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"• - ''-- - • .. _ -: . , . .....4tia..-_,.::: *if. SI- ' 1 • VOL. LXI. , . . . --.- '-' --,-- 'PRESIDENT'S' MISSAGE. *al' ' • 'lt istalleged as one 41111114, fer immediate cessionse at the Sonthern'tkatea . are denied :. a - • • S - nqbalsrights saith:the other; States Mahe:Com i, .. --.., ,- - .- , s- mon Territories.. But by ivhat authority are Yellow-citizens of the Senate and House of Re- these denied? • Not by Congress, which has . ; • s , ' presentcaives : never passed, and I believe never will pass, slavery from. these-Terri - Throughout the year 'since our last meet any act to exclude- - tones ; and certain " y not by , the Supreme ng, the country has been eminently emin Pros s Daurt, which has eolemnly decided that. slaves • _ - - perous in all its, material . intereats. The are property, and like all, other property, their owners have a right ,to. take them into general health. has been excellent; our ~. •• . . Q.- 'a . fire common Terntaries, and hold them there --:' - • harvests have been abundant, and -plenty 'under the protection of the Constittitioxi. smiles throughout the land. Our -. eorn a ado far, then, as Congresi is concerned, the ObjeCtiOW to anything they hav ie not -•' merce and manufactures have .been pros-al ready donesbut to what 'they 'may 'do hires ecuted with energy and industry, and have after!" It Will surely be ' admitted that this yielded fair and ample returns. In short, apprehension, of future' danger is no good no nation in•the tide of tiine'has ever pre- reason for an - immediate dissolution .of the . • - rented.a spectacle_ of. Union. 'lt ii - true that - the territorial legisla greater material, tame of , Kansas, on the 28d of February, 1860, prosperity than we have done until within. pasliedin greathaste sin act, Over the veto of a very recent period. •• ~ ‘ • r the governor; deofaring thatalavery "is, and Why is it, then, that discontent now so shall be, forever prohibited in his Territo : • . ' , 7 7.7 Such an .act,, howeaer, , plainly viola . extensively prevails, and, the Un ion Of tin the - ghts of property secured ,'b y the the States, which is the source of-all these Constitution, will surely be declared void bit the judiciary whenever it shall be presented blessings, is threatened with destruction ? in a legal, forms l The long-continued and intemperate in- Only C oo t, after mylinauguration the ' terference of the Northern people with Suprenie Court of the United States solemnly ' the question of slavery in the Southern adjudged that this power clid.not exist in a States has at length produced its natural- territorial legislature. Yet such' has been effects. The different sections of the U- the factious temper of the times that the cor nion are now arrayed against each other,. rectness of this decision lute been extensive and the time has arrived, so much dread- laimpugned before the People and the ques ed by the Father of his Country, when tioh has given rise to'angry political conflicts hostile geographical parties have been throughout the. country. Thoiie who have formed. I have long foreseen and often appealed from this jadgment of our highest forewarned my countrymen of the now irri- constitutionartribunal to popttlar assemblies pending danger. This does not proceed would, 'if - they' could, invest a territorial solely from the claim on the part, of Cons legislature With power to annul the 'sacred gress or the territorial legislatures to ex- - 'rights' of property.. This pOwer Congress is elude slavery from the Territories, nor expressly forbidden by the federal Constitn from the efforts of different States to de- Lion to - exercise. Every State legislature in feat the execution of the fugitive slave the Unionis forbidden by it own constitu tion to exercise it, It cannot be exercised in law. All or any of these evils mighthave been endured by the South without clan any State except bythe.peoPle in their high , est sovereign capacity when framing or ger to the. Union, (as others have been,) in the hope that time and reflection might amending their State constitution. In like apply the remedy. The immediate peril manner, it can only be exercised by, the pee. pie of a Territory represented in anonvention arises not so much from these causes as f delegates for the purpoae of framing a from the fact that the incessant and vio- constitution preparatory , toladmission as a lent agitation of the slavery 'question State into the Union. Thenk - and not until throughout the North for the last quarter then, are they invested witl4power to decide of a century, has at length produced its the question whether slavery shall or shall malign influence on the slaves, and inspir- not exist within their limits.„ This is an act of ed them with vague notions of freedom; sovereign authority,, and not of subordinate Hence a sense of security no longer exists territorial legislation. Were it otherwise, around the family altar. This feeling of theft indeed would the equality of the States peace at home has given placeto apprehen- in the Territories be destroyed, and the sions ef servile insurrection. rights of property in slaves would depend, Many a Matron throughout the South not upon the guarantees of the Constitiltion, retires at night in dread of what may be- but upon the shifting majorities of an irre fal herself and her children before the sponsible territorial legislature. Such a doe morning. Should this apprehension of trine, from its intrinsic unsoundness, cannot long influence any considerable portion of domestic danger, whether real or imagine i ry, extend and intensify itself until it shall our people, much less cant afford a good pervade the masses of the Southern people, reason for a dissolution of the Union. then disunion will-become inevitable.— The most palpable violet one of constitu • Self-preservation is the first law of nature, t o i o o h n s a m l td in nty the which acts have of tu yet er differ n e t c;t acommitted and has been implanted in the heart of tures to defeat the execution of the fugitive and by his Creator. for the wisest, purpose ; slave law. It ought to be remembered, how and no political union, however fraught ever, that for these acts, neither Congress with blessings and benefits in all other re- r sleets, can long continue, if the necessary sible. Having been passed nor any President can justly be held in violation tion f consequence be to render the homes and the Federal Constitution, they are therefore the firesides of nearly half the parties to null and void. All the cotirts, both State it habitually and hopelessly insecure.— and national, before whom the question has Sooner or later the bonds of such a Union arisen, have from the beginning declared the must be severed. It is my conviction that fugitive-slave law to be constitutional. The this fatal period has not yet arrived ; and single exception is that of a' State court in my prayer to God is that He would pre- Wisconsin, and this has mi t t , only been re serve the Constitution and the Union versed by the proper appell to tribunal, but throughout all generations. has met with such universaLreprobation that But let us take warning in time, and re- there is no danger from it as a precedent.