would humiliate and mortify the loyal men of the Sonth. Every topio calculated to divide and distract the North was dragged into embittered debates. Proclamations of emancipation were urged upon the President, which could only confiscate the property of loyal citizens at the South ; for none others could be reached by the power of the government. The confisca tion aot had already forfeited the legal rights of all who were engaged in or who aided and upheld the rebellion. These were exoited to desperate energy by laws which made their lives, their fortunes, the safety of their families and homes depend upon the success of their schemes. Prom the dragon’s teeth, sown broadcast by • Congress, have sprung the armies which have driven back our forces and which now beleaguer the Capital of our country. The acts of the National Legislature have given pleasure to the Abolitionists and victor ies to the Secessionists. But while trea son rejoices and triumphs, defeat and dis graoe have been brought upon the flag of our oountry and the defenders of our Con stitution. Every man who visited. Wash ington six months ago could see and feel 'We were upon the verge of disaster. Dis mord, jealousy, envy," and strife pervaded its atmosphere. I went to the camp of our soldiers. Amid the hardships of an exhausting campaign—amid sufferings from exposure and want—amid those languishing upon beds of sickness, or those struck down by the casualties of war, I heard and saw only devotion to our Constitution, and love for our Country’s Flag. Each eye bright ened as it looked upon the National Stand ard with its glorious emblazonry of Stars and Stripes. From this scene of patriotic devotion I went into the National Capitol. I traversed its Mosaic pavements ; I gazed upon its walls of polished marble; I saw upon its ceilings all that wealth, lavishly poured out, oould do to make them sue- i gestive of our country’s greatness and its ! wonderful wealth and varied productions. Art had exhausted itself in painting and soulpture to make every aspect suggestive of high and noble.ihonght and purpose, Full °f, fbe associations' which cluster about this vast Temple which should be! dpflioated to patriotism and truth, I,enters' ed its Legislative Halls ; their gilded walls h gorgeous furniture did not oontrast moro strongly with the rnde scenes of mar tial life than did the glistening putrescence and thin lacquer of Congressional virtue contrast with the sterling loyalty and noble self-sacrifioe of our country’s defenders. I listened to debates full of bitterness and strife. I saw in the camp a heartfelt homage to our national flag—a stern defiance of those who dared to touch its sacred folds with hostile hands. I heard in the Capitol threats of mutilation of its emblazonry— by striking down the life of States. He who would rend onr national standard by dividing our Union is a traitor. He who would put out one glittering star from its azure field is a traitor too. j THE PRESENT CONDITION OP OCR COUNTRY. Let us now confront the facts of our condition, and they shall be stated in the language of those who brought the ad ministration into power, and who now are politically opposed to the members of this Convention. After the expenditure of nearly one thousand millions of dollars, and the sacrifice of more than one hun dred thousand Northern lives, in the lan guage of the Evening Post : What has been the result? Our armies of the West, the noble victors of FortDonelson and Shiloh, are scattered so that no man knows their whereabouts, while the foe they were sent to disperse is a hundred miles in their rear, threatening the cities of Tennessee and Kentucky, and even advancing tow ard one of the principal commercial cities of the Free States. There is no leadership, no unity of command, apparently no plan or concert of action in the entire region we have undertaken to hold and defend. At the same time, our army of the East numbering 250,000 troops, fully armed and equip ped, and admirably disciplined, after investing the capital of the enemy has been driven back to its original position on the Potomac, decimated in numbers, and unprepared to make a single vigorous movement in advance. And it adds : Now it is useless to shut our eyes to the fact that awful** * failur0 ’ dis graceful, humiliating, and The Evening Journal, the accredited organ of the Secretary of State, now admits, the truths uttered in this Hall when we assembled here in February,'lB6l; truths then derided and denounced as absurb and treasonable. It says : The war has been a stern sohooimaster to the peo ple of the loyal States. We have learned theufolly of underrating our enemies. We have learned that they are equally brave, equally hardy, equally quick witted, equally endowed with martial quali ties with ourselves. We have learned that they are terribly in earnest in their efforts to aohieve their onds. The New York Tribune deolares that The country is in peril. Viewed from the stand point of the public estimate of - the situation,’ it is in extreme peril. The Rebels seem to be pushing for ward their forces all along the border line from the Atlantic to the Missouri. They are threatening the Potomac and the Ohio. They are striking at Wash ington, Cincinnati, and Louisville. This simulta neous movement is both alarming and encouraging It is alarming, because through the timidity des pondenoy, or folly of the Federal Government, it may become temporarily