ss S©2J 3 JPUnBJLESSISIESs,
Whole No. 2783.
tHE MlfflßL
YVi; AKI2 COM 1 NO, BLIIS-ibl) si AVION.
FROM BRABURY'S GOLPEN CENSiR.
We are coining. Messed Savior,
We hear ttiy gentle voice.;
We would lie thine forever,
Aud in thy love rejoice.
Chorus — We are coining, we are coming.
We are coming, blessed Savior,
We are corning, we are coming,
We hear thy gentle voice.
We are coming, blessed Savior,
To meet that happy baud,
And sing with them forever,
And in thy presence stand.
We are coming, Ac.,
To meet that happy band.
I Wo are coming, blessed Savior,
Our Father's bouse we see—
A glorious mansion ever
For children young as we.
We arc coming, Ac.,
Our Father's house we see.
We are coming, blessed Savior,
That happy home is ours;
If here we gain thy favor
We'll reach tiiose fragrant bowers.
We are coining. Ac.,
That happy home is ours.
We are coming, blessed Savior,
To crown our Jesus King,
And then with angels ever
His praises we will sing.
We are coming, Ac.,
To crown our Jesus King.
ffiIMEEMMOOI
Pendleton's Record-
The copperhead prints, in their zeal
for falsehood, allege that their peace at
any priee candidate for Vice President,
did not vote against war measures. As
the latest locofoco trick is to inveigle
soldiers, young men, <fce., into the sup
port of this copperhead disunion can
didate through '• MeClellan clubs," we
give below, a portion of Pendleton's
war record as found in the official re
ports of Congress. Head it. and then
remember when yon are asked to join
a " MeClellan club" that it is ai.-o a
l'<ndlrton club, and that the former, if
elected Pre.-i lent and would not at
once succumb to Southern demands,
would not be alive even a;v long as
President Harrison was —a patriot
whose death, there is good reason for
believing, was owing to some of the
same men now engaged in this hellish
rebellion. Here is Pendleton's record :
Thus, op the loth of July, 1861, Mr
Pendleton, with only ten others, including
such patriots as Burnett of Kentucky lleid
of Missouri, Vallandighani, Voorhees, ami
Wood, voted against the bill lor the collet*
tion of the revenue in seceded .States The
bill was passed by a vote of 136 to 11
July 15, 1861, he ilodged a vote upon
Mr. McUlernand's preamble and resolution
declaring that "a portion of the people ot
the I nited States, in violation ol their
constitutional obligations, have taken up
arms against the National Government,"
and pledged the House to vote "any amount
ot money," and "any number of men which
may be necessary to insure a speedy and
effectual suppression of such rebellion "
Only five members voted against the reso
-1 ttions. Mr Pendleton's name appears in
the proceedings only a few lines above the
record of this vote.
July 18, 1 tsti 1, Mr. Pendleton voted
against the bill providing 'increased rev
enue from imports " The bill was passed
—yeas. 82; nays, 48
July 29, 1801, Mr Pendleton voted
against the bill "to provide additional rev
enues for defraying the expenses of tbe
Government, and maintaining Ibe public
credit." The bill passed—yeas, 77; nays,
00.
July 80, 1801. Mr Pendleton voted to
lav on the table the "bill to increase the
number ot cadets in the Military Academy
at West Point "
August 2, 1801, Mr Pendleton ag' in
voted against the bill "to provide increased
revenue from imports, to pay the interest
on Ihe public debt," , when it had been
amended in the Senate, and was finally
passed upon the recommendation of a com
mittee of conference
August 5, 1801, Mr. Pendleton voted,
with nineteen others, to strike from the
army bill the following section: "Sec 2.
Ami be it furth'r enacted. That all the acts,
proclamations, and orders of the President
ol the I nited States, alter the 4th of
March. 1801, respecting the army and navy
of the United States, and the calling out
or relating to the militia or volunteers from
the States, are hereby approved, and in all
respects legalized and made valid, to the
same intent, and with the same effect, as if
they had been issued and done under the
previous express authority of the Congress
of the United States "
Mr. Pendlet on was aware that the "acts,
proclamations, and orders 'of the President
were absolutely necessary to the preserva
tion of the Union, and as his sympathies
were on the other side, he voted a.-aiust
legalizing those proceedings. It the Pres-
ident I)a<i not "taken the responsibility" of
those acts at the time, but ha t waited tor
the meeting of Congress to authorize them,
the rebels would, in the meantime, have
seized Washington and established them
selves permanently in that city. \et.
knowing this to be true, Mr Pendleton
deliberately voted against the legalization
of those measures.
