Whole No, 2560. THE MHKTRIL ll'' WE KNEW. If we knew the cares ami cresses Crowding round our neighbor's way, If we knew the little losses Sorely grievous, day by dav. Would Ve then so often chide him For his lack of thrift ami gain— Leaving "ti his heart a shadow, Leaving on our lives a stain? If we knew the elonds above us. Held by gentle blessings there. Would we turn away all trembling, 111 our blind and weak despair? Would we shrink from little shadows, Lving on the dewy grass, While 'tis only birds of Eden, •lu-t in mercy flying past? If we knew the silent story, Quivering through the heart of pain. Would our womanhood dare doom them Ita.-k to haunts of guilt again? Life hath many a tangled crossing; jov hath many a break of woe; And the cheeks, tear-washed, are whitest; This the blessed angels know. l.et us reach in our bosoms For the key to other lives, And with love towards erring nature, cherish good that still survives; Ho that when our disrobed spirits Soar to realms of light again, We may say, dear Father, judge us we judged our fellow men. SUBMARINE EXPERIENCES. (If the various methods resorted to by men to obtain a livelihood, one of the most unattractive would seem to be that of diving, even where ' goodly pearls' reward the diver for the great exposure of his life, vet the practice is almost as old as history, and the art of searching in deep waters for concealed treasures has a charm to it suf ticient to overcome, in minds of a Lold and adventurous nature, the aversion with which it is generally regarded. Exciting and novel experience characterize the life id the diver, and if these amphibious indi viduals would communicate to the world the varied incidents of their submarine lives, not only would their books prove very interesting reading, but. our stock of knowl edge concerning ' life beneath the waters,' would be vastly increased. In the pur suit of the hazardous profession of divers, our countrymen have obtained a distin guished pre-eminence, as is evidenced by the success of the eompany now engaged in raising the sunken Russian frigates in the harbor of Sebastapol, and by the ex ploit- of Mr. J. ]>. Green. Mr. Green, who has become a cripple in consequence of imprudent exposure while diving on hake Erie, has published a narrative of his experience as a diver, which contains many interesting facts, and is worthy the attention of all who would add to their store of information on aqueous matters. Mr. Green's pamphlet is entitled 'Diving with and without Armor,' and from it we gather that he early possessed a love for water, and could swim and dive with un common ease, and the suceess he met with at Oswego, X. V., one day in diving for some trifling articles which had been lost overboard, led him to adopt diving and submarine wrecking as a profession, as he tound it was a very lucrative one. For several years he followed the business with out the use of armor, going down to the depth of forty-two feet, and remaining at times three minutes under water. During this period lie had not only recovered a large amount of property in and about the harbor of Oswego, but also many bodies of drowned persons. On one occasion he was successful in quickly recovering the body of a young lady who fell overboard from a steamboat, so that she was recuscitated, and he received from the overjoyed father a re ward of five hundred dollars. In this con nection Mr. Green states that in almost every case where he went down after bod ies that did nut rise, he found them cling ing tu suine object at the bottom. Al though the human body sinks readily when the breath is first exhausted, it as sumes another position when decomposi tion begins. The gasscs which it contains gradually expand the body, and becoming Hghter than the water it begins to rise.— Ihe limbs, and especially the legs, do not (.xpand as much in proportion as the trunk, and therefore incline the body in the water, until it assumes an almost vertical posture, says Mr. Green, 'lt is a sight such as timid souls would quake to look upon —to ; ee a corpse standing upright deep beneath the water's surface, with its slimy visage, -wollen glassy eyes, and rocking to and fro by every tiny wave that moved the water. - 1 e t of such are some of the spectres of the vasty deep.' Mr. (ireeu first saw and used armor for ■living in the year 1852, on Lake Erie, ''here lie met a party of divers who were _xploring a sunken steamer. He adopted •he use of the armor, and afterwards suc -'-eded in reaching the remarkable depth '■' l one hundred and fifty-two feet below me surface of the water. This was on -axe Erie,and in his endeavors tosecure the ; e b f the American Express Company, •' with the steamer Atlantic. He found t'v boat entirely clean, apparently, as if 0 Wer e at her dock. He experienced au ch difficulty in moving about, so great Was the pressure of the water, and as the ,r pump used was not powerful enough to ee P his armor properly inflated, the rush y Good to the head caused sparks ofvari- y l ' hues to flash before his eyes, and he w a constant tendency to fall asleep.