successful, giving to the foe a lodgment in some portion of the Free States which may require weeks to break np. But it is admitted by those who were opposed to us, that debt and defeat are not the heaviest calamities which weigh us down. A virtuous people and a pure government can bear up against any amount of outward pressure or physioal calamity, but when rottenness and corrup tion pervade the legislative hall or execu tive department, the heart of the patriot faints and his arm withers. The organ of the Secretary of State admits : “There have been mistakes. There have been peculations. Weak men have disgraced, and bad men have betrayed the Government. Contractors have fattened on fat jobs. Adventurers have found the war a source of private gain. Moral despera does have flocked about the National Capital and lain in wait for prey. The scum of the land has . gathered about the sources of power and defiled them by its reek and offensive odor. There has been mismanagement in the departments; mismanage ment whereever great labor had been performed and great responsibilities devolving. Men—even Presi dents and Cabinet ofiioers and Commanding Gen erais—have erred because they could not grasp the full significance of the drama, and because they were compelled to strike out on untrodden paths.” Hear the voice of a leading Republican orator: ‘I declare it upon my responsibility as' a fena tor of the United States,” said John P. Hale, “that the liberties of this country are in greater danger to-day from the corruptions and from the profligacy practised in the various departments of the Sovorn- they are from the open enemy in the The New York World, exclaims in an agony of remorse : It is with dismay and unspeakable shame that we, who have supported the administration from tho Ther« n i!, nS ’ its abuBe of its P o "er of arrest. There is no snoh thing as either justifying or exten uating its conduct in this particular/ Elery prin ciple of American liberty, every regard for the loyal cause, every sentiment of justice, every impulse of manhood, ones ont against it. The mah who thinks at all is absolutely staggered that these things oan be. They seem like some hideous dream. One can almost fancy that Mephistophiles himself had got access into the connoils of the government, and bv some device, fresh from the pit, had diverted its energies from the repression of the rebellion to the suppression of liberty. The New York Times demands a ohange in the Administration, and in the conduot of affairs. I have thus carefully set forth the declarations and named the witnesses to this lawful indictment, against our rulers, for we mean to proceed with all the oare and candor, and all the solemnity of a Ju dicial Tribunal. It is with a sorrowful heart I point to these dark pictures, not drawn by journals of the Demooratio party. God knows that as a member of that patriotic organization, American citizen, I would gladly ef face them if I could. But, alas, they are grounded upon truths that cannot be gain sayed. Once more then, our Kepublican fellow-citizens, in this day of our common humiliation and disgrace, we implore you, as respectfully as in the hour of your political triumph, listen to our sugges tions. We do not come with reproaches, but with entreaties. Follow the pathways marked out by the Constitution and we shall be extricated from our perilous posi tion. On the other hand, if you will still be governed by those who brought us into our present condition,you will learn too late that' there are deeper depths of degrada tion before us, and greater miseries to be borne than those which now oppress us Nay, more, the President of the United States appeals to us all, in his communi cation with the loyal men of the Border states, when he says he is pressed to vio late his duty, his oath of office, and the Constitution of the land—pressed by cow sr y and heartless men, living far away trom the scenes of war, fattening upon the I'Z, 1 00l ? e d from the blood and misery where Hving “ thoSe localities Tenni ln vestigations'show that this P®°P “f Government have been robbed th a ?t!hnsi en t, 00 a tra0tS ' Such men demand that those who have suffered most in this oontest, who have shown the highest and purest patriotism under the terrible trials ofdesolatedtomSf ruined fortunes, and of blood-stained fields should have a new and further evil inflin Jd £? , tie h„d. on SS£3- they struggling to uphold. By the Gud'anTthe people we will relieve til© President from that pressure. ‘‘THAT COUNTRY IS THE MOOT PBOSFXBOITB NECESSITY POE PARTY ORGANIZATIONS. An attempt is made to close the ears of onr Republican friends to our appeals, be cause we aot as a political organization.