On the 25th of February, 1862. Mr
Pendleton voted against the bill to prohibit
officers of the army from returning fugitive
slaves to their alleged owners. The yeas
were 83. nays 42.
April 8, 1862, he voted against the bill
to provide internal revenue, support the
Government, and pay the interesi on the
public debt. He was in a minority of fil
feen, including such Copperheads as Ker
rigan, Voorhees, and Vallandighani. The
yeas were 126, including a majority of
Democrats.
April 11, 1862, Mr Pendleton voted
against the act for the emancipation of the
slaves iri the District of Columbia. The
yeas were 92, nays 38
He voted against the Treasury note act,
on l-ebruaty 6th, 1862, and again on June
24th o the same year.
lie dodged a vote upon the same qties
tion and a Pacific railroad. May 6. 1862,
although he was present and voted a few
miuutts before upon a contested election
case, and again June 28th, lie dodged Ihe
question
May 28. 1862, Mr Pendleton, with on
ly seventeen othe s, voted against the bill
for imposing taxes on insurrectionary dis
tricts—yeas 98. nays 17.
June 28, 1862, Mr Pendleti n, with on
ly ten others voted against the tax bill.
July 15, 1862, Mr Pemdeton voted
gainst the bill providing for a reduction
of the mileage of members fifty per cent.
—yeas 86, nays 29.
December 17, 1863. Green Clay Smith,
of Kentucky, submitted the following res
olution :
Resolved That our country, and the very
existence of the best Government ever illsri•
tuted by man. are imperilled by the most
causeless and wicked rebellion that the world
has seen; and believing as we do, that the"
only hope of saving this country and pre
serving this Government is by the power f
the sword, we are for the most vigorous pros-
"•-ution of the war. until the Ooiisdtutior. and
law* shall tie enforced ,iroi obeyed iu all pans
ol tit,* United State*; and to that end we op
pose any armistice, or intervention, .r media
tion, or proposition fin peace fr mi any qi ar
ter. so iong as there shall be found t rebel in i
arms against the Government; an<| we ign. r- •
all party names, lines, and isssin-s. and re. I
cognize ( lllt j W; > parties n this war—p .trims ;
and trmors.
I his resolution was ad pted—yeas 94. '
nay* 65, .Mr Be: dletoii voting in me neg !
all v e
1 lie second resolution was as follows:
Resolved. That we hold it to bo the duty of j
U• tigi ess to pass all necessary hills to supply j
men and money, and the dutv of the people
to render every aid in their power to the con i
-tituted authorities of the Goveriinept in the •
crushing out of the rebellion and in ( ringing '
the leaders thereof to condign punishment
I his resolution was adopted by a vote of !
yeas 153, nays 1 The nay was Mr Den
dleton's particular friend, Benjamin G.
Harris, of Maryland. Mr. Pe.nlleton
dodged.
December 21, IBSO, when a joint reso
lution providing tor deficiencies in former
appropriations for the army wis under con
sideration, Mr. Harding. of Kentucky
moved the following amendment:
Pmriiled, That no part of the money afore
said shall be applied p> the raising, arming,
equipping, tir paying of negro s ldi-rs
The amendment was rejected by a vote
of yeas 41. nays lt>s Mr. l'en ileton vo
ting minority The negro troojs were
then in actual service, so that the object ol
the amendment was to cheat them out of
their pay. and to violite the plighted faith
of the Government. Even Fernando
M cod voted against this mean attempt at
repudiation; hut. it uiet the approbation of
Mr Pendleton.
March 28. 1804, Mr Stevens introduced
a joint resolution submitting two amend
ments to the Constitution ot the United
Mates to be acted upon by the States.
The proposed amendments are as follows:
ART 1. Slavery and involuntary servitude,
except for the punishment of crimes, wherem
the party shali'have hpen duly convicted, is
forever prohibited in the United States and
all its Territories.
ART. 2 So much of article four, section
two as refers to the delivery up of persons
held t> service or labor escaping into another
State is annulled.
