Whole No. 2572, BLYMYER & STANBARGER mtiß & can •trrA? t YY~ei pi,%3 **l <=■** Jkia M Sear Canal Basin, Lewistown, Pa, Will purchase every description of Produce at current prices. AL IV AYS O X II AND, \>L \>T!■:!(■ SALT, FISH, STONE COAL sizes, LIME BURNERS? ' a- BLACKSMITHS' COAL. GEO. BLYMYER, dec 2 C. C. STAN BAUD Ell. J, iiPLba, ■Jj :_£i -4. xAi -Q? i D flOlion K i>r Market street, Lewistown, 1 / •. ;■ oiing K (. 1' raiiciscus' Hardware - : P. s. Br. Locke will be at his efSco liist M ol lay of each uiuuth to spend the •\ my4 l AIL. A. S. ATKINSON, | , V INE permanently Heated m Lewis -4L ■ lV: '- olbrs liis pruicgfiuinal servi as ; i' 'i - i! town ami country. Office ia.ie-rly ' -"upied by Hr. Marks, Residence Tier •;! of George lilvinvcr. Uwistovvn .July 14, I8(ji)-tf lb*. Samuel L. Alexander, 2 fLis permanently located at Milruy. Yff o -i is prepared to practice al! thebraiicli iM - of ins Profession. Office at Swine 's H del. niyd-ly EDWARD FRYSINQER, HULLS.ILL ULALLR x .11 lit FAITIHER &e., &.c , .. aA/ WN. L.J Ui'D :> promptly utteotictl to. jel6 .*% * T* 'P *=■ r j W sex x> S I V o a> iry r* Sf Attorney at Law, • . M-jik 't Srpiare, Lewistown, will at ; husi.'M-■- in oilitlm. Centre and IJuiitirig ti counties. 'hi i-? f ; :{:{ * v . v i t;{ V w ni - i •< nv -1 *. -wul -v. J Heigribt's Cid tetanu. C mil IB Letci'•!■->>< ti, /'#. <■ - lit'i r, Lager Boor, Lo ■■ nberger s snzer 4 dhci -—all id the quality . . on luu.'L f>r sale wiioh'Mile < r re )• • ■t- had daily .-ing - m.m r. ;■ y-44-v r JUST RECEIVED A SEI.I.CT si Ml X OF BodISJ Shoes j Gaiters, &c. -it. wniinm, boys, and children, wliieh :i' i for sal • reinarkubiy low. J. CLARK, Opposite the I'nion House. ScALISTERV ILLE ACADEMY Juniata County. i*a. '•EG. I' McF.IJiL.LVn, Tiineipal Proprietor. IC'CH; Alii LIAS I'rof. of Mathematics, Sc. A',.,. LS'.VIF. S. CMS T, Teacher <f .Music, S c - Tht 1., xt st's-ion of this Institution coni i.enct- on the -JGtli of July, to continue 24 seeks. Students admitted at any time. A Normal Department :,i Le formed which will afford Teachers the -toj; itunitj of prepaiing for fail examitia- A MAV ATTARATUS has been purchased, ' I'ln-rs enzaged, iAe.. I KKMS —Boarding, Room und Tuition, per sc-Min>.".t, jlj.l Tuition alone at usual rales. sent tree on application. miu iMuaia. SLOAT'S ELiraic iocic SEISCH SEWING MACHINES. Pliii subscriber after considerable search 1 for a hewing Machine for his own use, - is one ut tue above now in operation, which to ted lor their simplicity and strength. ' J Stitch, Hem, Hind. Fell and (lather with Ou l isting, making the stitch alike on both side- ot the work. They sew equally well the lightest and heaviest fabric with any spool thread or silk. We feel warranted in reeom oending them as the very best now in the ciiitn -t i,,r every useful purpose in a family, : r ii bre-suutkur, Tudor, or ISliirt Maker.— •1- an evidence of its simplicity Mrs. M , w ah ut instruction or explanation from any OQe commenced work on it, and in less than ne week made 10 dresses. 4 pair of pants, : ' !i 1-1 shirts, nyd has not experienced the least ' ithculty iu its operation. We simply ask all |!| ok' at this machine before purchasing, •cul remember these facts. We warrant eve ?T ni.iehiiie; /md keep every one in repair. "! 'tpetiseS, fur oue year. Price Fflffl U>. Addrdss . •I -VS. M. M AJITIX,/Lewistuwn P. 0., ii'V_4-tt Agent for Mitiliu County. f HiWKERY-WARE—Fine assortment of Yy Stone Crockery Ware and Baskets at A.FELIX'S. ?"- f;i'„ „;" che! " V. G. FRANCISCYfS V*- * iiisji© IFST ©n©3i(g>i§ nnisFXFiLnsj <s : ® IPA© THE MIMSTREL SI A It V. ' Twas a stormy nitrlit in winter. When the winds tilew ■•old and wet, I heard some strains ot* nnisie. 1 never can forget: I was sleeping in rnv ea'nu. \l itfi 11 iv Mary la:r and voting— M iien a light shoii- :n tiie indow. All i a (sold of -in •. j— siiiia': We'ri coming si-tcr Mary, We're c-otii'iaa t.y an I l.\ ; 1? • i -ndy. si.-o . >fai v. i'ln* time i- i wing i ,; li. I trie Ito . !my Maw. But my lon .-Me oi'-i <:■ ■' ■■ Ami v. h *n t'e ~„i. | | ; rile 1 ;ii;.i had !i e.v;, a e\ ; 1 woke her h ,ni her -!m: .r, \nd loid ii r i very t!,ij> I'.n; we eiaii! I not eij' - the in i'i: v:, of the song t heard I'lrm -m r. V ■ coming • , Mary. Ac. '• he '<' n ;ti* to I I, A Ovl til II::: •I; i: it t: :o i liey .simg ; A I -it be-ide rhc'pdiow ' lily M irv fair and ymjng: I hear i a rustiiug in the room Like tiie rustling of a wing. And In—id-- my U try - pillow. \ ■ ry siiun I heard tle'iti -ing, We iv eonuii Mary, i.