President's Message. {Continued from first page.) aristocracy which was upheld by the restrictive policy. They forgot to look down upen the poorer classes of the .English population, upon whose daily and yearly labor the great establishments they so much admired were sustained and sup ported. They failed to perceive that the scantily fed and half-clad operatives were not only in ab ject poverty, but were bound in chains of oppres sive servitude for the benefit c f favored classes, who were the exclusive objects of the care of the government. Tt was not possible to re-constTuct society in the United States upon the European plan. Here there was a written constitution, by which orders .and titles were not recognized or tolerated. A system of measures was therefore devised, calcu lated, if not intended, to withdraw power gradually arid silently from the States and the mass"of the people, and hy construction to approximate our government to the European models, substituting an aristocracy of wealth for that of orders and ti tles. Without reflecting upon the dissimilarity of our institutions, and of the condition of our people' and those of Europe, they conceived the vain idea of .building up in the United States a system similar to that which they admired abroad. Great Bri tain had a national bank of large capital, in whose hands was concentrated the controlling monetary and financial power of the nation ; an institution wielding almost kingly power, and exerting vast influence upon all the operations of trade, and upon the policy of the government itself. An enormous public debt, and it had become a part of her public policy to regard this as a “public - blessing. Great Britain had also a restrictive policy, which placed fellers and burdens on trade, and trammelled the productive industry of the mass of the nation. By her combined system of policy, the landlords and other property-holders were protected, and enriched by the enormous tax es which were levied upon the labor of their coun try for their advantage. Imitating this foreign policy, the first step in es tabhshing ’ the new system in the United States’ was the creation of a national hank. JVot fore • seeing the dangerous power and countless evils which such an institution might entail on the country, nor perceiving the connexion which it was designed to form between the hank and the other, branches of the miscalled “ Americen sys tem, ’’ feeling the embarrassment of the treasury, and of the business of the country, consequent upon the war. some of our statesmen who held different and sounder views were induced to yield their scrutinies, and, indeod settled convictions of its unconstitutionality, and to give it their sanc tion, as an expedient which they vainly hoped might produce relief. It was a most unfortunate error, as the subsequent history and final catastro phy ol that dangerous and corrupt institution have abundantly proven. The hank, with its nu merous brauchesjumified into the Slates, soon brought many of the active political and commer -1 ial men in different sections of the country into Ihe relation of debtors to it, and dependants upon it for pecuniary favors ; thus diffusing throughout the mass of society a great number of individuals of power and influence to give tone to public opinion, and lo act in concert in cases of emer gency. Tile corrupt power of such a political en gine is no longer a matter of speculation, having been displayed in numerous instances, hut most signally in the political struggles ol 1832-’3-’4, . in opposition to the public will resented by a fear less and Patriotic President. But the Bank was hut one branch of the.new system. A public debt of more than one hundred and twenty millions of dollars existed; and it is not to be disguised that many of the authors of the new system did not regard its speedy payment essential to the public, prosperity, but looked upon its continuance as no national ’ evil. Whilst the debt existed, it furnished aliment to the national hank, andhendered increased taxation necessary to the amount of the interest, exceeding seven mil lions of dollars annually, This operated in harmony with the next branch nf the new system, which was a high protective tariff. This was to afford bounties to favored classes and particular pursuits, at the expense of all others. A proposition to tax the whole people for the purpose of enriching a few, was too monstrous to be openly made. The scheme was, therefore veiled under the plausible but delusive pretext of a measure to protect “home industry and many ol our people were, for a time, led to believe'that a tax which in the main fell upon labor, was" for the benefit of the laborer who paid it. This branch of the .system involved a partnership between the government and the favored classes—the former receiving the proceeds of the lax imposed on arti cles imported, and the latter the increased price of similar articles produced at home, caused by such 'ax. It is obvious that the portion to he received . by the favored classes would, as a gcnlral rule, be increased in proporiton to the increase of the rates ol tax imposed, and diminished as those rates were reduced to the revenue standard required by the wants of the government. The rates required to produce a sufficient revenue for the ordinary expenditures of government, for necessary purpos es, were not likely to give to the private partners in this scheme profits sufficient to satisfy their cu pidity; and hence a variety of expedients and pretexts were restored to for’the purpose of enlarg ing the expenditures, and thereby creating a neces sity for keeping up a high protective tariff*. The effect of this policy was to interpose artificial re strictions upon the natural course of the business and trade of the country, and to advance the inte rests of large capitalists and monopolists, at the expense of the great mass of the people, who were taxed to increase their wealth. Another branch of this system was a compre hensive scheme of internal improvements, capable of indefinite enlargement, and sufficient to swallow up as many millions annually as could be exacted from the foreign commerce of the country. This 1 was a convenient and necessary adjunct of the ; protective tariff. It was to be the great absorbent of any surplus which might at any time accumu late in the treasury, and of the taxes levied on the people, not for necessary revenue purposes, but for 1 the avowed object of affording protection to the fa vored classes. , Auxiliary to the same end, if it was not an es sential part of the system itsclt, was the scheme, which at a later period, obtained, for distributing the proceeds of the sales of the public lands among the States. Other schemes were devised for tak ing money out of the treasury, and prevent its coming in from any other source than the protec tive tariff. The authors and supporters of the system were the advocates of the largest expendi tures, whether for necessary or useful purposes or . not, because the larger the expenditures the great ct was the pretext for high taxes in the form of protective duties. These several measures were sustained by pop ular names and plausible arguments,by which thou sands Were deluded. The bank was represented to be an indispensable fiscal agent for the govern ment; was to equalize exchanges, and to regulate and furnish a sound currency, always and every where of uniform value. The protective tariff was to give employment to “American labor/’ at ad-, vanced prices ; was to protect “home industry/’ and furnish a steady market for the farmer, in ternal improvements were to bring trade into eve ry neighborhood rnd enhance the value of every man’s property. The distribution of the land mo ney was to enrich the States, finish their public works, plant schools throughout their borders, and relieve them from taxation. But the fact, that for every dollar taken out of the treasury for these ob jects a much larger sum was transferred from the pockets of the people to the favored classes, was carefully concealed, as was also the tendency if not the ultimate design of the system to build up an aristocracy of wealth, to control the masses of society, and monopolize the political power ol' the country. The several branches of the system were so in timately blended together, that in their operation each sustained and strengthened the others.