A motion was made to lay the proposi
tion on the table, but it was rejected
yeas 45. nays 75. Mr Pendleton voted to
lay on the table; and on May 31 voted
against the joint resolution
Ou April 9 a resolution was offered to
j expel Benjamin G Harris, a liepresenta
tive from the Mate of Maryland, for utter
ing the following treasonable language in
: that body:
The South asked you to let them l"ne in
peace But no; you paid you would bring
I them into subjection Thar is not done vet ;
and G->d Almighty grant that it never may
be I hope that you will never subjugate
the South.
On the vote to expel, the yeas were 84,
nays 58, Mr. Pendietun voting in the neg
' ative.
Ou the 14th of Aptil he gave a similar
WEDNESDAY, SEPTEMBER 28, 1864.
vote against the censure of his colleague,
Mr Long
June 13, 1864, Mr. Pendleton voted
against the army appropriation bill, as fi
nally agreed rpon by committees of cou
ference of the two Houses
On the same day Mr. Pendleton voted
against the repeal of the lugitive slave
i-cts. The vote stood—yeas 90, nays 62
June 15, 1864, Mr. Pendleton voted
against the joint resolution of the Senate
proposing to the States changes of the
Constitution, so as lorever to prohibit
slavery.
The foregoing record speaks tor itself
It is in perfect unison with Mr Pendleton's
speech, January, 1861. in whioh he do
nouuccd the idea of compelling obedience
to the Constitution as uneoustitut ional, as
well as impracticable He lias uniformly
voted agains* measures necessary for the
prosecution of the war; and every deeltra
tion of the duty of crushing the rebellion
at d preserving the Government he h a s
either voted against, squarely or dodged.
Gen. McClellaa's Threat.
The Union is the one condition <>f peace.
We ak no more. Lt me add what I doubt
not, although unexpressed, h the sentiment
of th Convention, a* it is of the people thev
represent. When any one State is willing to
return to the Union, it should be received at
once, with a full guarantee of all its coned*
tntional rights. If a frank, earnest and per
.listen/ effort to obtain those objects should fail,
the responsibility for ulterior consequences will
fall upon those who remain in arms
against the Union —j .YlcCleilan's Letter of
Acceptance.
Throughout the General s letter, says
the Erie Dispatch, 'here is much talk
about the preservation of the Union,
but very little of war for that purpose.
Indeed, the only talk that seems to
hint or imply war is in tho above
extract. He tells us immediately af
terwards that "the Union must be
preserved at all hazard;" and gives us
to understand that be should be
ashamed to look his gallant comrades
in the face if that object fails. But
what kind of a Union does he propose
to give us, and how does lie intend to
secure it?
It seems the platform is a little too
obscure for even the General's percep
lives, though we are told by an able
Democratic orator that he "is broad
over the eyes ' and gives phrenological
evidences of a very high order of
stat smanship. Fo be introduces anoth
er plank, which, he doubts not, "is the
sentiment of tbe convention," Ac Now
we ask the rea let* to examine that im
provised plank very carefully—as care
fully, indeed, as the General wrote it
He tells us that " when a State is
willing to return to the Union, itshouid
bo received at once, with, a /// yuaruntrc
Of nil its const it nt ionni rights." Now, it
should be remembered that "constitu
tional rights," in the Democratic vo
cabulary means one tiling, and in that
of a supporter of the war another; and,
firther, that the Genera i writes as the
leader of the Democratic party —the
Chicago Democracy, if 3-011 please—
the Democracy that is willing to give
the South ail and even more than it
asks, ii it will come back into the
Union and help the party to get back
the odices that the .Republicans have
wrested from it.
. Now, we understand well enough
what the Democracy moans by rtmsti
tutional rights. It means the re-enact
ment and re-onforceinent of the Fugi
tive Slave Law, with all its provisions
for the imprisonment and punishment
of abolitionist offenders. It means the
repeal of the Missouri Compromise and
all other compromises which have
ceased to be useful to tho South, or
give a preponderance of advantages to
the North. It means the extension of
slavery over territories now free, by
peaceable means if possible, but by war
it necessary. It means the national
enforcement of the doctrine establish
ed by the Dred Scott decision, that " a
negro has no rights that a white man
is bound to respect" It means the
recognition ot the principle atterap"ed
to be established in the Lemon case,
that a master can bring his slaves into
any free State, and hold them in bon
dage as long he pleases. It means the
right to imprison the man who dares
to tell the slave of his rights under the
laws of a free State, until the raven
locks become g''ay, and disease that
brings death fastens upon his vitals.