— move the cause of danger. It cannot be The validity of this law hasrbeen established denied that, for five and twenty years, the over and over again by the Supreme Court of the United States with perfect unanimity. agitation at the North against slavery in the South has been incessant. In 1835 It is founded upon an express provision of the Constitution, h requiring that fugitive pictorial hand-bills, and inflammatory ap peals were circulated extensively through- to swo s ma l l) b e e ff , om . se7ice in one State . anotherdelivered up"to their out the South, of a character to excite the masters. Without this provision it is a well passions of the slaves; and, in the language known historical fact that 'the Constitution of General Jackson, "to stimulate them to itself could never have been adopted by the insurrection, and produce all the horrors of Convention. a servile war." This agitation has ever In one form or other under the acts of 1793 since been continued bythe public press, and 1850, both being substantially the same, by the proceedings of State and county the fugitive-slave law has been the law of conventions, and by abolition sermons and the land from the days of Washington until lectures. The time of Congress has been the present moment. Here, then, a clear occupied in violent speeches on this never- case is presented, in which it will be the ending subject ; and appeals in pamphlet duty of the next President; as it has been my and other forms, endorsed by distinguish- own, to act with vigor in executing this su ed names, have been sent forth from this preme law against the conflicting enactments central point, and spread broadcast over of State legislatures. Should he fail in the the Union. performance of this high duty, he will then How easy would it be for the American have manifested a disregard of the Constitu people to settle the slavery question for- tion and laws, to the great injury of the ever ; and to restore peace and harmony people of nearly one-half' of the States of the Union. But are we to presume in ad - to this distracted country. vance that he will thus violate his duty ? They, and they alone, can do it. All This would be at war with every principle of that is necessary to accomplish the object, justice and of Christian Charity. Let us arid all for which the slave States have wait for the overt act. The fugitive slave ever contended, is to be let alone, and per- law has been carried into execution in every mitted to manage their domestic institu- contested case since the 'commencement of tions in their own way. As sovereign the present administration; though often it States, they, and they alone, are responsi- is to be regretted, with great loss and incon ble ;before God and the world for the sla- venience to the master, and with considers yery, existing among them. For this, the ble expense to the government. Let us trust people of the North are not more respon- that the State legislatures will 'repeal their sible, and have no more right to interfere, unconstitutional and obnoxious enactments. . than with similar institutions in Russia or Unless this shall be -done without unneces in Brazil. - Upon their good sense and pa_ nary delay, it is impossible for any 'human triotic forbearance I - confess I still greatly power to save the Union. i rely. Without their aid, it is beyond the The Southern States,' standing on the power of any President, no matter what basis of the Constitution, have aright to may be his own political proclivities, to demand this act of justiee from the States restore peace and harmony among the of the North. Shouid it be refused, then States. Wisely limited and restrained as the Constitution, to which all the States o is his power, under our Constitution and are parties, will have been wilfully vi laws, he alone can accomplish but little, lated by one portion of them in a provi fer good or for evil, on such a momentous sion essential to the domestic security question. and happiness of the remainder. -In that ,States, having election of any one of our fellow-citizens t the injured'after And this brings me to observe that the even first used all peaceful and constitutional to the office of President does not of itself means to obtain redress, would be justified afford just cause for dissolving the Union. in revolutionary resistance to the Govern- This is more especially true if his election went of the Union. I havepurposelyconfined remarks . my . has been effected by a mere plurality, and to revolutionary resistance, because it not a Majerity, of the people, and has re- has been claimed within e last few suited from transient and temporary cans- has that any State, whenever this shall 'es, which may probably never again occur. y ' • • , • be its d sovereign. will . and . pleasure, may In order to justify a resort to revolution se.ce e from the . Union, in accordance cry resistance, the Federal Government with the Constitution, and without any must be guilty ef "a deliberate, palpable, and dangerous exercise" of powers not violation of the constitutional rights of -- granted by the Constitution. The late the other members of the Confederacy Thateach became panties to the Union presidential election, however, has been as held in strict conformity with its express by the votes of its own people assembled Convention, so any ohs of the m ma y provisions. How, then, can the result in retire from the Union in_;a, 61171!_lar manner justify a revolution to destroy this very by the vote of such a convention. Constitution? Reason, justice, a regard . . In order to justify secession as a consti shallfor the Constitution, all require that we . tutional remedy it must be on the principle • wait for some overt and dangerous that the Federal Government is a mere act on the part of the President elect be voluntary association of States, to be fore resorting to such a remedy. dis solved at pleasure by any one of the con- It is said, nowever, that the antecedents of tractiug parties. If this'be so, the Con justifyt elect the have been sufficient is a rope to federacy-' of san , to be penetra the fears of South he will at- ted and dissolved bytheernea ,st alt way tempt to invade their constitutional rights. filet of br ' • • Du le opinion in any of the States. In But are such apprehensions of contingent -- this manner our thirty-three States may danger in the future sufficient to justify the immediate destruction of the noblest' system resolve themselves into many petty, of governmentever devised by mortals ? From jarring,. and hostile repub its, each one re the very nature of his office, and its high re- tiring from the Union, thout responsi sponsibilities, he must necessarily be censer- bility, whenever any sud en excitement vative. The stern duty of administering the might impel them to such a course. By vast and complicated concerns of this Gov- this process a Union might be entirely ' ernment affords in itself a guarantee that he broken into fragments in a few weeks, will not 'attempt any violation of a clear which cost our forefathers many years of constitutional right. .After all, he is no more toil, privation, and blood to establish. than the chief executive of the Government. Such a principle is wholly inconsistent His province is not to make, but to execute with the history as well 4s the character the laWs • and it , is a remarkable fact in our of the Federal Constitution. After it was history, that, notwithstanding the repeated framed, with the.greatest deliberation and efforts of the anti-slavery party, no • single care, it was submitted. to Conventions of act has ever passed, Congress, unless we may the people of f or'fi the several qtates rati - possibly except the Missouri Compromise, cation. : 'lt • • s provisions were discussed at impairing:in the slightest degree, the rights lengthln :these bodies ctiposed of the of the South to their property in slaves • first men of the country. Its opponents And it may also be observed, judging from present indications, that no probability ex- contended , that it conferred. powers, upon . ists of the passage of such an acts by a ma- the Federal Government dangerous to the jority of both Houses, either in the present rights of the States, whilit its advocates or the next Congress, Surely - , under these maintained that under a fair construction circumstances, we ought to be restrained of the instrument.there w no foundation from present action by the precept of Him 'for such apprehensions. that mighty Who snake as never, man spoke, that " suf- struggle between the first intellects of this frcient unto the day is the evil thereof.,"— or any other country, it never occurred , The day of• evil may never come, unless we sto any individual s either antongita oppon shall rashly, bring it upon ourselves, ants or advocates, to"assertocir even to ' , m . , LANCASTER CITY PA., TUESDAY - MORNIN' DECE)4BERI4IB6O.,:- timhte,thaetfieirnflorts were all 'vain la- boy, because the moment that any State felt herself aggrieved 'she might secede from the Union. What a cruShingargtv. "rneut would this have- proved" against those Who dreaded that the rights veff the States would be endangered by the Coif stitution.