— Their joint operation was, to add new burdens of taxation and to encourage a largely increased and wasteful expenditure of public money. It was the interest of the bank that the revenue collected and the disbursements made by the government should be large, because, being the depository of the pub lic money, the larger the amount, the greater would be the bank profits by its use. It was the interest of the favored classes, who were enriched by the protective tariff, to have the rates of that protection as high as possible; for the higher those rates, the greater would be their advantage. It was the interest of the people of all those sections : and localities who expected to be benefitted by ex penditures for internal improvements, that the amount collected should be as large as possible, to the end that the sum disbursed might also be the larger. The States being the beneficiaries in the distribution of the land money, had an interest m having the rates of tax imposed by the protec- Uve tariff large enough to yield a sufficient revenue from that source to meet the wants of the govem ment, without disbursing or taking from them the land fund ; so that each of the branches constitu ting the system had a common interest in swell ing the public expenditures. They had a direct interest in maintaining the public debt unpaid and increasing its amount, because this would pro duce an annual increased drain upon the treasury to the amount of the. interest, and render augment ed taxes necessary. The operation and necessary effect of the whole system were, to encourage large and extravagant expenditures, and thereby to in crease the public patronage, arid maintain a rich and splendid government al thej expense of a taxed and impoverished people. j It is manifest that this schenie of ation and expenditures, had it continued to prevail, must soon have converted the government of the Union,* intended by its framers to be a plain, cheap and simple confederation of States, united together for common protection, and charged with a few specific duties, relating, chiefly S to our foreign af fairs, into a consolidated empire, depriving the States of their reserved rights, and the people of their just power and control in :the administration of their government. In this manner the whole form and character of the government would be changed, not by an amendmentjof the constitution, but by resorting to an unwarrantable and ‘unau thorized construction of that instrument J he indirect mode of levying the taxes by a du ty on imports, prevents tl.e mass of the people from perceiving the amount they pay, and has ena bled the few, who have been thus enriched, a*nd who seek to wield the political power of the coun try, to deceive and delude them.. Were the taxes collected by a direct levy upon the people, as is the ca:.e in the States, this would not occur. The whole system was resisted from its inception by many of our ablest statesmen, some ot whom doubted its constitutionality aind its expediency, while others believed it was, in; all its branches, a flagrant and dangerous infraction of the constitu tion. : . 1 hat a national bank, a protective tariff, levied not to raise the revenne needed, but for protection merely, internal improvements, iind the distribution o( the proceeds of the sale of the public lands, are measures without the warrant of the constitution, would, upon the maturest consideration, seem to be clear. It is remarkable that no one of these meas ures, involving such momentuOus consequences, is authorized by any express grant of power in the constitution. No one of them*is “incident to, as being necessary and proper for tire execution of, the specific powers" granted by the constitution. Th.e authority under which it has been attempted to justify each of them is derived from inferences and constructions of the constitution which its let ter and its whole object and design do not warrant. Is it to be conceived that such immense powers would have been left by the framers of the consti tution to mere inferences and jdoubtful construc tions' Had it been intended tojconfer them on the federal government, it is but reasonable to conclude that it would have been done by plain and unequiv ocal grants. This was not done; but the whole structure of which, the “American system” consist ed was reared on no other or better foundation than forced implications and inferences of power which its authors assumed might be deduced by construc tion from the constitution. But it has been urged that jthe national bank, which constituted so essential a branch of this combined system of measures, \yas not a new mea sure, and that its constitutionality had been pre viously sanctioned, because a bank had been char tered in I7')l,andhad received the official signature of President Washington. A few facts will show the just weight to which this precedent should be entitled as bearing upon the question of constitu tionality. Great division of opinion upon the subject ex isted It is well knowri that President Washington entertained serious doubts as to the constitutionality and expediency of the measure and while the bill was before him for his official approval or disapproval, so great were these doubts that he required the opinion in writing” of the members of his cabinet to aid him in arriving at a decision. His cabinet gave their opinion, and were divided upon the subject—Gen. Hamilton being in favor of, and Mr. Jefferson and Mr. Randolph being opposed to the constitutionality! and expediency of the bank. Jt is well known, also, thar President Washington retained the bill from Monday, 14th, when it was presented to him, .until Friday, 25th of February—being the last moment permitted him by the constitution to deliberate, when he finally yielded to its reluctant assent, arid gave it his sig nature. It is certain that as late as the 2dd of February—being the ninth the bill was presented to him—he had arrived at no satisfactory conclusion; for on that day he addressed a note to General Hamilton, in which he informs him that “this bill was presented to me by the joint com mittee of Congress at 12 o'clock on Monday, Uth instant;" and he requested his opinion “to what precise period, by legal interpretation of the consti tution, can the President retain it in his possession, before it becomes a law by the lapse of ten days. If the proper construction was, that the day on ulndi the bill was presented to the President’and tue day on which his action was had upon it, were both to be counted inclusive, then the time allowed him, within which it would be qompetent'for him to return it to the House in which it originated with his objections, would expire on Thursday, the '-Mth of February. Gen. Hamilton on the same day returned an answer, in which he states:—“l give it as my opinion that you have ten days ex-' elusive of that on which the bill was presented to you, and Sundays; henc.e, iu the present case, if' it is returned on Friday, it will be in time,” By this , construction, which the President adopted, he gain -1 ed another day for deliberation, arid it was not until the 25th of February he signed the bill; thus affording conclusive prooff-that he had at last ob tained his own consent to sign it riot without great and almost insuperable difficulty.! Additional light lias been recently shed upon the serious doubts which he had on the subject, amounting at one time to a conviction that.it'was Ihis duty to with hold his approval from the bill. This is found among the manuscript papers of Mr. Madison, authorized to be purchased for the use ol the gov ernment by an act of Congress, and now for the first tim e accessible to the public. From these pipers, it appears that President Washington while he yet held the bank bill in his hands, actu ally requested Mr.. Madison, at that time a mem ber of the House of'Representatives, to the draught ol a veto message for him, Mr. Madison, at his request, did prepare the draught of such a message, and sent it to him on the 21s! of Feby, 1 '.'l. A copy of this original draught, in Mr* Madisons own handwriting, was carefully preserv ed by him, and is among the papers lately purchas ed by Congress. It is preceded by a note, written on the same sheer, which is also in Mr. Madison’s handwriting; and is as follows : “February 21st, 1701.