It means the right to tar and feather,
rob, shoot, hang, drown or burn, any
hated " Yankee abolitionist" who may
I chunco to be caught upon Southern
soil; to imprison any school-mistress
who may attempt to teach the alpha
bet to pickaninnies. It means the
right to call to their aid the armies of
the nation, to help in hanging any
maddening, demented old man whom
the exercise of these rights, in the
murder of his sons and the destruction
of his property, has made a lunatic.
It means the right to steal our ships,
our money and our arms, to seize our
our forts arid arsenals, to make war up
on us, whenever the Democratic party
may fail or refuse to elect a President.
It means the right, when they get
tired of rebellion, to co ne back into
the Union with all their rights restored
and a few more hitched on, for the
sake of appeasing "our injured breth
ren " It means the right to have their
war debt paid from the national treas
ury, together with the value of every
freed or confiscated slave, and all prop
erty destroyed. In fine, the Demo
cratic idea of constitutional rights is
to give the South all it asks; and the
South never did and never can ask
anything, from the rendition of a fu
gitive to the secession of a State, that
the Democracy is not willing to grant
and recognize as a constitutional right.
And the vaunted doctrine of State
Rights means very nearly tho same
thing, viz: Congress has no right to
interferewith the prerogatives of South
ern slave States, but it may legislate
slavery over every free State ; and the
refusal of the citizen to assist in the
enforcement of such legislation shall
subject him to imprisonment, while
the passage of " Personal Liberty
Bills" or any other bills asseriing the
rights of States to protect their citi
zens in the free exercise of conscience
shall bring down upon them the whole
military power of the Government.
Cemmeucemeut of the War.
Below H a brief diary of events occur
ring previous to the inauguration of Mr
Lincoln on the Fourth of March, 1861,
which furnishes a convenient answer to the
copperhead charge, ijuite common now a.
days, that the " Abolitionists" commenced
this war. All the events noted, it must he
remembered, occurred uring the admiuis
tration of .Jam s Buchanan, and will be a
fit answer to the copperhead sneaks now
lying through this county:
December 20, IB6o—Capture of Fort
Mouitrie and Castle Piuckney, by South
Carolina troops.
January o, 1861—Capture of Fort Pu
laski by rhe Savannah troops.
January 3—The United States arsenal at
Mount Vernon, Alabama, with 200,000
stand of arms, seized by the Alabama
troops.
Jan 4—Fort Morgan, in Mobile Bay,
taken by Alabama troops.
Jan 9—The United States steamer Star
of the West was fired info and driven off
by the rebel batteries on Morris Island, in
attempting to furnish Fort Sumpter with
supplies.
Jan 10 Fort Jackson, Forts Philip
and Pide near New Orleans, captured by
the Louisiana troops.
Jan. 14— Cap'ure of Pensaeola Navy
yard and Fort Mcßae by Alabama iro-ps
Jan. )B—Surrender of Baton Rouge at
serial to Lousiana troops.
Jan. 26—New Orleans MiDt and Cus
tom House taken.
Feb 2 —Seizure of Little Rock arsenal
by Arkansas troops.
Feb. 4—Surrender of the Revenue cut
ter Castle to the Alabama authorities.
Feb. 17 —Twiggs transferred the United
States property in Texas to the rebels.
March 2—The United States revenue
cutter was seized by the rebels in Texas.
A Buckeye Copperhead.
Chilton A. White, a dishonorable mem
ber of Congress from Ohio, who has
recently been renominated by his cop
perhead friends, has been making
speeches in his distriet, from which we
quote the following as spec : men 'bricks':
"If this Administration is permitted
to go on, when the soldiers come home
they will steal, murder, rub, and rape
your mothers, wives, and daughters,
and you will be powerless. There will
be no law to protect you."
"This Administration must be put
down and whipped out. Our south
ern brethren cannot be whipped. You
irust withdraw your armies from their
soil, raise the blockade, restore to them
all the territory you have taken fron.
them, pay them all the damage you
have done them, and then, and not till
then, will you have peace."
Voters, remembor, this is the kind
of men who arc to hold office should
MeCiellan and his 'peace' party hold
the reius of Government.
ssnKKHisr e©\srsjg-~ #
MeCleilau at Malvern Hill
\V e find thou following statement
about McClellan's retreat from Mal
vern Hill, in the Rev. J. J. Marks'able
history of "The Peninsular Campaign
it- V irginia." It is a portion of histo
ry which will be difficult for Gen. Me-
Cleilau to explain. The statement is
the more important just, now from the
fact that Mr. Marks wrote his history
immediately after MeClellan abandon
ed the Peninsula. It was not written
lor any political effect, nor by a politi
cian, but by an army chaplain, who
was a faithful witness of the scenes
which he describes.