- The truth is, that it was not nail many years after - the origin'of the Federal Goyernment that such ,a.prorkisi tion was first advanced. , It was then met and reftded by the con= 'elusive argument's . of General Jackson, who in "message df 18th January, 1833, tiansmittiiiig the! nullifying' ordinance of South Carolina to' Congress, 'employs the following: littignage: " The,iright of the peoplent It single State to abStilve them - - nefves rat will, and without the consent of the Other States, frotrilheir irtotirsolernri obligations,' add 'hazard 'the 'liberty and , happiness Of the million's composing this 'Union, cannot lie rabictiolvledged.. Such' authority is believed to be utterly reptig- Ititnt both to the principles upon which' the General' Government is constituted :ant to the objects which'it - was expressly formed to attain." It is not pretended . that any clause 'in the Constitution gives countenance to such a theory, _lt is altogether founded upon' inference, not from any language cOntairi-: ed in the instrument itself, but from the sovereign character of the several States by which it was ratified. But is it beyond the,pciwer of a State, like an 'individual, to yield a portion of its sovereign righti to secure the remainder ? In the language of Mr. Madison, who has been 'called the father of the Constitution : "It was forzit ed by the States--that is,by the people in each 'of the states, acting in their highest sovereign capacity ; 'and formed conse quently by the same authority which form ed the State constitutions." "Nor is the Government of the United. States, created by the Constitution, less a Government in the' strict sense of the term, within the sphere of its powers. than the governments created by the' constitutions of the States are, within their several spheres. It is, like them, organized into legislative, executive, and judiciary departments. It operates, like them, directly on persons and things; and, like them, it has at command a physical force fpr ex.ecuting the powers com mitted to it." ' It was intended 'to be perpetual, and not to be annulled at the pleasure of any one of the contracting parties. The old articles of confederation were entitled "Articles' of Confederation and Perpetu al Union between the States ;" and by the 13th article it is expressly declared that " the articles, of this Confederation shall be inviolably observed by every State, and the Union shall be perpetual." The pre amble to the Constitution of the United. States, having express reference,to the ar ticles of Confederation, recites that it was established " in order to form a more per fect union." And yet it is contended that this " more perfect- union." does not in• dude the essential attribute of perpetui ty But that the Union was deSigned to be perpetual appears eoncrusively from the nature and extent of the powers conferred by the Constitution on the Federal Gov ernment. These powers embrace the very highest attributes of national sovereignty. They place both the sword and the purse under its control. Congress has power to make war, and to make peace; to raise and support armies and navies, and to conclude treaties with foreign govern ments. It is invested with the power to coin money, and to regulate the value thereof, and to regulate commerce with foreign nations, and among the several States. It is not necessary to enumerate the other high powers which have been conferred upon the Federal Government. In order to carry the enumerated powers into effect, Congress possesses the exclu sive right to lay and collect duties on im ports and in common with the States to lay and collect all other. taxes. But the Constitution has not only con ferred these high powers upon Congress, but it has adopted effectual means to re strain the States from interfering with their exercise. For that purpose it, has, in stron ,, prohibitory language, expressly declared that "no State shall enter into any treaty, alliance, or confederation ; grant letters of marque and reprisal; coin money; emit bills of credit; make any thing but gold and silver coin a tender in payment of debts ; pass any bill of at tainder, ex post facto law, or law impairing the obligation of contracts.". Moreover, "without the consent of Congress, no State shall lay any imposts or duties on any imports or exports, except what may be absolutely necessary for executing its inspection laws;" and, if they exceed this amount, the excess shall belong to the United States. And "no State shall, without the con- Beet of Congress, lay any duty of tonnage ; keep troops, or ships of war, in time of peace ; enter into any agreement or com pact with another State, or with a foreign power; or engage in war, unless actually invaded, or in such imminent danger as will not admit of delay." In order still further to secure the unin terrupted exercise of these high powers against State interpositiop, it is provided " that this Constitution and the. laws of the United states which shall be made in pursuance thereof; and all treaties made, or which shall be made, under the authori ty of the U. States, shall be the supreme law of the land ; and the judges in every State shall be bound thereby, anything in the Constitution or laws of. any State to the contrary notwithstanding." The solemn sanction of religion has been superadded to the • obligations of official duty, and all senators and representatives of the United States, all members of State legislatures, and all executive and judicial officers, " both of the United States and of the several States, shall be bound by oath or affirmation to suppert this Constitu tion." In order to carry into effect these pow ers, the Constitution has established a perfect Government in all its forms, Legis lative, Executive, and Judicial ; and this Government, to the extent of its powers acts directly upon the individual citizens of every State, and executes its own de crees by the agency of its own officers. In this respect it differs entirely from the Government under the old Confederation, which was confined to making regaisitions on the States in their. sovereign charaCter. This left it in the discretion of each . . whether to obey or refuse, and they often declined to comply with such requisitions. It thus became necessary, for the purpose of removing this barrier, and " in order to forma more perfect Union," to establish a Government which could act directly upon the people, and execute its, own laws with- out the intermediate agency of the States. This has been accomplished by the Con stitution of the United Stated. In short, the Government created by the Constitution, and