—Copy of a paper made out and sent to the President at his request, to- be ready in case his judgment should finally decide against the bill for incorporating a national bam: the bill being then before him.” Among the objections assigned : in'this paper on the bill, and which were submitted for the consul eration of the -President, are the following: “ 1 bbject to the bill, because it is an essential principle of the government that powers not dele ; gated by the constitution cannot be rightfully ex ercised ; because the power proposed by the bill to be exercised is not expressly delegated, and because I cannot satisfy myself that it results from any ex press power by fair and salerules of interpretation. M Mr. Madison, ill yielding his signature to the charter ol 18H5, did so upon the ground of the re pectdue to precedents; and‘, as he subsequently declared,;* 1 the Bank of the United States, though’ on the original question, held to be unconstitutional receive the Executive signature.” It is probable that neither the bank of 1791 nor that ol ISIO, would have been chartered but for the embarassments of the government in its fman ces the derangement of the currency and pecuniary pressure which existed—the first the consequence of the war ol the revolution, and the second the consequence of the war of 1812. Both wereresort ed to in the delusive hope that they would restore, public credit, and afford relief to the government and. to the business of the country. Those of our public men who opposed the whole American System” at its commencement, and throughout its progress, foresaw and predicted that it was fraught with incalculable mischiefs, and must result in serious injury to the best interests ol the country. For a series of years their wise conn sels were unheeded, and the system was established Jt was soon apparent that its practical operation was unequal and unjust upon different portions of the country, and upon the people engaged in differ ent pursuits. All were equally entitled to the favor and protection of the government. ; It fostered and elevated the money power, and enriched-the favored few by taxing labor, and at the | expense of the many. Its effect was to “ make the rich richer, and tKe poor poorer.” Its tendency was to create dis tinctions in society based on wealth, and to give to the favored classes undue control and sway in our government. It was an organized money power, which resisted the popular will, and; sought to shape* and control the public policy. Under the pernicious workings of this combined system of measures, the country witnessed alternate seasons ol temporary apparent prosperity; o; s;;d den and disastrous commercial revulsions; of un precedented fluctuation of prices, and depression of the great interests of agriculture, “navigation, and commerce; of general pecuniary Suffering, and of final bankruptcy' of thousands. After a severe struggle of more than a quarter of a century the system was overthrown. Jy The bank has been succeeded by!a practical sys tem of finance, conducted and controlled solely by the government. The constitutional currency has been restored; the public credit maintained uniru paired, even in a period of foreign war; and the whole country has become satisfied jthat banks, na tional or State, axe not necessary as [fiscal agents of the government. .Revenue duties have taken the place of the protective tariff The distribution of. the money derived from tne sale of the pubUc lands has been abandoned, and the corrupting system of internal improvements, it is hoped, has been effec tually checked. It is not doubted, that if this whole train of mea sures designed to take wealth trom the many, and bestow it upon the few, were to prevail, the eflect would be to change the entire character of the gov ernment. One'only danger remains. It is the se ductions'of that branch of the system, which con sists in internal improvements, holding out,, as it does, inducements to the people of particular sec tions and localities to embark the government in them without stopping to calculate the inevitable consequences. This branch of the system is so in timately combined and linked with the others, that ‘as surely as an effect is produced by an adequate cause, if it be resusicated and revived, and firmly established, it requires no sagacity to foresee that it will necessarily and speedily draw after it the re establishment of a national bank, the revival of a protective tariff the distribution of the land money, and not only the postponement to the distant future of the payment of the present national debt, but its annual increase. I entertain the solemn conviction, that if the in ternal improvement branch of the “American sys tem” be not firmly resisted at this time, the whole series of measures composing it will be speedly re established, and the country be thrown back from its present high state of prosperity, which the ex isting policy has produced, and be destined again to witness all the evils, commercial revulsions, depres-. sion of prices, and pecuniary embarrassments, through which. wej have passed during the last twenty-five years. To guard against consequences so ruinous, is an object of high national importance, involving in my judgment the continued prosperity of the coun try. I have felt it to bean imperative obligation to with hold my constitutional sanction from two bills which had passed the two houses of Congress, .involving the principle of the internal improvement branch oi the “American system,” and conflicting in their provisions with the views here expressed!: This power conferred upon the President by the constitution, I have on three occasions, during my administration of the executive department of the government, deemed it my duty to exercise; and on this last occasion of making to Congress an an nual communication "of the state of th£ Union.’’ it is not deemed inappropriate to review the princi ples and considerations which have governed my action. 1 deem this the more necessary, because, alter the lapse, of nearly sixty years since the adop tion of the constitution, the propriety of the exer cise of this undoubted constitutional power by the President has for the first time been drawn serious ly in question by a portion of my fellow-citizens. The constitution provides that “every bill which shall have passed the House of Representatives>and the Senate shall, before it become a law, be presen ted to the .President of the United States; if he ap prove, he shall sign it, but jf not, he shall return it with his objections, to that nouse in which it shall have originated, who shall enter the objections at large on their journal and proceed to reconsider it.” The preservation of the constitution from"infrac tion is the Presidents highest duty. He is.bound to discharge that duty, at whatever hazard of in curring the displeasure of those who may differ with him in opinion. He is bound to discharge it, as well by his obligations to the people who have clothed him with his exalted trust, as by his oath of office, which he may not disregard. Nor are the obligations of the President in any degree lessened by the prevalence of views different from his own in one or both houses of Congress. It is not alone hasty and inconsiderate legislation That he-is re quired to check; but if at any time Congress shall, after apparently full deliberation, resolve on meas ures which he deems subversive of the constitution, or of the vital interests of the country, it is his sol emn duty .to stand in the breach and resist them. The President is bound to approve, or disapprove, every bill which passes Congress and is presented to him for his signature. The constitution makes this his duty, and he cannot escape it if he would. He has no election. In deciding upon any bill pre sented to him, he must exercise his own best judg ment. If he cannot approve, the constitution com mands him to return the bill to the House in which it originated, with his objections ; and if be fail to do this in ten days, (Sundays excepted.) it shall become a law without his signature.'