ss S©2J 3 JPUnBJLESSISIESs, Whole No. 2783. tHE MlfflßL YVi; AKI2 COM 1 NO, BLIIS-ibl) si AVION. FROM BRABURY'S GOLPEN CENSiR. We are coining. Messed Savior, We hear ttiy gentle voice.; We would lie thine forever, Aud in thy love rejoice. Chorus — We are coining, we are coming. We are coming, blessed Savior, We are corning, we are coming, We hear thy gentle voice. We are coming, blessed Savior, To meet that happy baud, And sing with them forever, And in thy presence stand. We are coming, Ac., To meet that happy band. I Wo are coming, blessed Savior, Our Father's bouse we see— A glorious mansion ever For children young as we. We arc coming, Ac., Our Father's house we see. We are coming, blessed Savior, That happy home is ours; If here we gain thy favor We'll reach tiiose fragrant bowers. We are coining. Ac., That happy home is ours. We are coming, blessed Savior, To crown our Jesus King, And then with angels ever His praises we will sing. We are coming, Ac., To crown our Jesus King. ffiIMEEMMOOI Pendleton's Record- The copperhead prints, in their zeal for falsehood, allege that their peace at any priee candidate for Vice President, did not vote against war measures. As the latest locofoco trick is to inveigle soldiers, young men, parties n this war—p .trims ; and trmors. I his resolution was ad pted—yeas 94. ' nay* 65, .Mr Be: dletoii voting in me neg ! all v e 1 lie second resolution was as follows: Resolved. That we hold it to bo the duty of j U• tigi ess to pass all necessary hills to supply j men and money, and the dutv of the people to render every aid in their power to the con i -tituted authorities of the Goveriinept in the • crushing out of the rebellion and in ( ringing ' the leaders thereof to condign punishment I his resolution was adopted by a vote of ! yeas 153, nays 1 The nay was Mr Den dleton's particular friend, Benjamin G. Harris, of Maryland. Mr. Pe.nlleton dodged. December 21, IBSO, when a joint reso lution providing tor deficiencies in former appropriations for the army wis under con sideration, Mr. Harding. of Kentucky moved the following amendment: Pmriiled, That no part of the money afore said shall be applied p> the raising, arming, equipping, tir paying of negro s ldi-rs The amendment was rejected by a vote of yeas 41. nays lt>s Mr. l'en ileton vo ting minority The negro troojs were then in actual service, so that the object ol the amendment was to cheat them out of their pay. and to violite the plighted faith of the Government. Even Fernando M cod voted against this mean attempt at repudiation; hut. it uiet the approbation of Mr Pendleton. March 28. 1804, Mr Stevens introduced a joint resolution submitting two amend ments to the Constitution ot the United Mates to be acted upon by the States. The proposed amendments are as follows: ART 1. Slavery and involuntary servitude, except for the punishment of crimes, wherem the party shali'have hpen duly convicted, is forever prohibited in the United States and all its Territories. ART. 2 So much of article four, section two as refers to the delivery up of persons held t> service or labor escaping into another State is annulled. A motion was made to lay the proposi tion on the table, but it was rejected yeas 45. nays 75. Mr Pendleton voted to lay on the table; and on May 31 voted against the joint resolution Ou April 9 a resolution was offered to j expel Benjamin G Harris, a liepresenta tive from the Mate of Maryland, for utter ing the following treasonable language in : that body: The South asked you to let them l"ne in peace But no; you paid you would bring I them into subjection Thar is not done vet ; and G->d Almighty grant that it never may be I hope that you will never subjugate the South. On the vote to expel, the yeas were 84, nays 58, Mr. Pendietun voting in the neg ' ative. Ou the 14th of Aptil he gave a similar WEDNESDAY, SEPTEMBER 28, 1864. vote against the censure of his colleague, Mr Long June 13, 1864, Mr. Pendleton voted against the army appropriation bill, as fi nally agreed rpon by committees of cou ference of the two Houses On the same day Mr. Pendleton voted against the repeal of the lugitive slave i-cts. The vote stood—yeas 90, nays 62 June 15, 1864, Mr. Pendleton voted against the joint resolution of the Senate proposing to the States changes of the Constitution, so as lorever to prohibit slavery. The foregoing record speaks tor itself It is in perfect