— Can we do otherwise ? Would not the dis persion of this anoient party, identified as it is with the growth, greatness and glory of our land, be looked upon as a calamity, even by our opponents ? Did not a shadow tall upon our country when it was torn apart at. Charleston; and do not men of all parties point to its disruption as one of the causes of this unnatural war ? is it not just we should nave a representation in the State and National Government pro portioned to our contributions to our armies and the treasury 1 If we elect all of our ticket at this time, we shall have no more than our proportioned share of polit ical power. It may be said we should meet without regard to political organizations, and nominate officers. This destroys the object of such organizations. Let the two great parties be honest and honorable enough to meet in fair and open disoussion with well-defined principles and polioies. Then each will serve our oountry as well out of power as in power. The vigilance kept alive by party contest guards against corruption or oppression. This watchful ness is most needed when unusual expen ditures of money present unusual tempta tions to the corrupt and selfish. For another reason we cannot disband our organization. The Union men of the Border and more Southern States, without distinction of party, implore us not to do so. They tell us a triumph of our party now would he worth more than victories upon the battle-field. It would re-assure their friends, it would weaken their oppo nents. Every advantage gained over Ab olitionism puts down the rebellion. While they and we know that there are many just and patriotic men in the Republican party, it is still true that its success gives power and influence to the violent and fanatical, and that their party action always goes beyond their party platform. Every fair man admits there is no way of correcting abuses but by a change of political leaders. The Republican party demanded this when they charged abuses upon Democratic administrations. They should concede the principle now. Experience shows that frauds practised by political friends are not punished by men in power. It is conceded that gross frauds have been committed in different departments of the government; that they have brought distress upon our L soldiers, defeat upon our arms, and disgraoe upon our people. But not one man has beeu punished or made to feel the power of that prerogative which is claimed to be an in cident of war-corruption, that has done more to destroy the National power than armed rebellion, has gone unsoathed. The sentinel who slept upon his post has been sentenced to death—the official who closed his eyes to frauds, whioh destroyed armies, is quietly removed, by and with the advice of the Senate, and represents the Nation’s character at the Capital of a friendly power 1 Citizens in loyal States who be came the object tf suspicion or of malig nant assaults, have been seized at their homes, dragged to distant prisons without trial and without redress, while each con vioted plunderer walks freely and boldly among the people he has robbed and wronged. Maladministration demands a change of administration. At this time, issues should be fairly and boldly made. It is no dishonor to be mistaken, but it is disgraceful not to be outspoken. Let this war at least settle questions of principle. A few months will deoide whb is right and who is wrong now, as the past two years have shown who were right and who were wrong heretofore. We are in favor of the rights of the State, as well as of the General Government; we are in favor of local self-government, as well as of the National jurisdiction within its proper sphere. TV hile we thus meet as a political or ganization, it is not for partisan purposes. We can best serve our country in this re lationship. The President of the United States will bear witness that he has not been pressed or embarassed by us. We have loyally responded to every oall made upon us by constituted authority. We obeyed all orders to reinforce our armies. When we were in power we de nounced the higher law doctrine—the principles that men might set up their wills against the statutes of the land—as trea sonable. We denounced it when uttered by Northern men ; we are combatting it now when it is asserted by the rebellious South. We repudiate it by submitting to every demand of our Government made within the limits of rightful jurisdiction. This obedience has not been constrained but cheerfully rendered, even in support of a party and policy to whioh we are op posed. We have struggled to sustain not oniy the letter but the spirit of our laws. We feel that we have set an example of loyalty that will not be lost upon those opposed to us. Having done our duty, we now demand our rights, and we shall at this time set in calm and fearless judg ment upon the conduot of our rulers. Ours shall not be the language of discord and violence. We deplore the passionate and vindictive assaults of leading Repub lican journals upon those holding civil or military stations. Above all, we protest in behalf of our country’s honor and dig nity against their insubordinate and disre spectful language towards the President of these United States. Such language wrecks the authority of Government and tends to anarchy and publio disorder. For another reason we cannot disband our organization. No other party can save this country. It alone has dearly defined purposes and well settled princi ples. It' has been well Baid in our Con gressional Address, that under its suid anoe— ® thfrty m mini„“ mi Tho A OKa ' ed tinguished r Revolutionary debt was ex profecuted witt wero sa °°“»fnlly and navy, and outla y “ d army comas • withm,r„ “ t r thB suspension of the habeas without one nsoZ e r mfr^‘ ion of tho Constitution ; sTng a single S n?wsp° a > without suppreA single editor; withoVlimit m f imprisomng a press, or of speech inorratofcS "i 01 "? i. of midst of the grossest abuse ' nZ the arrest of a single '• traitor " ?£ d Convention sat daring one of the^ win other, Senators invited the enemy to’ * ho SSXSS Graves^ 7 WBl °°“ 8 at good prices, pnblio liberty was secure, private ngEtsnndistnrbeU; every min’s hou«woߣ tie, the Courts were open to all; no .passports for W»Z°*h e °^ t i,? 