. Right, or wrong, he may be overruled by a vote of two-thirds ot each House; and, in that event, the bill becomes a law without his sanction. If his objections be not thus.overruled, the subject is only postponed, and is referred to the .States and the people for their consideration anti decision. The President’s power is negative merely, and not affirmative. He can enact no law. The only effect, therefore, of his withholding his approval of a bill passed by Con gress, is to suffer the existing laws to remain un changed, and the delay occasioned is only that re quired to enable the States and the people to con sider and act upon the subject in the election pf public agents who will carry out their wishes and instructions. Any attempt to coerce the President to yield his sanction to measures which he cannot approve, would be a violation ol the spirit ol' the constitution, palpable and flagrant; and if successfal, would break down the independence of the executive department, and make the President, elected by the people, and clothed by the constitution with power to defend their rights, the mere instrument of a majority ot Congress. A surrender, on his part, of the powers with which the constitution has invested his office, would effect a practical alteration of that instrument, without resorting to the proscribed pro cess of amendment. With the motives of consideration which may induce Congress to pass any bill, the President can have nothing to do. He must presume them to be as pure as Ins own, and look only to the practical effects of their measures when compared with the, constitution or the public good, t But it has been urged by those who object to the exercise of this undoubted constitutional power, that it assails tlie representative principle and the capacity ot the people to govern themselves; that there is greater safety in a numerous representa tive body than in the single Executive created by the constitution, and that the executive veto is a “one-man power,” despotic in its character. To expose the fallacy of this objection, it is only neces sary to consider the frame and true character of our system. Ours is not a consolidated empire, but a confederated Union. The States, before the adop- f tion of the Constitution, were co-ordinate, qual, and separate independent sovereignties, and and by its adoption they did not lose that charac ter. They clothed the federal government with certain powers, and reserved all others, including their own sovereignty, to themselves. They guard ed their own rights as States and the rights of the people, by the very.limitations which they incorpo rated into the federal constitution, whereby the dif ferent departments of the general government were checks upon each other. That the majority should govern, is a-general principle, controverted by none; but they must govern according to the constitution, and not according to an undefined and unrestrained discretion, whereby they may op press the minority. The people of the United States are not blind to the fact that they may be terngprarily misled, and that their representatives, legislative and executive, may be mistaken or influenced in their action by improper motives. They have therefore interposed between themselves and the laws which may be passed by their public agents, various representa tions, such as assemblies, senates, and governors in their several States ; a House of Representatives, a Senate* and a President of the United States. The people can by their own direct agency make no law; nor can the House of Representatives im mediately elected by them; nor can the Senate ; nor can botli together, without the concurrence of the President,ora vote of two-thirds ol both houses. Happily for themselves, the people, in framing our admirable system of government, were con scious of the infirmities of their representatives; and, in delegating to them the power of legislation) they have fenced them around with checks, to guard against the effects of hasty action, of error, of combination, and of possible corruption. Error, selfishness, and faction have often sought to rend* asunder this web of checks, and subject the gov ernment to the control of fanatic and sinister influ ences; but theac efforts have onlysati’sfied the peo ple of tliq wisdom of the checks which they have imposed, and of the necessity of preserving them unimpaired. The true theory of our system is not to govern by the acts or decrees of any one set of repre sentatives. The constitution interposes checks upon ali branches of the government, in order to give time for error to be corrected, and delusion to pass away; but if the people settle down into a firm conviction different from that of their repre sentatives, they give effect to their opinions by changing their public servants. The checks which the people imposed on their public seryants in the adoption of the constitution, are the best evi dence of their capacity for self-government. They know that the menwhom they elect topublic sta tions are of like infirmities and passions with themselves, and not to he trusted without being restricted by co-ordinate authorities and constitu tional limitations. Who that has witnessed the legislation of Congress for the last thirty years will say that he knows of no instance in which measures not demanded by the public good,have been carried ? Who will deny that in the State governments, by combinations of individuals and sections, in derogation of the general interest, banks have been chartered, systems of internal improvement adopted, and debts entailed upon the people, repressing their growth, and impair ing their energies for years to come ? After so much experience, it cannot he said that absolute unchecked power is safe in the hands of any one set of reprsentatives, or that the capacity of the people for self-government, which is admitted in its broadest extent, is a conclusive argument to prove the prudence, wisdom, and in tegrity of their representatives. The people, by the constitution, have com manded the President, as much-as they have commanded the legislative branch of the govern ment, to execute their will. They have' said to him m the constitution, w;hick they require he shall take a solemn oath to support, that if Con gress pass any bill which he cannot approve, “ t he shall return it to the House in which it or* iginaled, with his objections.**; In' withholding from it his approval and signature, he is execut ing the will of the people constitutionally express ..i 38 m nch as the Congress that passed.it. No , ‘ l3 Presumed to be-in accordance'withthe pop ular will antii it shall have passed through all the branches of the government required by the constitution to make it a lawj A bill which pass* ® s l *? e ? ouse °f Representauves maybe rejected by the Senate; and so a bill passed by the'Sen ate may be rejected by the House. In each case the respective houses exercise the veto power on the other. Congress, and each House of Congress, hold under the constitution a check upon the Presi sident, and He, by the power of the qualified veto a check upon Congress; When' the President recommends measures to Congress, he avows, in the most solemn form, his opinions, gives his voice in their favor, and pledges himself in ad vance to approve them it passed by Congress. If acts without due consideration, or has ,been inflnenced by improper or corrupt if from any other cause Congress, or either house of Congress, shall differ with him in opinion, they exercise their veto upon his recommenda tions, and reject them; and there is no appeal from their decision,, but to the pe§ple the bal lot-box. These are proper checks upon the Ex ecutive, wisely interposed by the constitution. None will be found to object to them, or to wish them removed. It is equally important that the constitutional checks of the Executive upon the legislative branch should be preserved. If it be said that the representatives in the pop ular branch of Congress are chosen directly by the people, it is answered, the people elect the President. If both houses represent the Sta*tes and the people, so does the President. The Pre sident-represents in the executive department the whole people of the United States, as each mem ber of the legislative department represents por tions of them. The doctrine of restriction upon legislative and executive power, while a well settled public opinion is enabled within a reasonable time to accomplish its ends, has made our country what it is, and has opened to us a career of glory and happiness to which all other nations have been strangers. In the exercise of the power of the Veto, the President is responsible not only to an enlighten ed public opinion, but to the people of the whole Union, who elected him, as the representatives in the legislative branches, who differ with him in opinion, are responsible to the people of par ticular States, or districts, who compose their res pective constituencies. To deny to the President the exercise of this power, would be to repeal that provision which confers it upon him. To charge that its exercise unduly controls the legislative will, is to complain of the constitution itself. If the presidential veto be objected to upon the ground that it checks and thwarts the public will, upon the same principle the equality ofthe repre sentation of the States in the Senate should be stricken oat of the constitution. The vote of a Senator