— r Green attributes the inconvenience he s 9 <B®tshswk9 W&Q felt to the pressure of the water on the ar mor. In diving to the depth of forty-two leet without armor, he experienced no in convenience whatever, and this is the ex perience of other divers. His theory is that where the body is unprotected, the water which is admitted into the sys tem through the numberless pores, counter acts the pressure of the water froui with out, and the two equalizing each other, the body does not feel the weight. When wa ter proof armor is worn, the body has to support tons of pressure; at thirty feet be low the surface it would be ten tons. J he armor employed by divers is usual ly composed of a metallic head piece for the protection of the head, and a rubber suit tor the rest of the body, made large enough to admit the three suits of woolen clothing, requisite to maintain the warmth of the body. Attached to this suit are two tubes, a signal line, and a head line, by which the diver is drawn up. One of the tubes connects with the surface, and through it fresh air is forced to the driver, by means of an air-pump. The other tube is for the escape of the foul air expelled from the lungs, and is furnished with a valve which immediately closes if the water rushes into it. The supply tube also con tains a valve which in ease of leakige in stantly closes and prevents the air from passing out. Many divers have lost their l.ves by not having these valves 011 the air tubes. To sink the diver, weights are at tached to the feet and waist. It is neces sary that divers should be careful about eating before making a descent. Going down directly after a hearty meal, rendered Mr. Green a cripple for life. They should also descend slowly. The sensations ex perienced by the diver are thus described: 'On this bank the coral presented to the diver one of the most beautiful and sublime scenes the eye ever beheld. The water varies from ten to one hundred feet in depth, and so clear that the diver can see from two to three hundred feet, when submerged, with little obstruction to the sight. The bottom of the ocean in many places 011 these banks is as smooth as a marble floor; in others it is studded with coral columns, from ten to one hundred feet in height, and from one to eight feet in diameter, the topis of those most lofty sup porting myriads of pyramidal pendants, each forming a myriad more, giving reality to the imaginary abode of some water nymph. — In other places, the pendants form arch af ter arch, and as the diver stands 011 the bottom of the ocean, and gazes through those loGty winding avenues he feels that they fill him with as sacred an awe as if he were in some old Cathedral, which had long been buried beneath ' old ocean's,' wave. Here and there the coral extends even to the surface of the water, as if those loftier columns were towers belonging to those state ly temples now in ruins. There were countless varieties of dimin itive trees, shrubs, and plants iu every crevice of the coral, where water has deposi ted the last earth. They were all of a faint hue, owing to the pale light they re ceived, although of every shade and entire ly different from the plants I am familiar with, that vegetate on dry land. One in particular attracted my attention ; it res embled a sea-fan of immense size, of var iegated colors, and of the most brilliant hue. The fish which inhabit those Silver Banks, I found as different in kind as the scenery was varied. They were of all forms, col ors, and sizes, from the symmetrical goby, to the globe like sun-fish ; from those of the dullest hue, to the changeable dolphin; from the spots of the leopard, to the hues of the sunbeam; from the harmless min now, to the voracious shark. Some had heads like squirrels, others like cats, and dogs; one of small size resembled a bull terrier. Some with short blunt noses, oth ers with bills protruding feet beyond their heads. Some darted through the water like meteors, while others could scarcely be seen to move. The sun-fish, saw-fish, star-fish, dolphin, white shark, ground shark, blue or shovel nose sharks, were often seen. There were also fish which resembled plants, aud re mained as fixed in their position as a shrub. The only power they possessed was to open aud shut when in danger. Some of them resembled the rose in full bloom, and of all hues. There were ribbon fish, from four or five inches to three feet in length.— Their eyes are very large and protrude like those of the frog. Another fi-h was spot ted like the leopard, from three to ten feet long. They build houses like the heaver, in which they spawn, and the male aud fe male watches the ova until it hatches. I saw many specimens of the green turtle, some four or five hundred pounds. In div ing here we arc often surrounded by sharks. They would swim cautiously towards me as if to ascertain what I was, and I found it necessary to wear hoops of iron, for just the opposite purpose of that for which la dies wear them at the present time. It was to protect me from the sharks, not at tract them. These hoops were only necessary when ascending or descending, as no danger was apprehended from them except while in motion. Tho shovel nose shark is a most terrible enemy to encounter. Its jaws are furnished with three rows ot very strong sharp teeth, almost transparent, the upper THURSDAY, MAY 17, 1860. and under sets when closed, forming neat ly a solid mass of bone; so accurately do they fit each other, and of such tremendous power that one we caught snapped off a white ash oar so suddenly that I came tu the conclusion that one of my limbs caught in the same situation, would be of little ser vice to me in the future. We were often obliged to defend our selves from this ravenous fish with our pikes —an instrument with two lances—the one straight, and the other bent to about a