Mr. Marks says:
" The battle was over, but the can
nonading still continued, and shells
tu d balls of every kind toie through
the woods in a ceaseless whirlwind of
fury. In the meantime thousands of
the confederates fled in the wildest
disorder from tho scene and hid them
selves in swamps and hollows; soldiers
without guns, horsemen without caps
or swords, came to the hospitals in the
battlefie d of Glendale, and reported
that their regiments and brigades bad
been swept away, and they alone were
"escaped to tell the tale."*
"It is one of the strangest things in
this week of disaster Unit, Gen. Me-
Clellan ordered ;t retreat to Harrison's
Landing, six miles down the James
river, after ho had gained so decided a
victory. When this order was receiv
ed by the impatient and eager army,
consternation and amazement over
whelmed our patriotic and ardent host.
Some refused to obey the command.
Gen Martmd le shed tears of shame.
"The brave and chivalrous Kearney
said in the presence of many officers:
'I, Philip Kearney, an old soldier, enter
my solemn protest against this order
tor retreat. We ought, instead of re
treating, to follow up the enemy and
take Richmond. And in full view of
all the responsibility of such a decla
ration, I say to you all, such an order
can only be prompted by cowardice or
treason.'
"And withal, hopelessness and dis
pair succeeded the flush M' triumph.
In silence and gloom our victorious
army commenced retiring t'roiu an en
emy utterly broken, scattered and pan
ic stricken.
"And when there was not a foe with
in miies of us, we left our wounded be
hind to perish, and any one witnessing
the wild eagerness of our retreat,
would have supposed that we were in
the greatest peril from a vigilant and
triumphant enemy.
Who will Vote for MeCiellan.
The Pittsburg Gazette states that the
following described persons will vote for
MeCiellan :
Every full fledged TRAITOR who would
sooner see Jeff. Davis President of these
I nited States than Abraham Lincoln, will
vote for the man whose want of general
ship has done more to establish the reb
el President liruily in his place at Rich
mond than any other influence whatever.
Every man who hopes, with Harris of
Maryland, that the " North never may sub
due the South," will vote for Genera' Me-
Ciellan, kr he knows that, the prospect of
Southern independence would be vastly
improved under his administration.
Every Northern sympathiser with trea
son, who rubbed his hands gleefully and
iilted up his voice joyously whenever he
heard of a defeat of MeClellat-'s grand ar
my on the Peninsula, will vote for hirr.
Every man who believes, with Alexan
der Long of Cincinnati, that sooner than
have a war of subjugation prosecuted
against the South, the confederacy ought
to be recognized, will vote for McClelhn.
Every man who hopes that the election
of a democratic President will "stop the
war," ho matter how, so that there may be
no more drafts, will vote for MeCiellan.
Every man who is opposed to "coercing
a sovereign iState," even when it is attempt
ing to destroy the life of the Republic, will
vole lor Little Mac.
Every coward, who would sooner see the
i Union go to smash th in spill one drop of
! his watery blood iu its defense, wiii vote for
the Chickahouiiuy hero.
Every deserter from the army, every
i shirker of his doty to his country, whether
in the army or out of it, and every draft
I skedaddler will vote for the Ball's Bluff
j strategist.
Every man who is ignoraot enough to
! believe that the South was ''goaded into
secession by Northern Abolitionists," will
vote for the gunboat General.
Every lover of the institution of negro
slavery, every oue who would see that in
stitution preserved and extended, all will
vote for Little Mac.
j Every member of the Order of Ameri
can Knights, avsrv Son of Liberty, will
vote Jor him.
Every New York City and Coles county
rioter wiil be sure to vote lor him.
Who doubts these things, and why is it
such meu are the louicet bawlers lor Mo
' Clellan ?
New Series—Vol. XVIII, No. 48.