0 A ioe ’ 110 spies, no informers, J> a f seml > le paaooably,!the right to petition , freedom of religioa. freedom, of-srMwmh a tree ballot, and a free presa fand all this thnathe WHIR* LABOB Constitution maintained nnd the Onion of the States preserved. * T7HT THE. REPUBLICAN ' PARTY CANNOT SATE THE COUNTRY. Oq the other hand, the very oharaeter of the Republican organization, makes it in oapable of conducting the affairs of the 'Government. For a series of years, it has practised a system of ooalitions,;with men differing in principle, until it can have no distinctive policy. In such chaotic masses the violent have most control. They have been educating their followers for years, through the press, not to obey laws which did not aocord with their views. How can they demand submission from whole com-" munities, while they contend that individ uals may oppose laws opposed to their con sciences ? They are higher law men.— They insist that the oontest in which we are engaged is an irrepressible one, and that therefore the South oould not avoid it, unless they were willing at the outset to surrender all that abolitionists demanded. To declare that this contest is irrepressi ble, declares that our fathers formed a government which could not stand. Are such men the proper guardians of this gov ernment ? Have not their speeches and aots given strength to the rebellion,, and have they not also enabled its , leaders to prove to their deluded followers that the oontest was an irrepressible one ? But their leaders have not only asserted that this contest was irrepressible, unless the South would give up what extreme Re publicans demand,(their local institutions,) but those in power have done much to justify this rebellion in the eyes of the world. The guilt of rebellion is deter mined by the character of the government against which it is arrayed. The right of revolution, in the language of President Lincoln, is a saored right when exerted against a bad government. We oharge that this rebellion is most wicked, beoause it is against the best gov ernment that ever existed. It is the ex cellence of our government that makes re sistance a crime. Rebellion is no.t neces sarily wrong. It may be an act of the highest virtue—it may be one of the deep est depravity. The rebellion of our fathers is our proudest boast—the rebel bellion of our brothers is the humiliation of our nation, is our national disgrace.—- To resist a bad government is patriotism to resist a good one is the greatest guilt. The first is patriotism, the last is treason. Legal tribunals can only regard resistance of laws as a orime, but in the form of public sentiment the character of the government will deoide if the act is treason or patriotism. Our government and its adminstration are different things ; but in the eyes of the civilized world, abuses, weakness or folly in the conduct of affairs go far to justify resistance. I have read to you the testi mony of Messrs. Greeley, Weed, Bryant, Raymond, and Marble, charging fraud, corruption, outrage and inoompetenoy upon those in power. Those who stand up to testify to the inoompetenoy of these representatives of a discordant party to conduct the affairs of our government are politically opposed to us. Bear in mind that the embarrassments of President Lincoln grow out of the conflicting views of his political friends, and their habits and principles of insubordination. His hands would be strengthened by a Demo cratic victory, and if his private prayers are answered, we will relieve him from the pressure of philanthropists who thirst for blood and who call for the extermination of the men, women and children of the South.. The brutal and bloody language of partisan editors and political preachers have lost us the sympathy of the civilized world in a contest where all mankind should be upon one side. Turning to the legislative departments of our Government, what do we see ? In the history of the decline and fall of na tions, there are no more striking displays of madness and folly. The assemblage of Congress throws gloom over the nation its continuance in session is more disas trous than defeat upon the battle field. It excites alarm and disgust. The publio are disappointed in the re sults of the war. This is owing to the differing objeots of the people on the one' band, and fanatioal agitators in and out of Congress on the other. In the army, the Union men of the North and South battle side by side, under one flag, to put down rebellion and uphold the Union and Con stitution. In Congress, a fanatioal major ity make war on the Union men of the South and strengthen the hands of seces sionists by words and aots which enable them to keep alive the flames of civil war. What is done on the battle field by the blood and treasure of the people, is undone by Senators. Half of the time is spent in faotious measures designed to destroy all confidenoe in the Government, at the Soui h, and the rest in annoying our army/ in meddling with its operations, ombarrassi mg our generals, and in publishing undi gested and unfounded scandal. One party is seeking to bring about peace, the other to keep alive hatred and bitterness by in terferences. They prove the wisdom of Solomon, when he said: «It is an honor to a man to oease from strife, but every tool will be meddling.” This war cannot be