deriving Its authority from the sovereign people of each of the several States, has precisely.the same right to exercise its power over the people of till these States, in the enumerated cases, that each one of them possesses over subjects not delegated to the United States, •but " reserved to the States, - respectively, or to the people." To the extent of the delegated powers the Constitution of the United States is as much a part of the constitution.of each State, and is° as binding upon its people, as though it had been textually' inserted therein. • This government, therefore, is a great and powerful Government, inVested with all the attributes of sovereignty- over the Rpgcial subjects .to which its authority ex tends. Its framers never intended 'to im plant in. its 13080 M the seeds . of its own deltrietiOn, 'nor . Weie . theY iteCreatieti guilty of -ths -absurdity of providing- for its own dissolution. It wiie not intended br ita framers to.be the baseless fabrisiif a vision which, at the touch of the enchan ter, would vanish into thin air, bat a stib stantial and mighty fabric; copabls of , resisting the'illow• decay of time and of ire- ' fyiiig the storms of ages..: Indeed, wet-d may the jealous patriots .of ,that day have indulged fears - thit't , ii.government high powers . might, violate .the reserved rights of the States, and . Wisely ditilkek adopt, the rule pf:a" strict construction-of these powers to prevent the danger? But` But they did not . fear, nor had' they any reisnii to imagins, 'that• the. Constitution , would ever be so interpreted- as to eniabliiiisy State, •by her own act, and without. *- consent of her Easter . States, to discharge her . people from all or any of their Federal' , • - It may be asked, then, are the people'or the States without redress against the tyrannyand oppression of the Federal Gov ernment ? By no means. The right of re sistance on the part., of the governed against' the oppression •of their govern ments cannot:be denied. It exists inde pendently of all constitutions, and has been . exercised at all periods of the worl's histo ry. Under it old.governments have been destroyed, and new ones have taken their place. It is embOdied in strong' arid press linguage in our own Declaration of Independence. Bdt the distinctitm must ever be observed, that_ this , revolution against an established Government, and not a voluntary secession from it , by virtue , of an inherent constitutional right. In short, let us look the danger fairly in the face : Beceseioh is'neither more nor less than revolution. It may or it may not be a justifiable revolution, but still it is revo lution. What, in the meantime, is the responsibility and .trutspoaltion of the Bxecutiie ? 13e is bound by solemn oath, before God and the country, "to take' care that"-the' laws be -faithfully executed," and from this obligation he Cannot be absolved by any, human power. But what if the performance of this duty in whole or in part, has been ran, dared impracticable by events over which hicould have exercised no control? Such, at the present moment, is 'the case throughout the State of South Carolina, so far as the lawa of the United States to secure the administration "of justice by means of the Federal Judiciary are concerned. - All the Federal officers within its limits, - 'through whose agency alone these laws can be carried into exe cution, .have already resigned. We no longer have is. district judge, a diatriet attorney, or a marshal, in South Carolina. In fait, the Whole machinery of the Federal Government, necessary for the distribution of remedial justice among the people, has been demolished; and. it would, be difficult, if not impossible, to replace , it. • • • • • The only acts of Congress on the statute book, bearing upon this subject, are those of the 28th of February, 1795, and 3d of 'March, 1807. These authorize the President ; after he shall have ascer tained that the marshal with his posse coin tatus is unable to execute civil or criminal process in any particular ease, to gall forth the mllitia and employ the army and navy to .aid him , in per forming this service, having first-by Proclamation commanded the insurgents "to disperse and re tire peaceably to their respective abodes, within a limited time." This duty cannot by possibility be performed in a State where no judicial authori ty exists to issue process, and where there is no marshal to execute it, and where, even if there were such an officer, the entire population would constitute one solid combination to resist him. The bare enumeration of these provisions proves how inadequate they are Without farther legislation to overcome a united opposition in a single State,not to-speak of other States who may place themselves in a similar attitude. Congress alone has power to decide whether the present laws can or cannot be amended so as to carry, out more effectually the objects of the Constitu tion. The same insuperable obstacles do not lie in the way of executing the laws for the collection of the customs. The revenue still continues to be collected, as heretofore, at the custom-house in Charleston; and should the collector unfor tunately resign, a successor may be appointed -to perform this duty. Then in regard to the property of the United States in South Carolina. This has been pur chased for a fair equivalent, " by the consent of the legislature of the State," " for the erection of forts, magazines, arsenals," its., and over those the authority "to exercise exclusive leak:. lation " has been expressly granted by the Con stitution to Congress. It is not believed that any attempt will be made to expel the United States from this property by force ; but if in this I should prove to be mistaken, the officer in com mand of the forte has received orders to act :Aridly -on' the defensive. In such a . contingenoy, the responsibility for aonselluences would right fully rest upon the heads of the assailants, .Apart from the execution of the laws, so far as this may be practicable, the Executive has no authority to decide what shall be the relations between the Federal Government and South Car olina. He has been invested with no such .dis cretion. He possesses no power to change the re lations heretofore existing between them, mush lees to acknowledge the independence of that State. .This would be to invest a mere Executive officer with the power of recognizing the dissoli tion of. the Confederacy among our thirty-three sovereign States. It bears no resemblance to 'the recognition of a foreign - de facto government, in volving no such responsibility. Any attempt to do this would, on his part, be a 'naked act of usurpation. It is, therefore, my duty to submit to Congress the whole question, in all its bear ings. The course . of events is so rapidly hastening forward, that the emergency may soon arise when. you may be called upon lodeoide.the . momentous question whether you possess the power, by force of arms, to' compel a State te, remain in the. Union. I should feel myself recreant to my duty were I not to express an opinion on this import ant subject. The question fairly stated is: Has the Constitu tion delegated to Congress the power to force a State into submission which is attempting to withdrai or has actually Withdrawn Lfrom the Confederacy ? If answered. in the affirmative, it must be on the principle that the power has been conferred to Congress to declare and to make war against a State. After much serious reflection I have arrived at the conclusion that no gush pow er had been delegated to Congress or to any other department of the Federal Government. It is manifest, upon an inspection of the Constitution, that this is