from Delaware has equal tveight in decid ing upon the most important measures with the vote of a Senator from New York; and yet the one represents a State containing, according to the existing apportionment of representatives in the House of Representatives, but one thirty fourth part of the population of the other. By the constitutional composition of the Senate, a ma jority of that body from the smaller States repre sent less than one fourth of the people ofthe Union. There are thirty States; and, under the existing apportionment of the representatives, there are two hundred and thirty members in the House of representatives. Sixteen of the smaller States are represented in that House by but fifty members ; and yet the senators from these States constitute a majority of the Senate. So that the President may recommend a measure to Con gress, and it may receive the sanction and appro val of more than three-fourrhs of the House of Representatives, and of all the senators from the large States, containing more than three-fourths of the whole population of the United States ; and yet the measure maybe defeated by-the votes of the senators from the smaller States. None, it is presumed, can be found ready to change the organization ofthe Senate on this account, or to ! strike that body practically out of existence, by requiring that its action shall be conformed to the wilhof the more numerous branch. Upon the same principle that the voto of the President should be practically abolished, the power ofthe Yice President to give the casting vote upon an equal division of the Senate should be abolished also. The Vice President exercises the veto power as effectually by rejecting a bill by his casting vote, as the President does by refusing to approve and sign it. This power has been ex ercised by the Vice President in a few instances, the most of which was the rejection ofthe bill to reeharter the Bank of the United States in lyil. It may happen that a bill may be passed by a lar**e majority of the House of Representatives, and may be supported by the Senators from the larger States, and the Vice President may reject it°by giving his vote with the senators from the small er States; and yet none, it is presumed, are pre pared to deny him the exercise of this power un der the constitution. But it is, in point of fact, untrue that au net passed by Congress is conclusive evidence that it is an emanation ofthe popular will. A majority of the whole number elected to each House of Congress constitutes a quorum, and a majority of that quorum is competent to pass laws. It might happen that a quorum of the House of Representa tives, consisting of a single member more than half of the whole number elected to that House, might pass a bill by a majority of a single vote| ana ini that case a fraction more than one-fourth ol the.pe.ople of the U. S. would be represented by those who voted for it. It might happen that the same bill might be passed by a majority of one, ot a quorum of the Senate, composed of senators from the fifteen smaller States, and a single sena tor from a sixteenth State, and if the senators voting for it happened to be from eight of the smallest of these States, it would be passed l»v the of votes senators from States having but four teen representatives in the House of Representa tives, and containing less than one-sixteenth of the whole population ofthe United States. This extreme case is stated to illustrate the fact, that the mere passage of a bill by Congress is no con clusive evidence that those who passed it repre sent the majority of the people of the United States, or truly reflect their will. If such an extreme case is not likely to hap pen, cases that approximate it are of constant oc currence. It is believed that not a single law lias been passed since the adoption of the constitu tion, upon which all the members elected to both houses have been present and voted. Many of the most important acts which have passed Con gress have been carried by a close vote in thin houses. Many instances of this might be given. Indeed, our experience pro_ves that many ol the most important acts ol Congress are postponed to the last days, and often the last hours of a ses sion', when they are disposed'of in iiaste, and by houses but little exceeding the number necessa ry to form a quorum. Besides, in most ol the States the,members of House of Representatives are chosen by plu • raltties, and not by majorities of all the voters in their respective districts; and it may be that a majority of that House may be returned by a ’less aggregate vote of the people than that re* , cetved by the minority. If the principle insisted on be sound, then the constitution should be so changed that no bill Should become a law unless it is voted for by members representing in each House a majority ot the whole people of the United Sta.es. We must remodel our whole system, strike down not only the salutary checks lodged in the executive branch, but must strike out and abolish those lodged in the Senate also, and thus practically invest the whole power of the government in a majority of a single assembly—a majority uncon trolled and aboslute, and which may become des potic. To conform to this doctrine of the right of majorities to rule, independent of the checks and limitations of the constitution, we must revolu tionize our whole system. We must destroy the constitutional compact by which the several States agreed to form a federal Union, and rush tnto consolidation, which must end in monarchy or despotism. No one advocates such a proposi. tton ; and yet the doctrines maintained, ifearried out, must lead to this result One great object of the constitution in conl'or ring upon the President a qualifiednegative upon the legislation of Congress, was to protect min orities from injustice and oppression by majori ties. The equality of their representation in the senate, and |the veto power of the Presi den, il ar i ,he constitutional guaranties which the smaller States have that their rights will be re spected. Without these guaranties, all their in terests would be aflhe mercy of majorities in Congress representing the larger States. To th e smaller and weaker States, therefore, the pre nervation of this power, and its exercise upon proper occasions demanding it, is of vital im portance. They ratified the constitution, and en tered into the Union, securing to themselves an equal representation with the larger States in the Senate; and they agreed to he bound by all t i Jaws passed by Congress upon the xepress condition, and none other, that they should be approved by the President, or passed, his obiec ttons to the contrary notwithstanding, by a vote oftwo-thirds of both houses. Upon this con dition they have a right to insist, as a part of the compact to which they gave their assent ,, A 1 f m je ht be passed by Congress against the will of the whole people of a particular State and > against the votes of its senators and all its representatives- However prejudicial it might be to the interest such State, it would be bound by it if the President shall approve it, or it shoud be passed by a vote of two-thirds of both houses; but it has a right to demand that the President shall exercise his constitutional power, and arrest it if his judgement is against it. If he surrender this power, or fail to exercise It where he cannot approve, it would make his ["““'./approval a mere mockery, and would be itself a.violation of the Constitution/and the dissenting State would become bound by a law which had not been passed according to the sanc tion of the constitution. The objection to the exercise of the veto pow er is founded upon an idea respecting the popu lar will, which, if earned out, would annihilate btate sovereignty, and substitute lor the present general governmant a consolidation, directed by a suppossed numerical majority. A revolution ol the government would be silently effected, and the states would be subjected to laws to which they never had given their constitutional consent. The Supreme Court of the United States is in vested with the power to declare, and hasheclar* ed, aets of Congress passed with the concurrence ot the benate, the House of Representatives, and the approval of the President, to be unconstitu tional and void ; and yet none, it is presumed, can be found, who will be disposed to strip this highest judicial tribunal under the constitution of this acknowledged -power—a power necessary alike to its independence and the rights of indi viduals. For the same reason that