-, I isit :' • rid! tuj M,;-y. ■ : Wlo-ii IVan i !i. : i:ea ao{ kindne-s. i i el I",- \ el' e :l- d to I eat : I— :e i"• II i ery unhappy. 1 111 smiinier unl ! -{•' iie_. And ofi in midnight slumber. ''i. thinks I tiear them sing. We're i"ining sister Mary. Ae. Telling- the Truth a Scandal. Many ] i-rstms justily themselves in in juring another s tliar'tcter by pleading tinit they have told only what was true. They f'ovjrot that the truth is not at ail times to j be spoken. J'erhaps the one of whom you tell an odious ;.iitli has repented in dust, ami a.-lies of hi- fault, and ii you keep re | eating it, how can you longer pray that Dud would cast your sins behind his back and remember tin in no more? l'crhaps 1 1 h! ha : ■ . ion i! <• • ii.tung one and re- 1 stored his sou! to virtue and peace, and ' will you act the part of a fiend in taunting . and tormenting hint ? Or perhaps the j erring one. if n-t fully pardoned and re- 1 stored, is longing, sighing, and striving af- ' ter his lost intiue. nee, and will you crush and kill b ■ good dc.-iri ■, by roblung him of the motive which rises from reif-re- ! speet and the good respect of others? 1 Will y: u bi'-ak the hrui- ed reed and quench ti.e -nn king-i!: ' \VL; you lacer ate the bleeding sensibilities ol those who ■ are mourning over t! rta .!t ? That you have spoken to the injury of another only w hat is true, i> no jimtificatii it You may 1 be a . iatiderer of tiie n. .-t malignant char acter, and you are such, tuile-s a pious , reason exists lor your making known an- ' Othci :) lauitS. — Avoir look C'/trou tcfr. 1 Religious' and 4 Christian/ ('hurehmen should ever l eaf in mind i tlicit all which i.- religious ;s uit necessarily j Ch.ri-iian. A man may do many things tint are strictly moral and religious, and yet they may not be Christian acts, aud will not necessarily contribute to the cause ! and kingdom of <h: -f. An Atheist may j he a moral man, a Heist may he a religious man, but neither is a Christian man. A Heathen, a Mahometan, aud .Jew may be very religious in their way, but Christians in no way. So a nominal Christian may do j what is mora! and religions, and yet there- ! by contribute nothing to the real work of the Church's progress. .V Christian man • must profess Christian virtues, and must | practise them, as such. His graces, as i a disciple ot .Jesus, must shine out f his lite, and have so much of the brightness and beauty ol Heaven in them, that no body shall mistake them for anything else than ' the fruits of the spirit.' It is only j when we do as Christians, all that we at- ; tempt to do for the Church, that we em- j ploy to the utmost, tlie power that Christ lias committed t<> us, for the extension of j his kingdom on earth. — J>r. Jiamlull. Inebriety. When thi* vice has taken fast hold of a man, farewell industry —farewell emulation —larewell to all things worthy of attention ; —farewell love of virtuous society—fare -1 well decency of manners, and farewell even attention to person. Everything is sunk by this predominant and brutal appetite. In how many instances do we sec men who have begun life with the brightest pros j pects before them, and who have closed it ' without one ray of comfort or consolation ! j Young men with good fortunes, good tal < nts. good tempers, good hearts, good con stitutions, only being led by and drawn in- \ to the vortex of the drunkard, have be- j come by degrees the most loathsome and ! despicable of mankind. In the house of the drunkard there is no peace for any one. All is uncertainty and anxiety. He is not | the same man for any one day at a time. No one knows of his out-goings or his in i copiings. When he will rise or lie down to rest, is wholly a matter of chance. That which he swallows lor what he calls pleasure, brings pain as sure as night brings morning. Poverty and miser-- j in the „ t l rain - _ To avoi l uiose results we i -.1 to make no sacrifice. Ab ' a requires no aid to accomplish it. Our own will is all that is requisite; and j if we have not the will to avoid contempt, I 'disgrace and misery, we desire neither re | lief or compassion. THURSDAY, AUGUST 16, 1860. POLITICAL, SPEECH OF HON. ISAAC HAZLE HURST, Delivered at Reading, August G. I3GO. Mr. 11. said he felt highly fluttered by the invitat'on extended to Idm by the com mittee. to meet the independent electors of Berks county, at this their first muster for ! the coming political struggle, lie was a j member of the People's party of l'ennsyl j vania. As a it; tuber of that or ;aniz.i tion ho had he n interested in the success of a distinguished Senator of this State i beiure tlie (.'Licugo Convention, lie did not conceal his wishes, lie was active in , giving them hi ad and general circulation. Jo uid so, for tht si tuple reason that Sen- I . ator Cameron in ali id.