not among the specific and enumerated powers granted upon Congress; and it is equally apparent that" its exercise is not " necessary and proper for carrying into execution" any one of these powers. So far from this power having been delegated to Congress, it was expressly refused by the convention which framed the Constitution. It appears from the proceedings of that body, that on the Met. May, 1787, the clause "author. izing an exertion of the force of the whole against a delinquent State,' came up for consid eration. Mr. Madison opposed it in a brief but powerfntspeeoh, from which I shall extract but a single sentence. He observed : "The use of force against a State would look more like a declara tion of war than an infliction of punishment; and would probably be considered by the party at tacked as a dissolution elan previous compacts by which it might be bound." Upon his motion the datum was unanimously postponed, and was never I believe again presented. Soon afterwards, on the Bth of June, 1787, when incidentally advert ing to the subject, he said : "Any Government for the United States, formed on the supposed practicability of using force against the unconsti tutional. proceedings of the States, would preve as.visionary and fallacious as the government of Congress," evidently meaning the then existing Congress of the old Confederation. Without deseendirq to partieulars,it may be eafeiy asserted that the power..to make war against a State is at varianee, with the whole spirit and intent of the Constittition. Suppose such 'a war should result in the conquest of a State, how are we to govern it afterwards ? Shall we hold it as a province, and govern it by des potic power In the nature of things we could not, by physical force, control the will of the peo ple, and compel them to elect senators and repre sentatives to Congrets, and to perfordi all the other duties depending upon their 'own volition, and required from the free citizens of a free State as a constituent member of the Confederacy.; But, if we- possessed this power, would it be wise to exercise it under existing oiroumstanoes ?. The object would doubtless be to preserve the Union. War'woilld not °iffy - fitment the moat et. feofual means of destroyimg it ; but would hint& all hope of its peaceable reconstruction. Besides, in the fraternal conflict a Tot amount of blood and treaciee wentlehe expended,. rendering inhere reconciliation betwcettthe . Ili `the lacial time, Who can fortell Whit would be the IM===pM AWINWIN nz 4 ntlinne=” " ':''''" s: ''"' ' ' ''''s -Amerittlanterohant4esseis ; en; the. - high' , adreldilgli The faotvhi, tha:ti:;nltinll7y:iatiiifi:ll4ri.4lllll.94lk444sriirilitat36l4l:'lll6 ants 146141.1 i .li - esti-in time. a iiiift bag NfireliAbtindolled. ropibilidfiseil effiiiiiiefOgeTittlen,lB.lllllioit '. - .?n,- ' - 4. e- - 016 WEit s lat' 't i oritieltizi*'eliedleiM,Yeiiif - If-kcsiAlf IT -.... nkrt5,.. ...:F. In -, , Ate 0T0 1 4,. , in'timitleC4Mi 'of ilie t Ptaiii4'if' jaiiikeyne*c Vol . tO".1 Oil .-, Owe of Wt two olktuktpeit 1 'fieffsdt:- .n e hit*O. -- . j Oilies4'"*o. .t,;4.19 -", 'tWe' 7, Abinh-tiaff-exiffte d since the war of 1812. I 28 04 1 0 , 31 00 101%Wlizi:Lne.$ Inff"rstOq4l4.9l.• . - Whilet , O.Yentit,wied ppm' ? they ml, at i Ciiii4a,kigi,ek_2,4prp, ... Miircily:fr i itnytidoielitattilltieetE kmdipktittiid Ix* ii . 4 it z3 r l4.. ' lie ' • 2 lie rye 11 " ! ' "Itai;ii, ITtiii.,mgt. rensiere4l - iiiteigeit., byi the:. de._ .V.pme,te., 4 4 o 4p.sryAlP.Al4}l4 itegodett Mein meiiqratiae:om eliberate, beforeitint7 , ..,,,, x a ....,„...,,.... oxi . , Oll„ our_oni perited tre.. stit u o n f ty pub ;. ll; Iropoit_.,4io ererjriskswilsotod talus= , , r o f:d ak4r: Ae e‘ ,l liw e b ich y natter --.llll4ol{bkiter4 bogie furillischtesizateld .I fOreibllk' . .ll,lfhtAl of ~,4111i i 3r,i htn . ~.. % •brotbehloodrof .oardatheist,l bsithsOmii_eketthw 'Tesitilii'VO - Atital t - OrtiniSire. 94 • tab- e , 9lMit'. ;i" ' - Pastwaa4..b yl tb s bl ipeaaf_shiricitrus.,_linfiribted, __, .0' - .0,.,...,itt:: et .-.prAPg f - V; _ - //141 ' "/ " 114° "dera°4l / 5 -zicir P r "P e " mr4l9l ti er !. heicsigterieaso neenht , i halled....w gen-- I°ngiltill ' 42ll,""4l; l'Adsi'u6 the*i ' * "` "7- oral , neenr- the ' li4eitt tif the -' SecrettuT, jai nation 433"11"-""flhti''blirtla .. ti'rilteil; 'of the' littiltie6iti P iiitiiiii. &Me li the sartilt ferergtv 6 , 0 , 6614.: ;Ni.,1a4ii ,. .0 . 41i .- la ( -the - tilkis6lol44,ol4 ilikd bijilisit'L . a elfd `IRAO.i - :704..mig5r"... "..15),protootialt . moo _ .v_ ~ , '1 , 1 1 n 5 t 44, 4 4 f1e WfkilOrl*ji, ff - IditiSf4 Vniteili idtetee gni tithe.. .high - sear: , from. or -4 feWittlififtber 'U ll°l6 % 6ll ' l ' IktfW seititolporydettittitity by the vessels-of-war ,Rureiy when we reach the brink of the ji_i,wning of selzithet.raitiyiktt.' -,lll,aidepotlergixtight. r to 4.318, wcalieumeakinwithatirtato ffiiiii•-itrustifist hior - r A te ,. 4 ,g1. 1 . 4044 . 440i , v , ,,imi . o . 6o:_bei.. -,.., Tot ro . i 4, 3 ,,vd .P i1 k et,.,... ,( r0jitv : ,p , , , , ~ it 1-- #3 , ~t twee the, nalitirreekof the two conntries.! wortl-4/614. W/040 est i sulote r t ii gi - Thwitrawmost:fortunateky prevented by:an le okiiSiieirs4rohi!' .• • ' a„ pistiAte, tappeal to the..justi9e ,orciibet Thitliikand Pt t..P le .:.. ' - f q:Mti',..' 1 iaeligli would to ttiti ItiW,Of intifOile tiff ailioiiiidid tii , her 11 , 6101,311De l;tli2,Efi u- '.......„ 4. ** - -5 3100 4_,,,_ A i mo ci n , „,, . ,citra_iiiiiit:iiininent jurists. t ull el 'ea t e T„ g4‘ ,, PF er.',;,.,, i14- „” e ,_,-,..,,, ii 1,7` 64. _. nt ,.....„ k} r e , ... 6 7 :', The only . _ question. , of Any -importance v lo 4 " reiro - lit e- -.7 - 7§ , Tric " l7; ' oi9 '."..r Uatifi ' lt - re — scri-in - -4mil----'w, which 'Bull. 're F tti. art e__. 4 :l 4 s.ti,lii tie'o l9 t) eil, -fearful alternative. Thlmoughtlxilbst,the :kat Aftbi. - 4tls43lsit'lifeptd` , 00 r 111100. 0 ., to . the desperate:Ate:oy of-a despairingdrompler aftdr ialada Of - San Juan,- in the„.4leieity _of eratrotherMenstitutional mieitni tor rotiesatinit' Washington Territory, As Allis quation had-been-exhottseed. We should reflect that un-, ; 4g . et -(k it.:is-eot Owned dee' thlifreilaciieritidetitatheri le liViiiieintifii, ittih' , _ Aiii ii -(k at, tto, eat moment to moire ailiDliiteinlf.iblic opinion. The edalseeryiltiestiolte, -"" like .vosy,thicg human, will tie its da. .1 - . . s , jl . Extther.rahlusion ite , thens_ubieet. -,;. ..- t , fintiVbelibie , that it s iiiiiiifrif iiiiiiiisigf. arid, .--- - The redent:tiotho Yritterf - co Wales, pegged tiiiiidliiiMalltir'Btt Kli(thd - MiAte: ,ift o,' - 'lSiiir - lit6 - daiitt.tei; to Ititi, - 041e: of . of th.o.exisli4 eeioitedietl,i'..VAcioifi-atin_OPT:- thili„etioptry, Us preveiLlto.:most: ' eh,: taiv . /Liav Y . then ben d . ‘- ._F1 . 1.P" x i .t:Pf , ....1_101 - , arisaiejoacevertka,..4a ittseonsectuenees; ir grebe • iitin'‘iiintribute much `" avert fit Y propo- „._':' _ . nue& follu th' ,. inerettiie" the kindred' sing sza recemmending to the legbactureasir c tlte ..1.,": ..),_ ~,w , ,,,,,,,,t,......„. 1..,,, _ tk i r . u . ?+er u p . savLai4t.t,,a,taft,:s49 r.PROYf 4 I; 0 .4 1 48:4V4 8 •1 1 1Wk '"tiTig `T 4 Y , 4 9 --"”mb" .., t''"' Ul t hA.:ligift , . l 4M9,l4:-. 1 0 8 4.6Kipuvrigo .hr iteAWatr.frelPttid..:*- EAVOttlEEltlt - apt! people oeboth Pr,,,eAorYßAort; ...! AlAisibeseksetn : idled .atmliffereasi count ries , in their . political and ,, social in oriso4 iPericinS Pr . ,- Oilt , llb3trOrjrii 41441WhY11, With .torcourse Initke c oh?oth er. , , '. .. .. 01 00 W gli M oo4,, tr. la to! be ,%fouzulAn3 - the • sth' - . -•• : ~ , - --tvizizie n ;- , -..- • . • ~. . • . 1 ..1 1 Xtillitkprailditieht its toed itmetidment; -. finder .