the Executive veto should, according to the doctrine maintained, be rendered nugatory, anti be practically expung ed from the constitutions this power of the court should also be rendered nugatory and be expung ed} because it restrains the legislative and exe cutive will, and because the excercise of such a power by the court may be regarded as being in conflict with the capacity of the people to govern themselves. Indeed, there is more reason for striking this power of the court from the constitution than there is that of the qualified veto of the Presi dent; because the decision of the court is final, and can never be reversed, even though both houses of Congress and the President should be unanimous in opposition to it; whereas the veto of the President may be overruled by a vote of two-thirds of both houses of Congress, or by the people at the polls. It is obvious that to preserve the system es tablished by the constitution each of the co-or dinate branches of the government—-the execu tive, legislative and judicial— must be left in the exercise of its appropriate powers. If the executive or the judicial branch be deprived of powers conferred, upon either as checks upon the legislative, the preponderance of the latter will become disproportionate and absoibing, and the others impotent for the accomplishment of the great objects lor which they were established. Organized as they are by the constitution, they work together harmoniously for the public good. If the executive and the judiciary shall be de prived of the constitutional powers invested in them, and of their due proportions, the equilib rium of the system must be destroyed, and con solidation, with the most pernicious results, must ensue—a consolidation of unchecked, des potic power, exercised by majorities of the leg islative branch. The executive, legislative, and judicial, each constitutes a separate co-ordinate department of the government; and each is independent of thp others. In the performance of their respective duties under the constitution, neither can, in its legitimate action, control the others. They earb act upon their respective responsibilities in their respective spheres; but if the doctrines now maintained be correct, the executive must become practically subordinate to the legisla tive, and the judiciary must become subordinate to both the legislative and the executive ; and thus the whole power of the government would be merged in a single department. Whenever, if ever, this shall occur, our glorious system of well-regulated self-government will crumble in to ruins—to be succeeded first by anarchy, arid finally by monarchy or despotism. lamfarfrom believing that this doctrine is the sentiment of the American people; and during the short pe riod that remains in which it will be my duty to administer the executive department, it wijl be my aim to maintain its independence, and dis charge its duties without infringing upon the du ties or powers of either of the other depart ments of the government. The power of the executive veto was exercis ed by the first and most illustrious of my prede cessors, and by four of his successors who pre ceded mein the administration of the govern ment, and, it is believed, in no instance prejudi cially to the public interests. It has never been and there is but little danger that it ever can be abused. No President will ever desire, unne cessarily, to place his opinion in opposition to that of Congress. He must always exercise the power reluctantly, and only in cases where his convictions make it a matter of stern duty which he cannot escape. Indeed, there is more dan ger that the President, from the repugnance he must always feel to come in collision with Con gress, may fail to exercise it in cases where the preservation of the constitution from infraction, or the public good, may demand it, than that he ever will exercise it unnecessarily or Wantonly. During the period I have administered the ex ecutive department ol the government, great* questions of public policy, foreign and domestic have arisen, upon which it was my duty to act. It may indeed be truly said that my administra tion has fallen upon eventful times. - I have felt most sensibly the weight ofthe high responsibilS ity devolved upon me. With no other object than the public good, the enduring fame, and permanent prosperity of my country, I have pur sued the convictions of my own best judgment. The impartial arbitrament of enlightened public opinion, present and future, will determine how far the public policy I have maintained, and the measures I have from time to time recommend ed, may have tended to or retard the public prosperity at home,\nd to elevate or de press the estimate of our national character abroad. .Invoking the blessings of the Almighty upon your deliberationsat your present important session, my ardent hope is, that in a spirit of harmouy and concord, you may be guided to wise results, and such as may redound to the happiness, the honor, and the glory of our belov ed country. JAMES K. POLK. Washington, December 5, IS4S. | A few paragraphs referring to subjects not of immediate interest are omitted. They will be published in our next.] - Philadelphia Advertisement**, V. B. Pabmer, agent, Third and Cizesnut Stts. Hardware and Cutelry. BOWLBY & BRENNER, No.- 69, Market Street, Phila. The subscribers offer for sale for cash or appro ved credit, one ot the largest and most extensive assortments of FOREIGN AND DOMESTIC HARDWARE, Cutlery and Tools, to which they particularly in vite the attention ot the Merchants of Lancaster county. Purchasing their goods in very large quantities, direct from manufacturers, (thereby saving the com mission,) which are selected from the choicest pat terns of the various makers, and constantly receiv ing fresh additions, they feel confident that the inducements they offer in a very superior assort ment, comprising all the new improvements, with the lowness of price, will make it an object to pur chasers to visit their establishment. Feb. 29, 1848 Pi biladelphia Blew and Second Hand Furniture Store. THE subscribers keep, as usual,'on hand, a large assortment of furniture of all descriptions, composing in part, Sofas, Divans, Lounges, Dressing and plain Bureaus, Secretary’s and cjLfc Book Cases, High Post and French Bedsteads, Ml Wardrobes, Sideboards, Tables and Chairs of all descriptions, French Mirrors and plated ware Beds Ofhce-Furmture, &c., all of which we offer lor sale at the most reasonable prices We re spectlully invite persons about purchasing furniture to call before they purchase elsewhere. „ , COHEN & LOBE, 1 l.i South 2d Streety 4th door below Dork ~ , opposite the Old Custom House. September 12. Mm-39 Strong Alcobol. A superior artiole for Burning Fluid, manufac tured and for sale by W 7 .. JOHN W. RYAN, Washington and Swanson Street, Southwark, Phiia Druggists’and Perfumers’Alcohol and Burning Huid, also for sale, at the lowest prices All orders, through the poet office or otherwise, attend ed to with punctuality and dispatch, sept 26 Watches, Jewlery & Silver Ware. GOLD LEVERS, IS carat cases, full jewelled . G ° ld Lepine, 18 carat cases^ eU |l’n® 2^, tO ® do ’ Sllver Levers, full jewelled, 917 to $3O; Silver plain and Lepine, $6 to $l4; Gold Pencils, $1,60 to $4. Together with a large assortment of Breast Pins Bracelets, Finger Rings, &c., of diamond,,opal turquo.s, garnet, Stc., at the lowest prices, and war ranted to be equal to any sold in the city Also, a large stock of Silver Ware, Spoons, Forks, Butter Knives, &c. Tea Spoons as low as $4,25 the silver warranted to be equal to half dollars Britannia and Plated Ware, of the latest pattern and finest quality, sold at a small advance on the importing price. Cooper,(London,) Tobias and Robinson Watches always on hand. Persons wishing to purchase any tiling in the above line, are requested to call, offer having look ed elsewhere. S. M. HOPPER Feb. 1, IMS. , No. 66 Chesnut st., Phila. PATENT SAFETY FOSE FOR BLASTING - dust received, a fresh supply of the above, for saie by the barrel at manufacturers prices,.by BOWLBY & BRENNER Feb. 29, 1848-5-ly] No. 69;Market .t'“ph’ la EUGENE ROUSSEL, Manufacturer and Importer of . Perfumery, Soaps, Staving . Creams, sc., 114 CHESNVT STREET, PHILADELPHIA. RESPECTFULLY calls the attention of country merchants and the public in general, to his extensive assortment of Perfumery, Soaps, and ar ticles foy the toilet. To prove that his efforts have not been unavailing of producing articles of a very superior quality, he would refer to the