right angel to the other. As they came near iue I would strike them beneath with this in strument, the hook penetrating their bel lies, and as they wheeled to swim away it would rip them half their length, and their inwards dropped out into the water; as they fell the ravenous fish would turn and devour its own offal. The blood staining the water would attract others of the same species to the place; and these voracious monsters would at once devour their wound ed comrade. The smaller inhabitants of this watery domain did not venture near enough to what seemed an unwelcome visitant, to reeeive my instrument of defence, unless it was when I was rising to the surface; when like curs on 'terra firrna,' they followed their retreating enemy even to the surface, often attacking my armor and leaving such marks of their vengence as to make it require a repairing. As I sank down it was quite different; but a fish or two at first would come near me, and then instantly disappear, but they would soon return with shoals of their kind, after sailing around me once or twice, the fish of one shoal would attack that of an other, and in the battle many would be slain 011 each side and drowned by their ad versaries.' Y\ hen an armor is perfect, the diver can remain down fur thirty minutes to nine hours, according to the depth of the water, but lour or five hours is the extent of pru dence. Almost every kind of work may be executed below tlie surface except chop ping, which cannot be easily done, as the water breaks the force of the blow, and it is with great difficulty that the least gash can be made. Sawing, prying, moving bodies, and lifting are easily done; lifting can be done easier under water than out of it. Kot Tallow a Cure for Ingrowing Nails. We take the following remedy lor a very common and very painful afflction, from the Boston Medical and Surgical Journal: The patient on whom I first tried this plan was a young lady, who had been un able to put 011 a shoe for several months, and decidedly the worst case that 1 have ever seen. The disease had been of long standing. The edge of the nail was deep ly undermined, the granulations formed a high ridge, partly covered withskin, and and pus constantly oozed from the root of the nail. The whole toe was swollen and extremely tender and painful. My mode of proceeding was this : 1 put a very small pieco of tallow in a spoon and heated it over the lamp till it be came very hot, and poured it on the granu lations. The effect was almost magical. Pain and tenderness at once relieved, and in a few days the granulations were all gone, the diseased parts dry and destitute of feel ing, and the edge of the nail exposed so as to admit of being pared away without any inconvenience. The cure was complete and the trouble never returned. I liavo tried this plan repeatedly since, with the same satisfactory results. The operation causes but little pain if the tal low is properly heated. A repetition might in some cases be necessary, although I have never met with a case that did not yield to one application. Admitting the theory of Dr. Lorinser to be correct, the modus operandi is very plainly seen. The liquid tallow insinuates itself into every interstice, under the nail, accomplishing in one minute, without pain, all that can be effected by the painful application of nitrate of silver for several weeks. A Mystery at Richmond- The Richmond folks are at present con siderably 'steered' by a mysterious 'flight of stones,' as the Dispatch calls it, which seems to be directed by some supernatural power against the house of a widow wom an on Shokoe Hill in that city. The Dis patch of Thursday, speaking of the first phenomenon and the arrest of certain part ies on suspicion of beiug the authors of it, says:—' The rocks and bricks, however, continued to crush the window glass du ring the day, and that, too notwithstand ing the presence of scores of citizens, who gathered about the house and in it, watch ing for the perpetrators of the offence, but discovered none. One or two of the night police hearing of the affair, seated them selves in one of the rooms, and could see the rocks and bricks fall around them, but could not tell from whence they came. An outsider declared that he saw a stone arise from the ground and fly through the wind ow, and others made statements equally ab surd ; but no discovery was made, notwith standing the pelting continued until 4 o'clock in the afternoon, when the medi um seemed to have tired of his unprofita ble work. A similar annoyance took place at Han over, Pa. a number of years ago. iOIUUAI. SPEECH of Hon. JAS. T. HALE. IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, May 3, 1860. The Douse being organized in the Commit tee of the Whole on the state of the Union— Mr. HALE said : Mr. CHAIRMAN : I think the republican par ty has been more misrepresented than any one that ever existed iu this country or any other. I propose to say a few words in re gard to what I understand to be the principles of that party, to see whether they hold any doctrines that are inconsistent with the rights of any portion of country; any doctrines not held by the fathers of the Republic, from the beginning down to the last very few years. The doctrines of the republican part}', as 1 understand them, Mr. Chairman, are, oppo sition to the extension of human slavery and protection to American industry. These I believe to be the two cardinal principles of that party. This is