A Fine Art in Common Schools
The liu man voice is acknowledged to be
one of the most delicate and beautiful of
musical instruments. Its capability 0 f
touch in ij the feelings, swaying the passions
and exoiting the emotions lias f>een abun
dantly shown in the almost omnipotent in
fluence wielded over assembled thousands
by great vocalists, actors and orators. It
has an appropriate tone to oxpro.-s every
conceivable state of mind, be it ecstatic
joy or crushing sorrow, tenderest love or
satanic hatred, serene contentment or deep
anguish and blood freezing fear To a cul
tivated ear, the sound of a cultivated voice
is music, as well in conversation and read
ing as iu singing. No other instrument
can give such richness and variety to every
shade of expression. Soine voices are
naturally pleasing, while others are crueked,
harsh or screechy, but all can be greatly
improved in power and quality by careful
etocuiionary drills.
Taking this view of the voice, and not
regarding our pupils as so many " trouble
some brats," but as immortal beings, pos
sessing sentiments, feelings and passions,
with a voice which may be uiade to ex
press these, why may not readiug be taught
as a fine art ? Too long already has it been
taught as a <lea>i art. The reading lesson
has been looked upon, both by teacher and
pupils, as a dry, irksome task, to be recited
with the greatest despatch and then laid
aside for weightier matters. The instruc
tion given by the teacher has consisted iu
the pointing out of a few mistakes in
pauses, which the pupil was not required
to correct. .Need 1. use the slashing pot
phrase of the extremist, " this isa/l wrong !"
Heartily, intelligently and enthusiasti
cally taught, there is no study in the com
mon school course more interesting and
beautiful than reading. When thus taught
the youngest and dullest will, with few ex
ceptions, enter the reading ciuss with a
hearty interest and tecite the lesson with
as much pleasure as they would experience
in an animated conversation. Dead read
ing in a I ue language like ours, will not
do. Let us therefore banish it as pearly
as pos.-dble from our schools, and aim to
make ill reading natural. Our ardor will,
no doubt, be soicly tried by repeated fail
ures on the part of our pupils. We must
clinch our will and resolve to persevere,
and we sh;,"! succeed.
How to Unci" reading, is a problem that
should be got at. as one gets at a problem
in mathematics; it is necessary to g?t a
clear conception of what is to be dono,
then the nature and order of each succes
sive step is to tie sought for.
It is scarcely necessary to say that the
object to be aimed at in teaching reading is
to make good readers. A good reader is
one who cau take up the thought on the
page before him and convey it, in its full
proportions, to him who listens. No
thought worth handling is so insignificant
as not to deserve decent handling, but a
poor reader cannot convey the most ordi
nary thought in a clear and pleasing man
ner, much less can he express, in all their
nice shades, the beautiful sentiments and
choice thoughts which enrich good prose
and choice po3try.
Where to begin is a question that can
he best decided by a view of the whole
field. Reading consists of two depart
ments, the mechanical and the emotional,
or orthoepy and expression. The former
has reference to pronunciation, and embra
ces articulation, syllabication and accent;
the latter has relerence to the utterance of
thought, feeling, or passion with due sig
nificance and force, and embraces empha
sis. slur, reflection, modulation, monotone,
personation and pauses. ( Parker & Wot
pan's classification ) Having in view this
or a similar classification of elocutionary
topics, hearing in mind the simple prin
ciple in pedagogy that instruction should
be adapted to the wants and capacities of
learners, and possessing the limited degree
of common sense which every teacher tnay
be supposed to have, it is one of the easi
est things imaginable to decide xchcre to
begin. The following plan has been tried
with good success: at the opening of the
school term, point out only the more prom
inent mistakes and have them care
fully corrected, and give only some
general instruction on reading, such as
may suggest itself, but aiming to get your
pupils thoroughly inteiested iu their lesson.
Notice very carefully wherein your classes
fail and let that be the starting point. It
it be articulation, make that a special ob
ject of attention and kindly criticism for
a few weeks, or a few months, until tho
class have acquired distinctness of utter
ance ; give a daily drill of three or four
minutes length on elementary sounds aod
phonetic spelling. Take up only one lead
ing topic at a time. J. K. 11.
Conch w arc, Coach Ware,
/ 10NSISTINQ of Rima, Spokes, Uubbe,
Shafts, Pules, Bows, Springs, Axles,
Bolts, Clips, Top props, shackles. Pat
ent Leather, Enamelled Leather, Oil Cloths,
Linings, Lace, Fringe, Tacks, Nails, Knofo.
ami alt other goods used in c>acb makinr,
for sale at J. B. SELHEIMER'S.
I) EST Note -i.uJ Letter paper at
> nmrch2. SWAIN'S.