brought to a suc cessful conclusion or our oountry restored to an honorable peace under the Republi can leaders, for another reason. Our dis asters are mainly due to the faot that they have not dared to tell the whole truth to_ the community. A system of misrepresentation had been practised so long and so successful by that when the war burst upon us they feared to let people know its full proportions, and they per sisted in assuring their friends it was but a passing exoitement. They still asserted that the South was unable to maintain and carry on a war. They denounced as a traitor every man who tried to tell the truth, and to warn our people of the mag nitude of the oontest. Now, my Republican friends, you know that the misapprehensions ot the North with regard to the South has drenched the land with blood. "Was this ignorance ao oidenta!? 1 appeal to you Republicans, it tor years past, through the press and in publications which have been urged upon your ‘attention by the; leaders of your party, you have not been taught to de-pise the power and resources of the South? 1 appeal to you to say if this teaohing has not been a part of the machinery by whieh power has been gained ? I appeal to you to answer if those who tried to teach" truths how admitted have not been de hounced ? r -1 uppieiil to you if a book, be-- yond all others, false, bloody and treason- THB 0] MWAHD.”- BTTOHAHAJf, able, was not sent ont with the endorsement of all your managers; and is it. not true that now, when men blush to own the; be lieved its statements, that its author is honored b; an official station ? Jt is now freely confessed by you all that you have been deoeived with respect to the South. Who deoeived you ? Who; by false teaching, instilled contempt and hate into the minds of the people 1 Who stained our land with blood ? Who oaused ruin and distress ? All these things are within our own knowledge. Are their authors the to rescue us from our calamities ?- They shrink baok appalled from the misohief they have wrought, and tell you it is an irrepressible contest. That reasoh is as good for Jefferson Davis as for them. They attempt to, drown reflections by new excitements and new appeals to our passions. Having already, in legisla tion, gone far beyond the limits at whioh, by their resolutions, they were pledged to stop, they now aßk to adopt measures whioh they have heretofore de nounced as unjust and unconstitutional. For this reason they cannot save our country. As our national calamities thicken around us an attempt is made by their authors to avoid their responsibilities by insisting that our failnres are due to the fact that their measures are not oarried out, although Government has already gone far beyond its pledges. The demands of these men will never cease, simply be cause they hope to save themselves from condemnation by having unsatisfied de mands. At the last session, Congress not only abolished slavery in the Distriot of Columbia, but, to quiet olamorous men, an act of Confiscation and Emancipation was passed, whioh, in the opinion of leading Republicans, was unconstitutional and un just. By this act, the rebels have no property—nor even their own lives—and they own no slaves. But to the astonish ment and disgust of those who believe in. the policy of statutes and proclamations, ■ these rebels still live and fight and hold their slaves. These measures seem to have reanimated them. They have a oare less and reokless way of appropriating their lives and property, which by aot of Congress belong to us, in support of their oanse. ' But these fanatical men have learned that it is neoessary to win a victory before they divide the spoil—and what do they now propose ? As they cannot take the property of rebels beyond their leach they will take the property of the loyal men of the Border States. The violent men of this party, as you know from experience, my conservative Republican friend, in the end have their way. They now demand that the President shall issue a Proclama tion of immediate and universal emancipa tion ! Against whom is this to be directed ? Not against those in rebellion, for they come within scope of Congress. It oan only be applied to those who have been true to the Union and our flag. They are to be punished for their loyalty. When we consider their sufferings and their cruel wrongs at the hands of the secessionists, their relianoe upon our faith, is not this proposal blaok with ingratitude ? The scheme for an immediate emancipa tion and general arming of the slaves throughout the South is a proposal for the butchery of women and ohildren, for scenes of lust and rapine ; of arson and murder unparalleled in the history of the world. The horrors of the French Revo lution would become tame in comparison. Its effect would not be confined to the walls of cities, but there would be a wide spread scene of horror over the vast ex- panse of great States, involving alike the loyal and seditious. Suoh malignity and cowardice would invoke the interference of civilized Europe. History tells of the fires kindled in the name of religion, of atrooities committed under pretexts of order or liberty ; but it is now urged that scenes bloodier than the worid has yet seen shall be enacted in the name of philan thropy ! A proclamation of general and armed emancipation at this time, would be a cruel wrong to the African. It is now officially declared in Presidential addresses, which are