- public acts, had been i | faithful to the Colon and the Constitution, ! and had exhibited and maintained that rare i virtue of absolute fidelity to the interests iol his native State. During Ids whole •o ;:tical life, that nator had been consistent j I in his desire to develop the resources of Pennsylvania, by a fair and ju-t protection • to American manual labor, j lie united action of this State in his favor, while it i : died to accomplish what her people desir- j ed. established the fact that the Common wealth ol liis birth was not ungrateful w In. n 1 ; licr delegated power was east in his behalf. j Put, said 31 r. 11., individual preference i ! gave way when the great question is pres. j j ented as to whether the Constitution itself ' | is to be preserved and maintained, and when the very case has arisen that the gov- i eminent is no longer sale in the hands to > 1 which it had been entrusted. If is with the : people, and with the people alone, th t the right exists to correct existing abuses —no delegated power can doit. The appeal then is directly to the people —not to party j nor to partisans, not to professional politi- ; ciaiis, nor to those who have an interest in , office and place greater than their stake in the country, but to the people and the j whole people; and to those who, in rcard • to political affairs, have a wish for a good i government, and who have power to accom plish their own wishes. When, therefore, the People's party rat ify to-night the action of their representa tives recently assembled in the metropolis of the west, they do so in the, hope that wise and generous counsels will pievail, and that in the change of rulers, now re quired, our 1 cloved republic may be aduiin- ! istercd in the honest spirit of its early foun- i | ders. _ | Mr. 11. said he appeared before the meet-1 ing to advocate no new doctrines, to declare no new principles. In 1844 he had spo ken in that county lor the father of the i ! American system, and he was now ready ; again to do battle against that enemy who : had traduced and defrauded him; and, j | said Mr. 11., most heartily do I co operate I with my fellow countrymen in the endeav or to elevate that distinguished American citizen who, at the same time, and under , the same circumstances, on every prairie in il.inois, raised his voice to vindicate the 1 character and policy of Henry Clay. Hon or to Abraham Lincoln tor his devotion to Henry Clay, and for his unwavering fideli ty to the policy of * Protection to our Do- j mo-tic Industry !' While, said Mr. 11., lam ready to ac knowledge that the great local advantages | of the position ol this city, such as the magnificent river before us, and the fertili ty of the surrounding country, may be con sidered as the original spring of its pros- 1 perityj still, ali will acknowledge that this I current of prosperity has been put to mo tion by the desire to develop the domestic industry of the country. To my mind no ! man can stand in the midst of such asceue as is now presen this valley without , feeling keenly the great importance of this ■ policy which we advocate, and which our ! opponents despise. It lias built your rail- I way to the coal-pits —it has united you with ! the Hudson. Over your canals float treas ! ures innumerable. Foundries, forges, and I steam engines have sprung up along the line of your improvements. Beautiful cot tages line the hill sides of the mountains around us, while ail that is wanting to make our people happy, is to strengthen the spring that moves the industry of the coun try. The question of the degree of pro j teetion is not of as much importance as the : preservation of the principle, and that is a practical question. Labor, more than any thing else, enters into production, and la i bor must vindicate its sovereignty. 