- WittrlrrinCe;•otir loiediiiit - and ' - poirerfut - airy; this.urtioler am endmentivilave:Waal rbpasedqg 1 ttiewthinisof;:both , hoitses-of:Coligtow; itndll • our relations continuo to, be, of the. mosttriendly character:',VdetilatOtr fiar i redetitif been Made. by hew. ratified by therlegishituretitof thraislottfais i'yon o til i m o #,S 01154,4,... 1t tir o,i ip . p r ovitli a , Of the' liiipo'rial Govenmorit, adiich cannot fiioO of the : ileum.' tatafbg+lP ant littietoideiiitelitly , bo• ! .!' corm; ; parte . of the Censtittitioti:4-VethilL'trems_W' fortei.'.tkiazen4cits'Ac.inncig regard `that, have To Silt? a , ii ige, citici,itidelitig9hll.W--;if 4 1 44 ,8 !, .01 , .. of spiieiiii•iii 'et the mtess; .di of ilia lOthyl.t. Thd law otEreneeersaegnishig :the . _natural. right f et .,a, h i n ir ' ll lB ? 3 ".7,t 6lt H: l - 111) ; 48 ,:iii i ,Z , i 1 - , l' c fli t i' e lliTh s e .4 l l; l'tt i g t , l7 .l l4' t. tr e, --,r 5, ,i:71 1113 4 , e 6i t. s ann dlr i° 6 l 4 aj o i‘) .Fre.r E n n, lie e p ti 4 o la e 'li : 4 7: Ea -.ll:olpervan ' ti g : l3 7 .s .t o e ° i t r uil . an ser: i" v h e d ' in t l iii.e: ' which' 1160urad the ' people agaiiiiit any etttne.etPlL • - qtte e n 4 ce i , "d th a a t t io a l 'ire lt n f o o h n m ow an i4;as by l • l th - lf c ao esaarY t of:itesv°Bleg power by the Federal Government. Such were 'become 5 citizen of-the:l4W States, has changed the'a pjlielkeunitinejtftciderte , fiabyttcit , ftlends` of statoriightiiiit'tliat'i'peridd'Os'to"holo'renderelk Bel cannot ; therefore, ! he ffonipeffed to serve in the his ailegianoe and•tiait lest his native...character. it e - it*milf d'Otibt'ol 'iv.,,tfether;thp4nlistiOtion :Brea& armies i n -cas elpi'ehimld Yetttrii tir-bis na • oottiW• l have' letyg iffrYivid without thes e !live countrY. These principles veils ancomMed in me4 e* '-••• -.•..., ..•• .. :* • `',. •• • ~.,_ ,-, '• 4_ i , 1852 by tha''Freirailllifinister of War, ' and in , 0,- Atiii4, glg,,Qeziotogittoi ll Wes ewte, It • ,0 7 A l l e 'late oases have been confirmed by the Frehohjudi mance procoinititorAler4entietkoof:President ,Tef- islary:lit these, tWettatkvec -- or griiimie IniVe been fersed by the.fiatm of .Repmceutetives i .im Feb, dbiohittgett front tho-Rienchartni4io;43sl_„tbeY.44,4 rurag, ; 1 :9031,,Thi5: amendment as . :rendered become AniatAca,Ueitiseue., T . Cinploy.lhe.49!.. necessary to prevent loremartedeer off the dangers &age of tint present Mnister M. France , wha has which;had - seriously, threataited.-thecxistence --o f . rendered good,sepvice oil this .00ttasion, "I do not the:GoternMent Miring the liendeney - orthist elec. - tf-o k :0 2 , vi n o, ~z,,,,,t,umized. fellow citizens woo tiort- , .The article limits owzi-amendnient wee ill-' 'hereafter experience much annoyance on this sub tended to secure the amicable adjiMiniiint of con. feOt.'?' I venture to predict that . the time is not Meting constitutional questions like the present, far distant when the other.continental powers will which might arise between the governments of the-States and that of thb• Tinitid Stittiii- This - done p : so-mnoh- honor to the enlightened govern adot .the , same wise and j ust policy which has appears from -contemporaneous history. In this mem os of-the -Emperor. •In any event, our Goierzt ee s connection,in l ia r ah . a u m Madison'se re ' ti a i l lu,t .attenti on lyel justly-celebrated a t Cl ud a f r e : allieztled.eibittds: eveto.: ijr;.i, ro te_ o her„,e - 0 rig.thhetegattiofsoeuxrtenntiagr port, in 1799, to the legislatare of :Virginia. In -- though. thev'irad drattir their first breath in this ,thii he ably and Conclusively defended the, rano- county We `eo n recognize no distinction be. lotions of the Predeading . legislature against the tween oar native u i d _i ieturaize4 citizen°. strictures •of several other State legislatures. _ _ ~ , ..• These were mainly founded upon the protest of Bus SU. Betwien the great empire of Russia and the the Virginia legislature against the "Alien and United States the mutu al friendship and regaid Sedition Aots,” as " palpable and' alarming in- which had so ION; Ciiiied still continues to pre. fractions of . the Constitution." In pointing..out vail, rind, if possihie, to increase. Indeed, our the peaceful and constitutional remedies, and relations with that Empire are all that we could he referred to none other, to which the states were desire. • - authorized to resort, on such moutons, he con cludes by saying, "that the legislatures . of the States might have made a direct representation to Congress with a view to obtain a rescinding of the two offensive acts, or they might have repre sented to their respective senateve in Congress • their wish that two-thirds thereof would' propose an explanatory amendment to the. Constitution, or two-thirds of themselves, if - such had been their option, might, by an application to Congress, have obtained a convention for the same object." This is the very course which I earnestly re commend in order to obtain an "explanatory amendment" of the Constitution on the subject of slavery. This might originate with Congress or the State legislatures, as may be deemed most advisable to attain the object. The explanatory amendment might be confined to the final settlement of the true construction of the Constitution on three special points : • 1. An express recognition of the right of pro perty in slaves in the . States where it now exists or may hereafter exist. 2. The duty 'of protecting thie right in all the common Territories throughout 'their territorial existence, and until they shall be admitted as States into the Union, with or without slavery, as their constitutions may prescribe. 3. A like recognition of the right of the master to have his slave, who has scooped from one . State to another, restored, and "delivered up" to him, and of the validity of the fugitive slave law en acted for this purpose, together with a declaration that all State laws imposing or, defeating this right are violations of the Constiution, and are _ oensequently null and void. It may be objected that - this construotionef the Constitution has already been settled' by the Su preme -Court of the United States, and •what more ought to be required ? The answer is, that a very large proportion of the people of the Uni ted States still contest the correctness of this de cision, and never will cease from agitation and admit its binding force until, clearly established by the people of the several States in their sove reign charaoter. Such an explanatory amend ment would, it is believed, forever terminate the existing dissensions and restore peace and har mony among the States. It ought not to be doubted that such an appeal to the arbitrament established by the Oonstitu tion itself would, be received with favor by all the States of the Confederacy. In any event it ought to be tried in it spirit of conciliation before any of those States shall separate themselves from the Union. • • When I entered upon the duties of' the Presi dential office, the aspect neither of our foreign or domestic affairs was at all satisfactory. We were involved in dangerous complications with several nations, and two of our Territories were in a state of revo lution against the Government. A resto ration of the African Slave Trade had numerous and powerful advocates. Unlawful military ex peditions were countenanced by many of our sift.' sons, and were suffered, in defiance of the efforts of the Government, to escape from our shores, for the purpose of making war upon the unoffending people of neighboring republics, with whom we were at peace. In addition to these and other difficulties, we experienced a revulsion in mono. tary a