unison with Mr Pendleton's speech, January, 1861. in whioh he do nouuccd the idea of compelling obedience to the Constitution as uneoustitut ional, as well as impracticable He lias uniformly voted agains* measures necessary for the prosecution of the war; and every deeltra tion of the duty of crushing the rebellion at d preserving the Government he h a s either voted against, squarely or dodged. Gen. McClellaa's Threat. The Union is the one condition <>f peace. We ak no more. Lt me add what I doubt not, although unexpressed, h the sentiment of th Convention, a* it is of the people thev represent. When any one State is willing to return to the Union, it should be received at once, with a full guarantee of all its coned* tntional rights. If a frank, earnest and per .listen/ effort to obtain those objects should fail, the responsibility for ulterior consequences will fall upon those who remain in arms against the Union —j .YlcCleilan's Letter of Acceptance. Throughout the General s letter, says the Erie Dispatch, 'here is much talk about the preservation of the Union, but very little of war for that purpose. Indeed, the only talk that seems to hint or imply war is in tho above extract. He tells us immediately af terwards that "the Union must be preserved at all hazard;" and gives us to understand that be should be ashamed to look his gallant comrades in the face if that object fails. But what kind of a Union does he propose to give us, and how does lie intend to secure it? It seems the platform is a little too obscure for even the General's percep lives, though we are told by an able Democratic orator that he "is broad over the eyes ' and gives phrenological evidences of a very high order of stat smanship. Fo be introduces anoth er plank, which, he doubts not, "is the sentiment of tbe convention," Ac Now we ask the rea let* to examine that im provised plank very carefully—as care fully, indeed, as the General wrote it He tells us that " when a State is willing to return to the Union, itshouid bo received at once, with, a /// yuaruntrc Of nil its const it nt ionni rights." Now, it should be remembered that "constitu tional rights," in the Democratic vo cabulary means one tiling, and in that of a supporter of the war another; and, firther, that the Genera i writes as the leader of the Democratic party —the Chicago Democracy, if 3-011 please— the Democracy that is willing to give the South ail and even more than it asks, ii it will come back into the Union and help the party to get back the odices that the .Republicans have wrested from it. . Now, we understand well enough what the Democracy moans by rtmsti tutional rights. It means the re-enact ment and re-onforceinent of the Fugi tive Slave Law, with all its provisions for the imprisonment and punishment of abolitionist offenders. It means the repeal of the Missouri Compromise and all other compromises which have ceased to be useful to tho South, or give a preponderance of advantages to the North. It means the extension of slavery over territories now free, by peaceable means if possible, but by war it necessary. It means the national enforcement of the doctrine establish ed by the Dred Scott decision, that " a negro has no rights that a white man is bound to respect" It means the recognition ot the principle atterap"ed to be established in the Lemon case, that a master can bring his slaves into any free State, and hold them in bon dage as long he pleases. It means the right to imprison the man who dares to tell the slave of his rights under the laws of a free State, until the raven locks become g''ay, and disease that brings death fastens upon his vitals. It means the right to tar and feather, rob, shoot, hang, drown or burn, any hated " Yankee abolitionist" who may I chunco to be caught upon Southern soil; to imprison any school-mistress who may attempt to teach the alpha bet to pickaninnies. It means the right to call to their aid the armies of the nation, to help in hanging any maddening, demented old man whom the exercise of these rights, in the murder of his sons and the destruction of his property, has made a lunatic. It means the right to steal our ships, our money and our arms, to seize our our forts arid arsenals, to make war up on us, whenever the Democratic party may fail or refuse to elect a President. It means the right, when they get tired of rebellion, to co ne back into the Union