1 | speak to men who have their quarrel just. 1 speak to men who go forth to labor until j I the evening. Look at your representatives I —have your eye upon the Capitol. Be not deceived by party means —look to your votes. But we are for excluding slavery from the Territories. In this, also, said Mr. 11., Mr. Lincoln j presents no new doctrine, and urges no new principle. The ease has been thus stated in its historical and constitutional aspect, . b'j t he late Whig statesman The argu ment 1 still lives.' The Constitution of the United States was adopted in 1788, and went into opera tion in 178' J. At the time of its adoption 1 the state of the country was thusSla , V e r y existed in the southern States. There " was a very large extent of un occupied ter i r jtorv—which was understood was destin ol to Lc formed into Stat-s; and itwastlien determined that no slavery should exist in this territory. 'J he motives which promot ed the north to recognize the existence\-f : slavery in the southern .States, ond to give a representative to those States, founded in part upon their slaves, rested on the sup ; pc-ition that no new slave States were to be acquired on the southern frontier, and sh very was to be excluded from the north western tori if- ry. Not only doe 3 this clearly appear from the debates and history of the tiams, but to? a basis of this com- deration the south insisted that v. here slavery existed it, heu.d not be interfered with. V. itli this the IV" < party of this Plate unhesitatingly acquiesce. * In the Convention and in the first Congress it was a encoded point that slavery, in the Mate in which it existed, was a matter of State regulation exclusively. Congress had not the least power ov.-r i 4. 4 All agitations and attempts to disfuvb the relatjus I>. tween master and slave by persons not liv ing in the slave States, are unconstitution al in their spirit, and prodi.i five of evil and nn-chief. No patriot slioul 1 counte nance them, 'i he regulation ot shivery is with the States where it exists—the Tea- i possibility, ii there he any, is there. But our < ppunents arc not satisfied with the recognition of then C< nstilutis u al rights. In a sjieecli delivered h'' I'resi dent Buchanan, from tiie executive man sion, at the opening of the present earn- j paign, it is contended that this old Whig doctrine of non-extension of slavery, do.- I prives our Southern brethren of their") ights | in the territories. Thar, as the territories ; wore acquired by the common service and j common exertions of all —that they have j the right to carry their slaves ' as slaves' | into the new territories, or as the President i states it, ' Any set of principles which will j deprive you ol your proneriy i against the very essence of Republican Government, and to that extent makes you a slave.' 'The argument ot 31 r. Buchanan is not original. It was urged by another with great force in the Senate in 1848, and was thus answered by Daniel Webster in his speech on the 'exclusion of slavery from the territories.' 41 They say that in this way wo deprive them of the opportunity of going info this ac quired territory with their property. "Their property !' What do they mean by 'proper- j ty !' We certainly do not deprive them el 1 the privilege of going into this newly acqui 1 red Territoi ies with al! that, in the general es timate of human society, in the general and j common and universal understanding of man- | kind, is esteemed property. Not tit all. The ; truth is just this: —They have in their own states peculiar laws, which create property : in persons. They have a system of local leg islation on which slavery rests; while every > body agrees that ir is against natural law. or, i at least against the common understanding ; which prevails among men, as to what is uat I urai law. i "The Southern States have peculiar laws, j and by tin se laws there is property in slaves. ' This is purely local. The real meaning, then, of Southern gentlemen, in making this c< m j plaint, is, that they cannot go into the Terri- \ tit ies of the United States carrying with them I their own peculiar local law, a law which ere atcs property in persons. This, according to their own statement, is nil the ground of com plaint they have. Now hero, 1 think, gentle men, they are unjust towards