fact of hav ing been awarded no less than nine Gold and Silver Medals , by the institutes of Philadelphia, New York and Boston, as a proof the superiority of his prep arations over all others in his line. I Amongst the various articles, he would particu larly call attention to the following;: \ Roussel’s unrivalled premium Shaving Cream, the best and cheapest article for shaving. Roussel’s Liquid Hair Dye, warranted to dye in stantaneously the hair of a beautiful jet black, or brown, wrthout injuring the skin. Roussel’s Eau Lustrale, Hair Restorative, for cleansing, beautifying, and restoring the hair. RouSsel’s Odontine, for whitening the teeth and hardening the enamel, and imparting a pleasant smell to the breath. It also prevents effectually the decay of the teeth. ' Roussel’s Depilatory Power, for removing supei fluous Hair. ROUSSEL’S CIRCASSION SOAPS for beautify ing the complexion, and for removing tan, sun-burn, freckles, pimples, &c. Roussel’s Ricinine, a new and beutilul article made of Castor Oil, for the growth and preservation of the Hair. Roussel’s Amandine, an infallible cure and pre ventive for chapped hands, or soreness ofthe skin. Roussel’s Extracts for the handkerchief, embrac ing over 50 different kinds of Perfumes, warranted equal to the best of French Manufactures. Cologne Waters, Hair Oils, Soaps of all kinds, Hair, Nail and Tooth Brushes, Combs, Shaving Cases, Work Boxes, Dressing Cases, &c., &c. EUGENE ROUSSEL, No. 114 Chesnut Street, Philadelphia. • sign of the Bear and Gold Medal. N. B. Roussel’s is the only Perfumery in Phila delphia, to which either a gold or silver medal have been awarded—the highest premium ever awarded to any other perfumer being a Bronze Mcda l- - [Sept. 12-3m*-33. WATCHES, JEWELRY, SILVER • WARE, &c. rpHOMAS 'ALSOP, No. 12, South 2d street, be _T Market, Philadelphia, invites theattention ot the public to the new and handsome stock which he has on hand, consisting of Watches, elry, Silver Ware, Brittania and Plated Ware, Spectacles, Cutlery, &c.,. which wiltWy* be sold at as low prices as at any store in the city or elsewhere. . • 3 FulJ Jeweled Gold Levers Warranted, $33,00 ‘ ’ Silver do “ $17,00 Quartiers, $5 to io,oo Mher Spoons \ doz. irom $4 to 12,00 All articles warranted to be what they are repre sented, and all silver ware warranted as fine as American coin. Particular attention paid to repair ing watches &c. Remember, No. 12, South 2d street below Market, Philadelphia _Septemfier 12 Highly Important. THE subscribers being the only appointed Agents in this city tor the sale of the best and most approved tfßDt WARM-AIR FURNACES and COOKING 'Ranges, beg leave to call the attention of a discerning pub lic to the same, being perfectly confident that even a cursory examination will induce a preference for "T " 1 °‘ heTS ■ » avin S heen *»V tested du' ring the past year in this city, as well as in numer ous adjacent towns, warrants the opinion of their superior excel enoe. Hundreds of names of the most respectable standing both in and out of the city, having the articles in use, will be shown to persons wishing to purchase. SinVes IT Sale ’ G ? 3 ? VENS ’ :lnd a great variety of Moves at prices which cannot fail to please Give us a call. . PETERS & CO., No. 76 south sixth street, Philada. 33-3 m. West Philadelphia Stove Works. T H E subscribers re S p ec ,Cully inform their rriends and the public that they are now prepared to execute any orders with which they may be favored, P r HI t A^ PH l A rtmv ,»;r r n "' hlch they have three sizes ; CANON and BARE CYLINDFR STOVES seven T °P S for Cylinder Stoves, five Sizes; OVEN PLATES, four sizes; COTTAGE AIR TIGHT PARLOR STOVES, for wood, two npjTOoV WENS, three sizes; CMST IRON UEAJERS, and a large and beauliful assortment of Patterns for Iron Railing. Their goods are all made of the best material, and from new and beautiful designs. The West Phila. complete is, without doubt, the best and most saleable Cook Stove in the market They are constructed with Mott’s Patent Feeder with Front and Grate, which gives them a decided superiority oyer all others. They only want atrial to confirm what is here asserted. CASTINGS of all kinds made to order with promptness and despatch. Samples may.be seen and orders left at the Foun dry, or at J. B.Xohler’sj 154 North Second Street- Mathieu & lB7 South Second Street and at Williams & Hind’, 398 Market Street. ’ WILLIAMS, KOHLER, MATHIEU & CO August 22. 6mo-30. Cheap W atches, Sliver Ware, and Jewelry. <2^. FULL Jewelled Gold Patent Levers, 340 Gold Lepines, S3O; Silver Levers, $2O Vv!!? Gold Guard, Vest and Fob Chains, Gold and silver Pencils, Finger Rings,- a'nd Thimbles, .Spectacles Far Rings, Miniature Cases, Medallions, Fancy Card Cases, Fans, &c. Silver Table and Tea Spoons, Tea Setts, Forks, Ladles, Butter Knives Cups, &c. Fine Plated Castors, Cake Baskets, Can dlesticks, Britannia Ware, Waiters, DIACON’S PATENT LAMPS, &c. Also, Gold Patent Lever Watcnes, from 840 to §l5O. Watches and Clocks repaired. Superior Diamond Point Gold Pens at SI 50- J. & W. L. WARD, IOG, Chesnut st., above 2d st., Philada Feb. S, IS4S. 2 -]y Wholesale Boot and Shoe store. CHEAP FOR CASH. NO. 35 South Third, above Chesnut street, Phil adelphia. The subscriber has established, and continues to do an exclusive cash business and suffering no losses, he. is enabled and determined to sell BOOTS AND SHOES by the package or dozen, at lower prices than any other regular Shoe : Spouse in this city. He keeps constantly on hand a good assortment of Men’s, Women’s and Children’s Shoes, of East ern and city manufacture. Small dealers supplied at the same prices as large ones. Purchasers will please examine the market tho roughly, and they will find there is no deception in this advertisement. THOMAS L. EVANS j 1^ 0 ; ? 5 South Third, above Chesnut street. Philadelphia, March 14, 1848-7. Tennent’s Washington Gallery of Daguerreotypes, NVn 4 N° r th Second Street, N. W. corner of Callowhill Street, Philadelphia. The Like nesses taken and beautifully colored at this well known establishment, for One Dollar, and univer sally conceded to be equal in every respect to anu m the city. Pictures taken equally well in cloudy and clear weather. A large assortment of Medal lions and Lockets on hand, at from $2 to $5, ;n C i„_ ding the picture. ’ The Subscribers respectfully invite the citizens of Lancaster county, to call and examine spicimens of the latest improvements in the art of Daguerreotyn ing which will be exhibited cheerfully and with out charge. T. & J. C. TENNET. 6xno-23. July 4, 1848. MJller & Co.’s Express. lln their own Cars and in charge of Messengers ,s now ™»ning daily between Philadelphia, Lan caster,Columbia, Wrightsville, York, Baltimore, couth and West, and also from Philadelphia to New York, North and East, for the forwarding bv mail trains of valuables, parcels, bundles, light boxes and the transaction .of any commissions en trusted to them at very reasonable rates The Express leaves Philadelphia at midnight thus enabling persons sending by it to have their orders filled and received the following morning A messenger always accompanies each car, who will receive and deliver at all the offices on the way. The proprietors wish to make their line a general public convenience and pledge thdmselvea nothing shall remain undone which the public convenience may require. All goods must be marked by “ Miller & Co’s Express.” CHAS. NAUMAN, Agent for Miller & Co.’s Express, Railroad Office Lancaster, 89 Chesnut, corner of Third street’ Philadelphia, Columbia, Wrightsville, York and Building, Baltimore. {nov 9 J 47i4j.tf Ii importers of Watches and Maun • facturers of Silver Ware. GOLD Levers, full jewelled, (13 jewels’) §4O; Silver Patent Levers, . - . _ ’ £ of , Gold Guard Chains, - . a., 1 Gold Pencils, - - - I ’ Silver Tea Spoons, *- - _ . _ T* r ’ Silver Table Spoons, J \ Silver Desert-Spoons, - - - _ _ Gold Fob, Guard and Vest Chains of every style, har Breast Pins, Rings, Miniature Cases, Diamond Pointed Pens in Gold and Silver Cases, Diamond Finger Rings, Pins, Bracelets, &c., Silver Cups, Tea Sets, Butter Knives, Ladles, Purse Clasps, Brittania ware, Plated Castors, Cake Bas kets, Candlesticks, &c.,Time Pieces, Work Boxes, Fans, China Figures, Cologne Bottles, Riding Whips, with a great variety of Fancy Goods at the lowest prices. The highest price paid for Gold and Silver , : . J.