the only one we hold on the subject of slavery, except those other in cidental measures that grow out of the oppo sition to its extension. We are opposed to ta king $200,000,000 from the people for the purchase of Cuba, and to the acquisition of teriitory from Mexico, for the extension of the area of huaian bondage. We are also opposed to the reopening of the African slave trade. Have not these prin ciples been held at all times, by all parties of the country, up almost to 1854? The north with one voice did so. They were also held by the founders of this republic— not alone by those who belonged to the free states, but by those who belonged to the slave states; by the slaveholders of the country ; patriotic men, who knew and admitted slavery to be an evil, which they were willing to do and did all in their power to prevent extending, and expected and hoped finally to accomplish its overthrow. We hold no other principle on that subject than they held. We stand just where they stood; where Washington, Jeffer son, Madison, Clay, Pinckney, and other slaveholding fathers and founders of the Re public, stood. Is not this true ? The history of the country shows that beyond any sort of doubt. Who were the founders of the Missouri compromise line in 1820—that great and be neficent act of patriotism ? Were they the fanatics of the North? No, sir; they were slaveholders of the South, with Henry Clay at their head. This measure, which gave peace and repose to the country, never was attempted to be disturbed, either by the North or by the South. On the contrary, up to 1854, the South in good faith regarded that com promise as one to be observed and kept by them. It is a remarkable fact, Mr. Chairman, that our southern brethren never understood that they were so degraded and cheated by that measure, as they now say they were, and never regarded it as a badge of inferiority, as they now claim it to have been. Ic remain ed sir, for a Yankee to discover that the South had been so wronged and cheated and insult ed by that compromise measure of 1820. A gentleman from the green hills of Vermont goes to Illinois, studies law, comes back to Congress in due time—as he bad a right to do—and instructs our southern brethren as to their rights and duties, informing them that they have beeu most egregiously wronged by that act of 1820; that the men who framed and established it did not know what they were about—did not know that they were de grading the power and sacrificing the rights of the South. It seems to me that this is an imputation on the patriotism and wisdom of the men of the South who framed that com promise measure, who sustained it, who were willing to abide by it for all time to come, and who did stand by it for so many years. Mr. Clay, that illustrious man, who was for a long time a favorite of the slaveholders of the South for the Presidency, always sustained it. Do you think that if he had been living it would have been repealed ? Never. If Mr. Clay had been in the Senate in 1854, in my judgment, the South never would and never could have repealed that bill. Like Rhoderic Dhu— "One Wast Upon his bugle horn Were worth a thousand men." I should be perfectly willing, and I believe the Republieau party would be, if it was pos sible, to have that line restored. It would be an end of this slavery agitation forever. I, for one, have no desire to do so. I came here with no such purpose. The slavery question was thrust into our faces without any reason, in the most offensive manner; and when we repel the charges against us, we are told not to agitate the slavery question. I should be willing to have it banished forever from these Halls, and to never have the subject alluded to. But when we hear the subject constantly iterated and reiterated by the South, how can we help speaking ? We have no design or de sire to interfere with slavery in the States where it now exists. We have said so in ev ery way in which a political party can speak —in our platforms, resolutions, and speeches. We have declared that we would protect the rights of the South under the Constitution, and we mean to do it; but, sir, it is our duty and our inteution to maintain inviolate our own rights under the Constitution as well as theirs. The views we hold in regard to the exten sion of slavery are those which were held by all the people of the free States but a few years Bince. The Legislature of my own State declared, in 1847, that no territory should be received from Mexico, unless it was provi ded, as a fundamental condition of the acqui sition, that slavery should be forever excluded from its limits. That was the doctrine of the Democratic party before the Republican par ty had an existence. In order that thereinay be no misunderstanding, I ask the Clerk to read the resolutions of the Pennsylvania Leg islature, The Clerk read as follows; ••Whereas the existing war with Mexico may result 111 the acquisition of now territory to the Union; and whereas measures are now pending in Cmigrcss hav ing in view the appropriation of money and the confer ring of authority upon the treaty-making power to this end: Therefore, " Resolced by the Senate, etc., That our Senators and Representatives in Congress be requested to vote against any measure whatever by which territory will accrue to the Union, unless, as a part of the funda- mental law upon which any compact or treaty for this purpose is based, slavery or involuntary servitude, ex cept for crime, shall