us. How un just they are, others will judge; generations j that will come after ns will judge. It will not be contended that this sort of personal slavery exists by genera! law. It exists only by lo cal law. Ido not mean to deny the validity of that local law where if is established : but I say it is, after all, local law. It is nothing - more. And wherever that local law does not j extend, property in persons does not exist, j Well, sir, what is now the demand en the j part of our Southern friends? They say:— •We will carry cur local law with us wherever we go. \\ e insist that Congress does ns in justice unless it establishes it in the Territories in which we wish to go with our own local iaw. This demand I for one resist, and shall resist. It goes upon the idea that there is an inequality, unless persons under this local law, and holding property by authority ol j that law, can go into new territory and there j establish that local law, to the exclusion of j the general law. " Now, our friends seem to think that an I inequality arises from restrain ug them from j going into the Territories, unless there be a ; law pruvid d which shall protect their owner- j ship in persons. The assertion is, that we • create an inequality. Is there nothing to be said on the other side in relation to inequali j ty ? Sir, from the date of this Constitution, and in the counsels that formed and estab j lished this Constitution, and I suppose in all ' men's judgment since, it is received as a set I tied futh, that slave labor and free labor do j not exist well together. I have before me a declaration of Mr. Mason, in the Convention I that formed the Constitution, to that effect. Mr. Mason, as is well known, was a distin guished member from Virginia. He says that the objection to slave labor is, that it puts free white labor in disrepute; that it causes labor to be regarded as derogatory to the character of the free white man, and that the free white man despises to work, to use his expression, w'nere slaves are employed. This is a matter of great interest to the free States, if it be true, as to a great extent it certainly i is, that wherever slave labor prevails, free i white labor is excluded or discouraged. I ' agree that slave labor does not necessarily ex clude free labor totally. There is free white labor in Virginia, Tennessee and other States, where most of the labor is done by slaves, I But it necessarily loses some of its respecta bility, by the side of, and when associated with, slave labor. Wherever labor is mainly , performed by slaves, it is regarded as degra. ! ding to freemen. The freemen of the North, therefore, have a deep interest in keeping la bor free, exclusively free, in the new t rrito ries. 44 But. sir, let ua look further into this al leged inequality. There is no pretence that - urhern people may not go into territory vhich .-hall be subject to the Ordinance ot 17--7. The only restraint is, that they shall not carry slaves thither, and continue that relate n. Tin y gay this shuts them altogeth er ; ut. Why, sir, there can be nothing m re inaccurate in point of fact than this st itomf i;t. I understand that one half the pe -pi. ho settled Illinois are p. <-pio, or descendants of I'M who came JV-'m th" ..them .81atcs. A: ! 1 snppcs > that one-third Y the pc iple f O!:io are those, or .j. -•••. hunts i those, w! . 't:>i'i.gr:it ! from the South. And I venture t . -ay, that, in respect to th. se two States, they ato at this day settled by people ( f s nth ei a origin in a gr; at ft proportion as they arc 1 -.-, people of northern origin, according to :he gonial numbers and proportion of the peo , le, S kUth and North. There are as many 1 p- p'e from the .South, i:i pr- portion to the whale people of the whole South, in those States, as there are from the North, in pro ;■ i tion to the whole people of the North. There is, then, no exclusi in of southern peo p!o : there is only the exclusion of a peculiar foc-il law. Neither in principle nor in fact is t i-jie any inequality." 'J he question, whether it was not com pe- ' tent for Congress to prevent its further in- ; crease was met and answered by the same authority in thestraseyear. thl! power over the subject. It may estab .lhsli any such government and any .such , laws in the Terra dies as in its discreten it may see lit.' This was e.rtainly the J opinion of William I'iukney, as derived ; from his celebrated argument on the Mis souri question, when he expressed the j hope that the whole subject might Lc dis posed of by a 'prescriptive prohibition of j since t'tf i t/u Territory forth unit no >( oj Missouri.