&W;L.WARD, 10$ Chesnut street, above 3d, Philadelphia i I March 14, 1848. , j Agricultural and Horticultural l|£ IMPLEMENTS & SEEDS. THE subscriber desires to call attention s his extensive assortment of PLOUGHS of all sixes and prices, from S2,SO upwards. Harrows, Horse and. Hand Cultivators, Hay, Straw and Corn-stalk Cutters, Corn Shelters and Grinders, Com and Cob Sjnashers, Gram Fans, Grain Cradles, Horse-Rakes, Seed Drills, Cast Steel Hoes, Spades, Shovels, Hay and Manure Forks, fee.-, &c. J Horse Powers and Threshing Machines furnished at the shortest notice. GRASS and FIELD SEEDS. Clover, Timothy, Orchard, Herd’s and all other varieties of Grass and Field Seeds, always on hand at the lowest market prices. GARDEN and FLOWER SEEDS. The present arrangements of the subscriber will enable him to grow his Garden Seeds on a scale hitherto untried in-this Country. No effort will be spared to maintain for them the reputation, thev have borne for more than half a century. ' D. LANDRETH, Agricultural and Horticultural Warehouse , No. 65 Chcsnut Street, Philadelphia. Oct 10 r Philadelphia China Store. THE subscribers, proprietors of one of the oldest and most extensive China Stores in the United States, have now on hand a very large supply of Common Ware, Granite Ware, China Ware, a.ml Glass Ware, . \' embracing alt the -varieties ever imported, which they will sell in large or small quantities, wholesale or retail, to suit the wants of the people, at prices to defy competition. r The advantages to be derived from having a large stock to select from, ought certainly to be apparent to every one; only two need be mentioned: Ist. The variety to please the taste. 2d. The advantage cd' purchasing at the lowest prices; for it ifc certainly evident to every.thinking mind, that the larger the business done, the small er the profit required. It is so in every branch ot trade. The manufacturer sells to the wholesale package dealer; the wholesale package dealer sells to the jobber, and the jobber to the retail country dealer ; so that the farmer or the consumer ol the article pays at least four profits ! 1 Why pay su many profits when you can come directly to head quarters? TYNDALE Sr MITCHELL, Aprd 2a, IS4B-13] 219‘Chesnut st., above 7th st M. A. Root’s Gallery of Daguerreo types. NO 140 Chestnut Street, Philadelphia. Now is the tune! Those who visit the city during the Christmas and New Year's holidays should not lad to visit the splendid Portrait Gallery of M. A. Root, 140 Chestnut street. . r’ I i her ? l 3 charß , e for lhi3 interesting and beau tiful exhibition, and the likenesses made by Mr Root’s newly improved Daguerreotype process are decidedly the. most accurate and life-like ever ta ken, having been awarded premiums im the princi pal cities, and in New York at the last exhibition ol the American Institute, the first medal for the best Daguerreotypes” over all competition. While the pictures are such rich and perfect gems of art, our prices are the lowest possible with good materials. Visitors should not neglect the opportunity of securing portraits of thd best qual ity—-for such only will not fade i n «s P ™ Ce «!n nn 1 •' , 00 ’ $2 S “' S 3 00 > *i» °»> $5 00 $8 00, $lO 00, and upwards to $5O 00, varvimr with the size and style of the frame or case ' Unrivalled S. Gazette.. The perfection of art. — Boston Star. ' Tnquh-w* 1 6Very P ° int ° f vie "'-—Pennsylvania Very beautiful. — Boston Bee. Best ever exhibited in this country — N Y Sun The lightning has at last reached the Danuerreo type. — North American. ! b Life-like and inimitable.— N. Y Tribune ■ OPINIONS OF THE PRESS sufficient io fill a volume mtght be g.ven, hut all are iny.ted to call at the Gallery and judge for themselves; 14A r.i M * A - Root, 140 Chestuut st., 3d door below 6th White Swan Hotel.: THE subscribers beg leave to inform.their friends and the public in general, that they have taken the White Swan Hotel and Stage House No 10K Race Street, formerly kept by J. Peters &’ *soll’ The House being large and convenient' and in the business part of the City, they hope, by strict atten tion to business, that their friends will give them a' call; they pledge themselves, that nothing shall he wanting on their part to make their guests feel at home. Terms, $1 per day. L- HEX PETERS, of Philadelphia. JOS. IiOVVETT, Formerly ol Lancaster August 22, IS4S 30 Spectacles, tiohl and Silver, With Every Description of Glasses , to suit the Sight. WATCH REPAIRING promptly attended to by experienced workmen. BEAUTIFUL GOODS. —Peraonsin want of good WATCHES, JEWELRY, SILVERWARE, &c., are respectfully invited to call and examine the subcriber’s choice selection, at his New Store No. 206 Chesnut Street , above Eighth. * C. EVEREST. *7m-33 Philadelphia Daguerreotype Establishment, EXCHANGE, 3d story, Rooms 25-2'?.—Daguer reotype Portraits of all sizes, either Bingly or io family groups, colored or without colors, are ta ken every day, in pny weather. Copies of Daguer reotypes, Oil Paintings, Statuary, &c., may also he procured. Ladies and Gentlemen are requested to examine specimens. W. & F. LANGENHEIM. ly-12 April 18, 1848. ISAAC BARTON, WHOLESALE GROCER, Wine and Liquor Store, 135, 137 North Second Street, Phila [June 13, , 48-20-ly.' SprecUer & Robrer’s Cheap Hard- Ware Store. HARDWARE, Glass, Paints,Oils,and Varnishes at that lung established stand, East-King st Lancaster, formerly occupied by Howett & Krilder’ a lew doors east of the Court House, nest door to the Drug Store ol James Smith, and opposite Geo Messenkop’s Hotel, which they have recently taken and where they will carry on the business They most respectfully beg leave to invite the attentmn oi their friends and acquaintances to their stock of Hardware, which they, have just opened and will sell at the most reasonabie prices, includ ing ever, variety oflron and Steel, Latches, Locks, Bolts, Hinges, Screws, and all kinds of building materials every description of Files, Bldcksmith-t Bellows, Saddlery, best warranted Edge Tools wITe 8 - A | ,SO 3 CO u mplete ol CEDAR WARE, sucjl as tubs, buckets, butter churns, together with every article in their line. They will keep constantly on hand every variety of COOKING We S ‘ alS ° “ '"e-'^PP-ed The attention of young beginners is particularly called to their full and complete assortment of household utensils. to spare no pains to accommodate purchasers, and by steady adherence to business, they expect to merit a continuance of the liberal patronage thus far bestowed upon them. GEORGE D.SPRECHER, , , REUBEN S. ROHRER. Old Metal and Flaxseed taken in exchange for g° oda - janl^-50 Conestoga Foundry. STOVES! STOVES!! STOVES!!! *)i )(1 ( ) STOVES on hand, comprising the best CTi • ass ? rtmen t ever kept in Pennsylvania. 1 he following list includes a part of the most pop ular kind : r y Hathaway's Improved Cook Stoves. .s. Buck's Superior Cook do. The very celebrated “ Viclory"do. a The “ Paragon" Cook do. ' " Also, a,ncw Cooking Stove, called file “Farmer ” Application has been made by the proprietor-for Letters Patent for this stove, which he has de.ii, nated “THE FARMER,., in view of:lts compS adaption to the wants and uses of this class of the community. It has been constructed with great “P? n . ‘ ,e ” ost eeientific and approved princi f-onVi d «r b ds a '[ to become the most celebrated Cooking Stove in the country, 1 ;* ddlt ‘°n to tlie above, the subscriber has an assortment of other COOKING STOVES adapted to the use of coal or wood, such as the “ Complete Cook, the “ Parlour Cook,” ice., &c., with all sizes of NINE PLATE WOOD STOVES, and a large variety of Coal Stoves for parlours, dinin? rooms and offices. 6 proprietor of the Conestoga Foundry has purchased the right for manufacturing and selling the Hathaway and Buck’s Patent Cook Stove for Lancaster county. The castings at this foundry are made of the best No. 1 Codorus and Conowingo Iron, long celebra ted for strength. ° S^*AJI kinds of CASTINGS made to order {lir Stoves will be sold and orders for castings received either at the Foundry or at the store of the subscriber in East King Street r a f«?w doors from the Court House in the city of Lancaster. % June, 13, MS-20-tf.] c. KIEFFER. T DISH’S GENERAL AGENCY for . . the sale of.all Genuine Popular Patent Medi cines, Store immediately opposite Mrs. Kauffman’s Hotel, and next door to the Herald office, North Queen Street, Lancaster—where is kept on hand a fall supply of all the leading articles ofGENUINE POPULAR PATENT MEDICINFS S tr Every article is warranted fresh and geniime bept 20 Cm-35 V) DONNELLY, Attorney at Law* Offie. • Jf. Sonti-Qbeen Street, L the room fcmerW f > occupied by J, R, Montgomery, [j«B4S&B4i *
Significant historical Pennsylvania newspapers