fortified by Congressional aetion, that the negro cannot live in the enjoyment of the full privileges of life among the white race. It is now admitted, after our loss of infinite blood and' treasure, that the great problem we have to settle is not the slavery, but the negro question. A terri ble question, not springing from statutes or usage, but growing out of the unchange able distinction of race. It is discovered at this late day, in Republioan Illinois, ■ that it is right to drive him from its soil. It is discovered by a Republican Congress, after conyulsing our country with declara tions in favor of his equal rights, and "as serting that he was merely the viotim of unjust laws, that he should sent away from our land. The issue is now changed. The South holds that the African is fit to live here as a slave. Our Republioan Govern ment denies that he is fit to live here at all. The Republioan party cannot save the country, because through the powerful press it teaohes contempt for the. Laws, Constitution, and constituted authorities. They are not only destroying the Union, but they are shaking and weakening the whole structures of State as well as of the National Government, by denunciations of every law and of all authority that stands in the way of their passions or ■ their pur poses. They have not only carried discord into our churches and legislative halls, but into our armies. Every General who. agrees with them upon the subject of slavery is upheld in every act of insubor dination and sustained against the dearest proofs of incompetence, if not of corrup tion. On the other hand, every com mander who differs from their views upon the single point of Slavery, is denounced, not only for inoompetenoy, but constantly depreciated in every aot: No man is al lowed to be a Christian ; no man is regard ed as a. statesman; no man is suffered un molested to do his duty as a solder, unless he supports measures which no one dared to urge eighteen months since. They insist that martial law is superior to constitu tional law, that the wills of Generals in the field are above all restraints; but they demand for themselves the right to direot and control these Generals, They olaim an influence higher than that they will al low to the laws of the land; Are these displays 1 of insubordination 'and violence, safe at this time i ' The weight of annual taxation will test severely the loyalty of the people: of the North. ourfinihoialmbli j gations would cause disorder and- endless j moral evils. Pecuniary rights will rever ; “ e held more saored than personal rights. Separation of the Constitution involves repudiation of national debts, of its guar anties of rights of property, of person, and of oonsoienoe. The moment we show the world that we do not hold the Constitution to be a saored compact, we not only de stroy all sense of seourity, but we turn away from our shores the vast tide of foreign immigration. It comes here now not because there are not other skies as' bright and other lands as productive as ours. It seeks here seourity for freedom —for rights of conscience—for immunity from tyrannical interferences, and from meddling impertinenoe. The home and -fireside rights heretofore enjoyed by the American people—enjoyed under protec tion of a written Constitution—have made us great and prosperous. I entreat you. again, touoh them not with saorilegious hands! We are threatened with the breaking up of our sooial system, with the overthrow of State and National governments. If we begin a war upon the pompromises of the Constitution we must go through with it. It contains many restraints upon our National rights. It may be asked with what right the six small New England States, with a population less than that of New York, have six times its power in the Senate, which has beootho the controlling branch of government ? By what natural right do these States with their small united population and limited territories, balance the power of New York, Pennsyl vania, Ohio, Illinois, Indiana and Michi gan ? The vast debt growing out of this war will give rise to new and angry discussions. It will be held almost exclusively in a few Atlantio States. Look upon the map of the Union and see how small is the terri tory in whioh it will be owned. We are to be divided into creditor and debtor States, and the last will have a vast pre ponderanoe of power and strength. Un fortunately there is no taxation upon this national debt, and its share is thrown off upon other property. It is held where many of the government contracts have been executed, and where in some instances gross frauds have been practised. It is held largely where the Constitution gives a dispropor,tional share of political power. With all these elements of discord, is it wise to assail constitutional law, or bring authority into contempt? Is it safe to encourage the formation of irresponsible .committees, made up of impertinent men, who thrust themselves into the conduct of publio affairs, and try to dictate to public rulers ? or will you tolerate the enrollment of armies whioh are not constituted or organized by proper authorities ? Are such things just towards those who have placed their fortunes in the hands of the Government at this crisis ? We implore you do not be deoeived again with this Syren song of no danger. There is danger, great and imminent, of the destruction of all government, of safety for life and property, unless the