* Does 31 r. Lincoln proclaim any new doe- j trine ? Listen to the old Whig champion j in the Senate, in February, Ibod : —' Sr. i I have said that 1 never could vote for it: and I repeat that 1 never can and nevet ! will vote for it; and no earthly power shall ever make me vote to plant slavery where • slavery does not exist!' Two weeks later. 1 on the 20th of February, 1850, he said again, in the same atena: —'From the earliest moment when i could consider the ■ institution of slavery, I have held, an 1 1 have said, that from that day down to the present, again and again; and J shall go to i the grave with the opinion, that it is an ' evil, a social and political evil.' Look now then at what has been the ; course of our opponents upon this question. It is not that the people of the Territory shall determine the question, although that is the view of one fragment oi the opposi tion ; hut, that the Constitution oj itsr/j' carries slavery into tiro Territories. And what has been the practical effect of this ■ judicial construction —nothing more than I this, that slavery is to be forced into the Temtories as an element of political pow er. That the youthful Territory of Kan sas is to be dragged into the Union with the iron collar of servitude upon her neck —hut never is to be admitted as long as Me persists in wearing upon her brow the civic crown of Republican Freedom. Against all such reasoning the people of tlii- Ftate most solemnly protest. No ju dicial construction of the Constitution has to this hour ever justified it. But, said 3ir. 11., it is supposed that Mr. Lincoln lias placed-himself'on a plat form, a portion of which is hostile to Americans of the opposition. If Amori canism was the hostile and prescriptive j principle which our opponents considered in 185G, there might be something in this j suggestion ; but I have never so considered it. In 1857, the American Convention lion- i ored me with the' nomination fur the high- , est office in the gift ol' the people of this ; State. In that canvass, I spoke freely and unreservedly to citizens, native and adopted, in various sections of the State. In this city I said 'with the right of suf frage as to the foreigner who has immigra ted, or with his privelege to be naturalized under our present system, wc do not pro- i pose to interfere.' It was to the faithful ; and honest administration of the naturali zation laws that the efforts of the Ameri can party were directed; how entirely una vailing the recent development- at Wash ington have strikingly exhibited. Nor did the American party proscribe any one on account ol Lis religion thear- i guuient was in favor of an unlimited free- , dom of religion, and the unrestrained ; right to adopt and practice any form of worship; the only qualification was, that there should be no combination to control ; the American ballot-box. To these sentiments 1 have nothing to - add or alter. 1 believed then as I believe j now, that the times demanded the organi zation. Let us then unite and press on for the accomplishment of the great purposes of the People's Party. lie ore all Ameri cans, linked now and forever to the fates and fortunes of our beloved country. The party of disunion is in the field —the Vice President ot the Republic bears its stand ard onward forward —the President from the Vindows of the Executive Man sion Waves encouragement, while a motley troupe are marshalling their forces conjoin ed beneath the impious banner ot a south ern Republic.' I do not desire to state the case too New Series—Vol. XiV. No. 40. strongly. 1 read front the address of Hciidrick B. Wright, the presiding officer ot the recent Democratic State Conven tion : "After Yancey and the Disunion; Is went out of the regular Convention, it occurred to me that it would be profitatdo to mo to go in to the SecesMon Convention and ascertain for myself the sentiments there proclaimed. 