with all their rights restored and a few more hitched on, for the sake of appeasing "our injured breth ren " It means the right to have their war debt paid from the national treas ury, together with the value of every freed or confiscated slave, and all prop erty destroyed. In fine, the Demo cratic idea of constitutional rights is to give the South all it asks; and the South never did and never can ask anything, from the rendition of a fu gitive to the secession of a State, that the Democracy is not willing to grant and recognize as a constitutional right. And the vaunted doctrine of State Rights means very nearly tho same thing, viz: Congress has no right to interferewith the prerogatives of South ern slave States, but it may legislate slavery over every free State ; and the refusal of the citizen to assist in the enforcement of such legislation shall subject him to imprisonment, while the passage of " Personal Liberty Bills" or any other bills asseriing the rights of States to protect their citi zens in the free exercise of conscience shall bring down upon them the whole military power of the Government. Cemmeucemeut of the War. Below H a brief diary of events occur ring previous to the inauguration of Mr Lincoln on the Fourth of March, 1861, which furnishes a convenient answer to the copperhead charge, ijuite common now a. days, that the " Abolitionists" commenced this war. All the events noted, it must he remembered, occurred uring the admiuis tration of .Jam s Buchanan, and will be a fit answer to the copperhead sneaks now lying through this county: December 20, IB6o—Capture of Fort Mouitrie and Castle Piuckney, by South Carolina troops. January o, 1861—Capture of Fort Pu laski by rhe Savannah troops. January 3—The United States arsenal at Mount Vernon, Alabama, with 200,000 stand of arms, seized by the Alabama troops. Jan 4—Fort Morgan, in Mobile Bay, taken by Alabama troops. Jan 9—The United States steamer Star of the West was fired info and driven off by the rebel batteries on Morris Island, in attempting to furnish Fort Sumpter with supplies. Jan 10 Fort Jackson, Forts Philip and Pide near New Orleans, captured by the Louisiana troops. Jan. 14— Cap'ure of Pensaeola Navy yard and Fort Mcßae by Alabama iro-ps Jan. )B—Surrender of Baton Rouge at serial to Lousiana troops. Jan. 26—New Orleans MiDt and Cus tom House taken. Feb 2 —Seizure of Little Rock arsenal by Arkansas troops. Feb. 4—Surrender of the Revenue cut ter Castle to the Alabama authorities. Feb. 17 —Twiggs transferred the United States property in Texas to the rebels. March 2—The United States revenue cutter was seized by the rebels in Texas. A Buckeye Copperhead. Chilton A. White, a dishonorable mem ber of Congress from Ohio, who has recently been renominated by his cop perhead friends, has been making speeches in his distriet, from which we quote the following as spec : men 'bricks': "If this Administration is permitted to go on, when the soldiers come home they will steal, murder, rub, and rape your mothers, wives, and daughters, and you will be powerless. There will be no law to protect you." "This Administration must be put down and whipped out. Our south ern brethren cannot be whipped. You irust withdraw your armies from their soil, raise the blockade, restore to them all the territory you have taken fron. them, pay them all the damage you have done them, and then, and not till then, will you have peace." Voters, remembor, this is the kind of men who arc to hold office should MeCiellan and his 'peace' party hold the reius of Government. ssnKKHisr e©\srsjg-~ # MeCleilau at Malvern Hill \V e find thou following statement about McClellan's retreat from Mal vern Hill, in the Rev. J. J. Marks'able history of "The Peninsular Campaign it- V irginia." It is a portion of histo ry which will be difficult for Gen. Me- Cleilau to explain. The statement is the more important just, now from the fact that Mr. Marks wrote his history immediately after MeClellan abandon ed the Peninsula. It was not written lor any political effect, nor by a politi cian, but by an army chaplain, who was a faithful witness of the scenes which he describes. Mr. Marks says: " The battle was over, but the can nonading still continued, and shells tu d balls of every kind toie through the woods in a ceaseless whirlwind of fury. In the meantime thousands of the confederates fled in the wildest disorder from tho scene and hid them selves in swamps and hollows; soldiers without guns, horsemen without caps or swords, came to the hospitals in the battlefie d of Glendale, and reported that their regiments and brigades bad been swept away, and they alone were "escaped to tell the tale."