ffairs, soon after my advent to power, of unexainpled severity and of ru inous conseqnenres to all the great interests of the country. When we take a retrospect of what was then our condition and eon, treat this with its material prosperity at the time of the late presidential election, we have abun dant reason to return our grateful thanks to that merciful Providence which has never forsaken us as a nation in all our peat trials. OUR FOREIGN RELATIONS. GREAT BRITAIN. Oar relations with Great Britain • are , of the mostfriendly character. Since the commence ment of my administration, the two dangerous questions, arising from the Clayton and Bulwer treaty, and also the right of search claimed by the British Government, have been amicably and honorably adjusted. The discordant oonstruotions of the Clayton and Balwer treaty between the two governments, which, at different periods of the discussion, bore a threatening aspect, have resulted in a final set- . Clement, entirely satisfactory to this Government. In my last annual message, I infOrmed Congress that the British government had not then " com pleted.treaty arrangements with the republics of Honduras and Nicaragua, in pursuance of the understanding between the two government. It nevertheless, confidently expected that this good work will cre long be accomplished." This' confident , expectation has since been , fulfilled. Her Britannic Majesty concluded a treaty with Honduras on the 28th November, 1859, and with Nicaragua on the 28th August, 1880, rellneuitth ing the Mosquito protectorate. Besides, by . the former, the Bay . Islands are recognised as part of the republic of Honduras. It may be observed that thet'stipulationi of these treaties conform in every important particular to the amendments adopted by the Senate of the United States to the treaty concluded at Londen on the 17th October, 1858, between the two governments. - It will be recolleoted,that this treatrwas Aijeoted by the British government beeause of ita objection to the just an important amendment - of the Senate to the article relating teßnottn and the other islands in the Bay of Hcmduras. • • It twit be a uource of sincere c eatisfac- tion alliilkikfir:Of our foliowtoltizenel and ig l i ikallt . o l o/ 6116 'ePkkigeit in foreign: that'tEti'elabit, -tiettie part••• oR MIMEO WEI=M7I !I=aMM . - . Oar relations with Spain are now of a more complicated though less dangerous character than they have been for many . years, Oar citizens have long held, and continue to hold, - - numerous olaims against the - Spanish government. These had been ably urged for a' sdries of years by our successive diplomatic representa tives at Madrid,,bat - without obtaining re dress: • The Spiiiiiti . gov - etzutiefit finally:agreed to institute a joint' commission for the' Ojustment of these Claims; 'and .the sth day of - March, 1860, conoluded "ti convention for this purpose with our present Minister at Madrid. , Under this convention , what have been denominated "the Cuban claims," amount ing to , $128,635 and 54 cents, in which more than one hundred of our fellow-citi zens are interested, were recognized, and the Spanish government agreed to pay $100;000 of .this'' amount " within - three months following tale exchange of ratifica tions. The payment of the remaining $28,- 635.54 was to •aWitit the decision , of the commissionetefer. or ,S i gainat,:" the Amis tad claims," :61qt-in - any event.the baLance was to be paid.to.the 'claimants:either by Spain or the United States. These terms I have every reason' , know are highly satisfactory:to . the holdera of the. Cuban claims. Iruleed,,thuay' have made a for mal offer authoriiing the State Depart ment-to settle claims, and,to deduct the aulowit ; of the Amistad claim fronithe sums which!they..are entitled to receive from Spain. This offer,- of course, cannot b e accepted. - • . . All other claims of citizens of the Unit.- ed States against .Spain, or of subjects of the Queen of Spain against'-the' United States, including the -" Amistail were by thisihonvetitioureferred toa board of comniWonersin the usual form. Neith er the validity of , the Anaistact - claim nor of any tither - claim against either imity, with the single' exceptidn - of . the Cuban claims, was recognised by the 'convention. Indeed, the Spanish government did not insist that the validity of the' Amistad claim should be thus recognised, notwith standing its payment had been recom mended .to Congress -by, two of my pre decessors as well tts:bY:myself, and an ap-• propriation for that'purpose had passed the Senate of .11/0 - United States. *They were content that it should be submitted to the board: for examination and decis ion,' like the Other Both govern ments were henna. respectively to, pay the amounts aWarded - to,the several claimants " at such: times , and places as may be fixed by and according to the tenor of said a wards." ' I transmitted-Ws . , convention to .the Senate for their constitutional action on the 3d May, 1860, and on the 27th of the succeeding June they determined that they would "not. advise and consent" to its ratification. These proceedings place our relations with Sfiain in an awkward - and embarrass ing position. It is more than probable that the final adjustment. of these claims will devolve upon my successor. I reiterate.the recommendation contain ed in my Annual Message of December, 1858, and repeated in that of December,. 1859, in favor. of • the acquisition of Cuba from Spain by,air purchase. I firmly be lieve that such an acquisition would con tribute essentially' -to :the well-beiniand prosperitYof...bOth : countries in all future time, as well as - 4)roire the certain means of immediately abolishing:: the African slave-trade throughout' the world. I would not repeat this reCommendation up on the . iirsespt Oceasion, if I believecithat the transfer of. Cuba to: the United States, upon conditions-highly faborable to klpain, could justly 'tarnish the national honor of the proud and ancient Spanish Monarchy: Surely nii person ever attributed to:, the: first Kapeleon . a,disregard of the .national honor ,of : Prance, for transferring Louisi-: ana to the United States for a fair equival lent bCotlf in:iinbney - and .00ntnercaal ad.; vantages . . ' • I With therErtipepri)f Austria, and the remaining continenial.' powers . of Europe, including that of, theSultan, - our relations continue to layof tkemostfriondly &arab- r A. The 6e4 41y n epeac e _Do Pte'- stied by the'. flovertunent of ...they . ..United States towards' the -. Oniptio of China has prOduned3lo:SW-4***o--lte.44ltd•-_- ~' t aa..y azw.w.x - ^r ,w- -rae:- Einar 4tIBTII I / 4 -(te; NO. 49 . - - T4ie ,treaty Tientziln pf the lBkpf. ., June, IssB, has been 'fitithtultsr . obieried by the Chizi4er authorities: The' ctiliVezi= ten of the Bth of November, 1858,' curs: elementary to this treaty, for the-At Rata 'meat and satisfaction .of , theclOnutof our citizens on China, refezred last, - A.nntildlleisage; has been aim* carried' into effect so far. as this was praticableiL ',Under this convention 0:1s :rot 0000 000 tads, equal to abOut $7.00,000, was,; stipulated to be paid in satisfaction of the thtittutt of , Arnerimui citizens, "otit l lbp ' l . Otis-half of the receipts for - • tonnage port, and export duties on Amerioan:ves sels at the ports of Cantoo, qtatig4 l .te, and -,Ftichau ; and it was " agreed that this ' - iitaourct Alkali be hi - full liquidatiOri ef Cleans of American' citizens at the varioult • , ports.to , this' date.." , ' Debentures-for' llis. amount.—to wit: 300,00f?staels for, Cantou,,,,;.. 100,000 for Shanghae, and . 