1 did go int • the Yancey Convention, and du ring tin' toi hours I was there, as (Jod is my judge, 1 heard nothing but with reference to the e ncy of erecting a Southern lle j utl c u;. i t!t! rums of the present I nion. If Mr. Dreckenrido be not a Disunionist himself, it must bo conceded that he is the candidate of the Disnnioriists. lie is, then, in the hands of the worst men that this coun try has cv. r seen. -e men are lived up uadD = dution of':. .st oion and the erection of a Southern CVn.ieracy. 1 do not care what their apologists may say—l have heard their debates and 1 know that which 1 do speak (Applause.) Disunion was the cry of the d -union movement at Charleston and at Baltimore. Breckcnridge is the pliant tool of the Disunionists —the men who pro claim fivtn the housetops that they want dis union. And such are the men that the Dem ■■ ratio party < f I'ennsylvani i are asked to support. For one, 1 never will submit to such burning dishonor. I a.-k the people of l'euneylvania to pon der over this statement. The authority is eminently respectable. The fact-are care fully stated. 'J lie •ul joct of discussion a Southern Confederacy —the place, —a Democratic Convention! ' Fellow citizens, our path of duty it plain, ridel.ty to all sections and at all times, and obedience to the constitutional authorities id the land, will make our Union ■pcrprtn nl With our I nion as it is, and thorough fraternal feeling between its various parts, we : in" i resent ourselves to the world as a grand nationality, lbstering its own laboi and developing its own resources. Let us move on in defence of these great principles, just as wci would move on in defence of those stars am.' stripes, the proud emblems ol our native land. Let us meet disunion with Union. That. I nion which gave us the Constitution 'That I nion wliicli with successive strides ot progress has crossed the Ailog!ionics, the Ohio, the Mississippi, and the Missou ri; has stretched its living aruis almost limn the Arctic Circle to the tepid waters of the Gulf; has belted the Continent with rising States j lias unlocked the treasures of the Bicra Mad re, and flung out the ban ners of the Republic to the gentle breezes of the Peaceful Sea.' Fellow citizens, let our watchword be the Constitution and the Union. giSyylEom Shipping Muskets to the South and IF st. —The Springfield (Mass.) Republi can says that the United States Govern ment is now packing, at the main arsenal in this city, 7,000 guns, of the latest mod el, For shipping to California via the Horn. One hundred and twelve thousand guns, mostly early models, have been sent to > Southern and Western State arsenals since last January, besides several thousand fur nished to companies in this vicinity. Mi edit thousand arc furnished each month, but the demand is so great that only two hundred of the new model now remain on hand, and about sixteen thousand, mostly of the models of 1822 and 1824, are yet in store in the Springfield United States arsenal—comparatively a very small num ber. [lt would be satisfactory to know how ma ny of these arms were shipped to where dis unionists could lay hands on them !] A (iuod Hit —An invalid once sent fur a physician, and after detaining him for some time with a description of his pains, aches, (Ye., he thus sums up : ' Now, doctor, you have humbugged me long enough with your good-for-nothing pulls and worthless syrups; they don't touch the real difficulty. 1 wish you to strike the true cause of my ailments, if it is in your power to reach it.' ' It shall be done,' said the doctor, at . the same time lifting hi 3 cane and demol ishing a decanter of gin that stood on the sideboard. Trailing lionet. —'What do you k. for that ore beast ?' 'One hundred and twenty-five dollars.' 'One hundred and twenty-five dollars P ' Yes! ' Give you twenty-five.' ' Take him along. It shan't be said that- I spoiled a good trade for a hundred dol lars.' foreman ot a grand jury in Mis— -1 l-ouri, after administering an oath to a ! beautiful woman, instead ot handing the Bible, presented his face, and said , ' Xow kks the book madam.' He didn't discover his mistake, until the whole jury burst ui ; to a roar of laughter. fryrXaomi, the daughter of Enoch, was five hundred and eighty years old when she* was married. Courage, ladies! " There never was a goose so gray, Bm some <lay. soon or late, An houi v. gander came thai way, And took her for his mate.' B®"How does the aching ot a tooth im ' pose silence ? By causing one ' to hohl hi i Jair.'
Significant historical Pennsylvania newspapers