* "It is one of the strangest things in this week of disaster Unit, Gen. Me- Clellan ordered ;t retreat to Harrison's Landing, six miles down the James river, after ho had gained so decided a victory. When this order was receiv ed by the impatient and eager army, consternation and amazement over whelmed our patriotic and ardent host. Some refused to obey the command. Gen Martmd le shed tears of shame. "The brave and chivalrous Kearney said in the presence of many officers: 'I, Philip Kearney, an old soldier, enter my solemn protest against this order tor retreat. We ought, instead of re treating, to follow up the enemy and take Richmond. And in full view of all the responsibility of such a decla ration, I say to you all, such an order can only be prompted by cowardice or treason.' "And withal, hopelessness and dis pair succeeded the flush M' triumph. In silence and gloom our victorious army commenced retiring t'roiu an en emy utterly broken, scattered and pan ic stricken. "And when there was not a foe with in miies of us, we left our wounded be hind to perish, and any one witnessing the wild eagerness of our retreat, would have supposed that we were in the greatest peril from a vigilant and triumphant enemy. Who will Vote for MeCiellan. The Pittsburg Gazette states that the following described persons will vote for MeCiellan : Every full fledged TRAITOR who would sooner see Jeff. Davis President of these I nited States than Abraham Lincoln, will vote for the man whose want of general ship has done more to establish the reb el President liruily in his place at Rich mond than any other influence whatever. Every man who hopes, with Harris of Maryland, that the " North never may sub due the South," will vote for Genera' Me- Ciellan, kr he knows that, the prospect of Southern independence would be vastly improved under his administration. Every Northern sympathiser with trea son, who rubbed his hands gleefully and iilted up his voice joyously whenever he heard of a defeat of MeClellat-'s grand ar my on the Peninsula, will vote for hirr. Every man who believes, with Alexan der Long of Cincinnati, that sooner than have a war of subjugation prosecuted against the South, the confederacy ought to be recognized, will vote for McClelhn. Every man who hopes that the election of a democratic President will "stop the war," ho matter how, so that there may be no more drafts, will vote for MeCiellan. Every man who is opposed to "coercing a sovereign iState," even when it is attempt ing to destroy the life of the Republic, will vole lor Little Mac. Every coward, who would sooner see the i Union go to smash th in spill one drop of ! his watery blood iu its defense, wiii vote for the Chickahouiiuy hero. Every deserter from the army, every i shirker of his doty to his country, whether in the army or out of it, and every draft I skedaddler will vote for the Ball's Bluff j strategist. Every man who is ignoraot enough to ! believe that the South was ''goaded into secession by Northern Abolitionists," will vote for the gunboat General. Every lover of the institution of negro slavery, every oue who would see that in stitution preserved and extended, all will vote for Little Mac. j Every member of the Order of Ameri can Knights, avsrv Son of Liberty, will vote Jor him. Every New York City and Coles county rioter wiil be sure to vote lor him. Who doubts these things, and why is it such meu are the louicet bawlers lor Mo ' Clellan ? New Series—Vol. XVIII, No. 48. A Fine Art in Common Schools The liu man voice is acknowledged to be one of the most delicate and beautiful of musical instruments. Its capability 0 f touch in ij the feelings, swaying the passions and exoiting the emotions lias f>een abun dantly shown in the almost omnipotent in fluence wielded over assembled thousands by great vocalists, actors and orators. It has an appropriate tone to oxpro.