duty of obedience to law and respect for authori ties, and the honest support of those in the public service both military and civil, are taught and enforced, by all the means within our oontrol. With us there is no excuse for revolu tionary aotion. Our system o’f govern ment gives peaceful remedies for all evils in legislation. WHAT THE DEMOCRATIC PARTY PROPOSE Mr. Presidentlt will be asked what do we propose to do. We mean, with all our powers of mind and person to support the Constitution and uphold the Union ; to maintain the laws, to preserve the public faith. We insist upon obedience to laws and respect for Constitutional authority ; we will defend the rights of citizens ; —we mean that rulers and subjeots shall respect the laws ; we will put down all revolution ary committees ; we will resist all unau thorized organizations of armed men, we will spurn officious meddlers who are im pudently pushing themselves into' the councils of our Government politically op posed to those in authority, we demand they shall be treated with the respect due to their positions as the representatives of the dignity and honor of the American people. We do not try to save our country by abandoning its government. In these times of trial and danger we cling more closely to the great principles of civil and religious liberty and of personal right; we will man the defence and barriers which the Constitution throws around them ; we will revive the courage and strengthen arms of loyal men by showing them they have a living government about which to rally; we will proolaim amidst the oonfu- Bton and uproar of civil war, with louder tones and firmer voioes, the great maxima and principles of civil liberty, order and obedience. What has perpetuated the greatness of that nation from which we derive so many of our maxims ? Not its victories upon land nor its triumphs upon the seas, but its firm adherence to its tra ditional policy. The words of Coke, of Camden and Mansfield, have for long periods of time given strength and vitality and honor to its social system, while bat tles have lost their significance. When England was agitated by the throes of violence—when -the person of the King was insulted; when Parliament was be sieged by mobs maddened by bigotry ; when the life of Lord Mansfield was sought by infuriated fanatics, and his house was burned by incendiary fires, then he uttered those words whioh oheoked at once un lawful power and lawless violence. He declared that every citizen was entitled to his rights according to the known proce dures of the land. He showed to the world the calm and awful majesty of the law, unshaken amidst convulsions. Self reliant in its strength and purity, it was, driven to no acts whioh destroy the spirit of law. Violence was rebuked, the heart of the nation was reassured, a sense of se ourity grew up, and the storm was still. Listen to his words : “Miserable is the condition of individuals, dan* geroos is the condition of the State where there is no or. wbat is the same thine, no certain administration of law by which indivifnals may be protected and the State made secure.” Thus, too, will we stand oalmly up amidst present disasters. We have warned the public that every aot of disobedicnoo weakened their claims to proteotiofi; ' We admonished our rulers '■ that' every violation of right destroyed-sentiments :ofr loyalty and duty, that obedienoe and.pr.o-. [were .obligationi. He. iwfe»;-withhold!, Jus support to 4j, t . eminent invitee oppression and usurpation on the part of those in authority. The publio servant who oversteps,his jurisdic tion or tramples upon the rights, person, property or procedure of the governed, in stigates resistance and revolt, Under abuse and detraction we have faithfully acted upon, these precepts, ' If our purposes were faotious, the elements of disorder are everywhere within, Our reaoh. If we were as disobedient to this Government and as denunciatory of! its officials as those who placed them in power, we oonld make them tremble in their seats of power. We have been obedient under all oiroumstanoes. But let no man mis take this devotion to our country and its Constitution for unworthy fear. We have no greater stake in good order than other men. Our arms are as strong, our endo rance as great, our fortitude as unwaver ing as those of our political opponents.— But we seek the blessings Of peaoe, of law, of order. . . : ■ We ask the public to mark our polioy and our po. .ition. Opposed, to the election of Mr. Linooln, we have loyally sustained him. Differing from the Administration as to the course and conduct of the war, we have cheerfully responded to every demand made on us. To-aay we are putting forth our utmost efforts to reinforoe our armies m the field.; Without conditions or threats we are exerting our energies to strengthen the hands of government, and to roplaoe it in the commanding position it held in the eyes of the world before reoent disasters. We are pouring out our blood, our trea sures, and qur men, fo rescue.'