100,000'.,for„ Fiichau—were delivered eacortling.t& thn terms of the convention by the'respefiti've'''' Chinese collectors of the: customsof these-:- ports to the agent selected by ourzminister. to 'receive the same,' . Since thitt time the claims of our . ctitiierie , have been adjusted by the' board'of'oorainies.: -sinners appointed, for that purpose undectter'-' sot of March 3, 1859, and ; their awards,, which' proved satisfactory ,to the claimants, ' have been approved by our "Minieter. ' Tn •the aggregate, they amount to• ,the sum;of • . '5498,694 78. The claimants have already received a large proportion of ' the sums awarded to them out of the fund and sit is confidently- expected that",the mainderwill ere long be entirely paid.. After., F -the awards shall have been satisfied ; . there will remain a surplus of more than $200,000 2io disposition of Congress. As this will in equity belong to the Chinese goyerrunent, would not justice require its appropriation, to some benevolent 'object in 'which" the' - Chinese may be specially interested ' ? ' - - Our minister to China, in obedierme,to, his instructions, has remained perfectly neutral 14 .the war between Great Britain and Fiance .and the Chinese empire although; in - con- - , junction with the Russian minister, he , was ever ready and willing, had the. opportunity :- offered, to employ . his gopd offices in re; 'Storing peace between the parties. It is but! an act of simple justice, both to, sour" present' .• minister and his predecessor ' to State, that they have proved fully equal to the delicate, trying, and responsible positions in which they have on different occasions beenplaced. JAPAN. The ratifications of the treaty with Japan concluded at, Yedo on the 29th July, 1858, were exchanged at Washington on'the:22d May last, and the treaty itself was proclaim- • ed on the succeedingclay. There is, good .. reason to expect that; ' under its protection and influence, our trade and intercourse with that distant and interesting people will ra • pidly increase. • • , .The ratifications of the treaty were exchanged with unusual solemnity. For this purpose' the Tycoon had accredited three of his most dis tinguished subjects as envoys extraordinary and ministers plenipotentiary, who were received and tre - ated with marked distinction and kindness both by : the Government and people of the U. States. There is every reason to ' behave that they - have returned to their native land entirely. satisfied with their visit, and inspired by the most friendly feelings for our country. Let us ardently hope, in the language of the treaty itself, that 'there shall henceforward be perpetual pease and friend ship between the United States of America and -his Majesty the Tycoon of Japan and his sue- OeSSOrB. 1.... , With the wise, conservative, and liberal . got , - ernment of the empire of Brasil ourielationa con tinue to be of the most amicable character. ==! The exchange of the ratifications of the con vention with the republic of New Granada, signed at Washington on the 10th of September, 1807, has been long delayed from accidental causes, for which neither party is censurable. These ratifi <lotions were duly exchanged in this city on the sth of . November last. Thus has a controversy been amicably terminated which had become so serious at the period of my inauguration, as to re quire me, on the 17th of April, 1857, to direot our . minister to demand his passports and return to the United States. ITA - der this oonvention the government of New . Granada has specially acknowledged Welt to be responsible to our citizens " for damages which were caused by the riot at Panama on the 15th of April, 1855." These claims, together with other claims of our citizens whioh had been long urged In_ vain, are referred for adjustment to a board of, commissioners. I submit a copy of the conven tion to Congress, and recommend the legislation necessary to carry it into effect. COSTA RICA. ANLi NICARAGUA. - Persevering efforts have been made for the•udjustment of the claims of American citizens against the government of Costa Rica, and I am happy to inform yon that these have finally prevailed. A convention was signed at the city of San Jose, on the 2d - of July last, between the minister re sident of the United• States in Costa Rica- and the plenipotentiaries of that republic, referring these claims to a board of pont rdiesionere, and providing for the payment of their awards. This convention will be submitted immediately to the Senate for their constitutional action, The claims of our citizens upon the re public of Nicaragua have not yet been pro vided for by treaty, although diligent efforts for this purpose have been made by our minister resident' to that republic. These are still continued, with a fair pros pect of success. _..• Gni relations with Mexico remain in a most unsatisfactory condition. In my hist two ahnual messages I discussed exten sively the subject of these relations, and do not.now propose to repeat at length the fiicts and arguments then presented. They,proved conclusively that - our citizens residing in Mexico and our merchants; trading thereto had suffered a series - bf -a= wrongs and outrages such as we have, never patiently borne from any other _ tion. For these our successive ministers, ' invoking the faith of treaties, had, in. the 7 name of their country, persiatently de-- , mended redress and indemnification, but . - without the slightest effect. Indeed, so confident had the Mexican authoritiei be- come of our patient, endurance, that they universally believed they might commit these outrages upon American citizens with absolute impunity. Thus wrote our mine ter in 1856, and expressed thd oplidoittliat "nothing bat a manifestation of the•power of the Government, and of its purpose to punish these wrongs, will avail." • „ Afterwards, in 1857, same the adoption of a, . new constitution for Mexico, the election of &Pre; sident and Congress under its provisions, and the .• Inauguration of the President. Within one short month, lr...wever, this President was , expelled from the capital by a rebellion in the army, and the empreme power of the republic was assigned to General Zuloaga. This usurper was in his turn moon compelled to retire and give place to General , htirsunon. Tinder -the constitution which had thus been adopted, Senor Juarez, as chief justice of the Su- preme Court, became the lawful President of the Republic; and it was for the maintenance of the '- -constitution and his authority, derived from that the civil war commenced, and still continues to be prosecuted. •• • • Throughout the year 1858 the constitutional party grew stronger, and stronger. In the previ. _ caw history of Mexico a succeseful military.revoln- tion. at the oipluil had almost universally helm - "'" • the signal for submission throughout the republic. -71. Not so on the present occasion. - it - majority of the citizens persistently; sustained' thaw's:o44n: iiemil 2 govermnent. When this Wattiwieogulsed.ln Aiiill,;lBs9; by the Government Of the ib:titled States, its authority extended tiver - a large Major- ' 16 , iff.:ths Mexican States , and people; ludtng 'Crust and all other Important ism ports of the From that period.oar -, ; ;commerce with , Mix:leo - , began to revive, and the, rionstitutknal: government has afforded it all the protection In their ' t ).- Meanwhile, the government of - Miranum still: held sway at the capital and over the" -surrounding country; and continued` . `'''• ragiiil against the few Still had the ociitrage To cap the aliniax':- 'A arthe battle Of Tioubsys, in April, 1859 , G en. . ; c, 1461 11 ' : -,...tooßcamplop !pun rAiiiil-q - -' 114 % 90 -inott 6
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