-s every conceivable state of mind, be it ecstatic joy or crushing sorrow, tenderest love or satanic hatred, serene contentment or deep anguish and blood freezing fear To a cul tivated ear, the sound of a cultivated voice is music, as well in conversation and read ing as iu singing. No other instrument can give such richness and variety to every shade of expression. Soine voices are naturally pleasing, while others are crueked, harsh or screechy, but all can be greatly improved in power and quality by careful etocuiionary drills. Taking this view of the voice, and not regarding our pupils as so many " trouble some brats," but as immortal beings, pos sessing sentiments, feelings and passions, with a voice which may be uiade to ex press these, why may not readiug be taught as a fine art ? Too long already has it been taught as a i art. The reading lesson has been looked upon, both by teacher and pupils, as a dry, irksome task, to be recited with the greatest despatch and then laid aside for weightier matters. The instruc tion given by the teacher has consisted iu the pointing out of a few mistakes in pauses, which the pupil was not required to correct. .Need 1. use the slashing pot phrase of the extremist, " this isa/l wrong !" Heartily, intelligently and enthusiasti cally taught, there is no study in the com mon school course more interesting and beautiful than reading. When thus taught the youngest and dullest will, with few ex ceptions, enter the reading ciuss with a hearty interest and tecite the lesson with as much pleasure as they would experience in an animated conversation. Dead read ing in a I ue language like ours, will not do. Let us therefore banish it as pearly as pos.-dble from our schools, and aim to make ill reading natural. Our ardor will, no doubt, be soicly tried by repeated fail ures on the part of our pupils. We must clinch our will and resolve to persevere, and we sh;,"! succeed. How to Unci" reading, is a problem that should be got at. as one gets at a problem in mathematics; it is necessary to g?t a clear conception of what is to be dono, then the nature and order of each succes sive step is to tie sought for. It is scarcely necessary to say that the object to be aimed at in teaching reading is to make good readers. A good reader is one who cau take up the thought on the page before him and convey it, in its full proportions, to him who listens. No thought worth handling is so insignificant as not to deserve decent handling, but a poor reader cannot convey the most ordi nary thought in a clear and pleasing man ner, much less can he express, in all their nice shades, the beautiful sentiments and choice thoughts which enrich good prose and choice po3try. Where to begin is a question that can he best decided by a view of the whole field. Reading consists of two depart ments, the mechanical and the emotional, or orthoepy and expression. The former has reference to pronunciation, and embra ces articulation, syllabication and accent; the latter has relerence to the utterance of thought, feeling, or passion with due sig nificance and force, and embraces empha sis. slur, reflection, modulation, monotone, personation and pauses. ( Parker & Wot pan's classification ) Having in view this or a similar classification of elocutionary topics, hearing in mind the simple prin ciple in pedagogy that instruction should be adapted to the wants and capacities of learners, and possessing the limited degree of common sense which every teacher tnay be supposed to have, it is one of the easi est things imaginable to decide xchcre to begin. The following plan has been tried with good success: at the opening of the school term, point out only the more prom inent mistakes and have them care fully corrected, and give only some general instruction on reading, such as may suggest itself, but aiming to get your pupils thoroughly inteiested iu their lesson. Notice very carefully wherein your classes fail and let that be the starting point. It it be articulation, make that a special ob ject of attention and kindly criticism for a few weeks, or a few months, until tho class have acquired distinctness of utter ance ; give a daily drill of three or four minutes length on elementary sounds aod phonetic spelling. Take up only one lead ing topic at a time. J. K. 11. Conch w arc, Coach Ware, / 10NSISTINQ of Rima, Spokes, Uubbe, Shafts, Pules, Bows, Springs, Axles, Bolts, Clips, Top props, shackles. Pat ent Leather, Enamelled Leather, Oil Cloths, Linings, Lace, Fringe, Tacks, Nails, Knofo. ami alt other goods used in c>acb makinr, for sale at J. B. SELHEIMER'S. I) EST Note -i.uJ Letter paper at > nmrch2. SWAIN'S.