.it from apo sition in whioh it oan neither propose [ peace nor oonduot successful war. ' Ahd this support is freely and generously ao oorded. We wish to see our Union saved, our laws vindicated, and peace once more restored to our land. We do not olaim more virtue or intelligence than we award to our opponents, but we now have the sad and bloody proof that we aot.upon sounder principles of government. Animated by the motto we have, placed upon our banner —“ The Union, the Constitution, and the Laws”—we go into the political contest confident of the support of a People who cannot be deaf or blind to the teachings of the last two years. \ f HE LANCASTER INTELLIORWfiu'p v » J£L£ R l NTING ™ No. 8 NORTH DUKE STREET, LANCASTER pa The Jobbing Department Is thoroughly furnishe’d with .now and elegant type of every description, S d Is the charge of a practical and experienced Job Printer— The Proprietors are prepared to owr ' PRINT CHECKS, NOTES, LEGAL BLANKS, bill heads and handbills 03 AND CIBODLASa ' PAPER BOOKS AND PAMLeT™ P ° STBB8 ’ PRINTING INCOWR^SptAINP^rraG I ' B ' bio t ß rm, » ea S l aconrac 3 r »nd dispatch, on tho moat reason*! men? io tCity. “ raa “ 6r n<>t elC '’ ll '> d -“““i Orders from a distance, by mall or otherwise promptly attended to. Address otnerwlse, GEO. SANDERSON A SON, .. Intelligencer Office, No. 8 North Duke street, Lancaster, Pa. FRAME PIANOS hi J.l * / P; ODOnnMli by the Press and Mnsio Masters to -A S Instruments. They are bnllt or the best and “lmate Thß /hh B ? SOned a m “ terlolß ' and '"«« B t»nd any climate. The tone is very deep, round, full and mellow ■ Pta ° «» lr^. P j SIOHa 08 Ta!l “ Tbs Horace,Watars Pianos are of th " “LI'.H," 8 tbo ™.ry beet. We are enabled to speak nlrl™,l b ,Etrnm ®nta with some degree of confidence, from ,one ‘ nd dnrable , * Vj 0 — N J w f-OCTAVE PIANOS in Rosewood cases, *l5O- f drSi?^°' , i!i? trn ”S, b “''’ of dlfror6nt maker^&J *l5O, do., with mouldings, *160;. do., with caryed leg? and * l7s ' * lBs ’ “d *230; do., with*pearl keys, *225, *250 and $300; naw 614-octave, $lBS' do 684- octave, $l4O The above Pianos .H My £s pll.™ /ii 08 * 8 !! 1 bar B >lns that can be found In the city. sBM,nd h *nd pi ““» »* *m. m». THE HORACE WATERS MELODEONS. , SS,KT d t a h °oS qU!>l Teln Pe r »ment, with the tarn n?Il!, d n 8 811 , Bnd 80,0 BtO P- Prices from $36 to lam' °n.h Harmoninmawith Pedal Bass, $260. *276 and School.B. Mason A Hamlin, Bnd in- i H ' W m? mlth ’ all of wb l cb will be sold at extremely FbUh M > S 'a TheSo Melodeona remain in tuna a long timi EachMelodeon warranted for three years. b Rowtw 4 l ib S ral Recount to Clergymen, Churches, Babbath mnTi a Seminaries and Teachers. The trade supplied on the most liberal terms. THE DAT SCHOOL BELL • 36,000 COPIEB IBSUED. Scbolf n.n ID |?SS Book for Day Schoola,. called the Day school Bell, la now ready. It contains about 200 choice songs, rounds, catches, duetts, trios, qnartotts and oho“ •usea, many of them written expressly for this tor* bH sides 32 pages of the Elements of Mnsio. The Elements floWa'i* ? Dd pr “f r ““ lla . Hiat ordinary teachers wIU vmTni 8 i? i ! 6n . rely successful In lhstrncting even the tnni. h ° *?“ to a° B “ rrectly «nd scientifically f whUe ° d w ° rd " embrace such a variety of lively, at frmhhf’wm d |l. 0n '“ tlr , rl “ 6 mu ’ ic and sentiments. that no In o b i „T,h *“ e , x f erlenced tn Inducing all beginners to hl.iih ,' b Ze l* “ art iniring skill In one of the most Ilrtiwla ln| ’i’ beauty-improving, happiness-yielding, and ordeY-prodnclng exerciaes of school life. In simplicty of Its elements, in varioty and adaptation of musicf and: in I Unti? C f. a ? d - DUl ? ber of 118 songs, original, selected, and adapted. It claims by much to excel all competitors. -It will be found the beat ever issued for seminaries, acade mies and public schools. A few sample pages of the ele ments, tunes and songs, are givßn in a circular; send and B a‘ 5“ 8 ; k i t J s ,‘2 l ? p . lled by Horace Waters, author of School Belt,” Nos. land. 2, which have had the enormous sale of 735,000 copies. Prices—paper cover, 20 cents, $l5 per 100; bound; 30 cants, $22 per 100; cloth b ? ubd ’ ““boseed gilt, 40 cents, $3O i!er 100. 25 copies niehed at the 100 price. Hailed at the retail-price HORACE WATERS, Publisher, 481 Broadway, New York! SABBATH SCHOOL BELL No 2 85,000 COPIES ISSUED. His an entire new work of nearly 200 pages. Many of tne tnnes and hymns were written expressly lor this vol. ihHUV'T be “ popuUr 88 >“ predecessor, (Bell mm ” p “ tho snormoni number of 650,- 000 copies ontstrippiug any Sunday school book of its tonnd “ tb ' B country - A1 “o, both volumes are bound In one to accommodate schools wishing them in Mr l(»“hn^nrf M 9a 0r B ? U ??i 2 > P“P er covers, 15 cents, $l2 Kl»s n^™ 8 ’ 2 ? * lB *" 10 °: ='o‘b bound, mu bossed gilt,3o cents, *23 per 100. Bell No. 1. paper coven, 13 cents, *lO per 100; bonnd, 20 cents, *lB per ISO; cloth n ?’.°?o < ? B?d #?*' *? CBn,8 > t 2O pot hundred. Bells Nos. 1 and 2 bound together, 40 cents, *3O per 100, cloth bound, embossed gilt, 50 cents, $4O per 100. 25 copies fur nishetl at the 100 pnce. Mailed at the retail price HORACE WATERS, Publisher, 481 Broadway, New York. p .. new instrumental music. snt Lincoln’s Grand March, with the best Vignette seellency that has yet been published; music by HeUnumuller, leader of the 22d Regiment Band, price *0 cenU. Our Generals* Quick*Btep, with vignette 5 &of ear generals; music by Grafnlla, leader of the 7th Regiment Mnd, cents. The Seven Bons* Gallop, and Laura Eeene Waltz, 36 cents each. Comet Sebottieche, 25 cents; all bv Baker. Mu«ic Box Gallop, by Herring, 36 cents. Union Waltz, La Grassa, 25 cents. Volunteer Polka, Goldback. 2o cents. Spirit Polka; General Scott’s Farewell Grand March, 26 centa each; Airy Castles, 30 cents, all by A. E. Parkhuxst. Freedom, Truth an