lie forever prohibited. "liexulvctL That the Uovernor be requested to for ward a copy of the foregoing to each of our Sena tors and Representatives 111 Congress."' Mr. HALE. The committee will perceive that that resolution requests the Senators and Representatives of Pennsylvania to vote against the acquisition of any territory un less slavery shall be excluded front it. It was voted for by every Democratic member of the Legislature, and by all the Senators hut three—Mr. BIGLER, the present Demo cratic Senator from Pennsylvania, being in the Senate, and voting for it. If resolutions like that were now adopted by any party in Pennsylvania, they would be denounced by the Democratic leaders as treasonable, incen diary, and dangerous to the peace and welfare of the Union. A simple resolution, which was offered at this session, instructing the Ju diciary Committee to inquire into the expedi ency of prohibiting slavery where we have the constitutional right to do so, was consid ered a dangerous attack upon the rights of the South. They tell us now, that if we as sert that freedom is the proper condition of the Territories, and that slavery does not ex ist and must not go there, and if we should dare to elect a President holding these views, that he shall never take his seat, and that the Union shall be dissolved in consequence. Can it be that this course on the part of the South has caused this great change in the politicians of the North ? Have we been frightened from our propriety and our rights by impo tent and insolent threats? It seems to me that no other reason for the change can be as cribed. If this be so; if men will be deter red from holding their opinions by such rea sons ; then, 1 think, Slavery of the baser sort may fairly be said to exist north of Mason and Dixon's line. How would our southern brethren feel if we put a like proposition to them ? We be lieve slavery to be wrong. We think that it is an evil. You, gentlemen, believe that sla very is right, and ought to go into the Terri tories. You favor the extenuation of slavery. Suppose we should say that if you elect a man to the office of President, who held the same views you do, and elected him in a peaceful and constitutional manner, we would never allow him to be sworn into office, but would, in that event, dissolve this Union and destroy the Government: would it not be fair ly said that such a threat deserved only your scorn and contempt? Surely it would. So we treat it when it comes from you. No such threat will, I think, prevent the men of the North from exercising the sacred right of suffrage in the way they think proper. We intend, at the next election, to elect a Repub lican President—if we can get votes enough; and when he is elected he will take his seat. Of that you may be sure. Mr. Chairman, the Republican party is a Union party. It is iu favor of preserving this Union in its integrity, and with all the rights of all tiie sections. We do not desire the preservation of the Union, as our southern friends sometimes allege, for mercenary pur poses. We disclaim that entirely. We have higher and nobler reasons for sustaining it. We would preserve it because it is a rich lega cy from our forefathers, won by their toil and blood. YVe have received it unimpaired, and unimpaired we intend to leave it to our child ren. We believe it to be the best form of government on earth, and that its destruction would be the greatest political calamity that could befall us, and one that must be averted by almost any conceivable sacrifice. My own state has suffered more from the acts of the south, within the last fifteen years, than all the southern states together have suffered from the acts of the north from the beginning of the Government. We have seen our interests struck down by the free trade democrats of the south, in the repeal of the tariff of 1842; our property depreciated in value ; our manufactories closed; our busi ness in a great matter ruined ; and yet we have not threatened to dissolve the Union on that account. We did not claim the right to redress our grievances in that way. I have no hesitation whatever in saying that we have lost more property by the repeal of the tariff of 1842 than you have by all the runaway slaves, from the foundation of our government down to the present time. Mr. Chairman, what have we done with respect to slavery that should bring upon us all this fearful storm ? What principles do we now hold that should so excite their hos tility. I live in a state bordering some three or four hundred miles upon slave territory ; and yet the fugitive slave law, odious as it is to the mass of our people, is executed there without serious difficulty. To be sure, were quire southern men to come after their slaves; we do not propose to run down their negroes and take them back. They should not ask that; but when they come to us and ask for their rights, their request is always respected, although it is opposed to the feelings of all our people. We were brought up to look upon slavery as a great moral, social and po litical evil; as a wrong in itself; and yet, it is in the bond, we abide by it. We entered in to this Union of States, knowing that they held slaves ; and we feel ourselves bound to sus tain that institution so far as the law and the Constitution require us to do so, but no fur ther. Does the South respect our rights as much as we do theirs ? Why, sir, a free man can not go into a slave State and speak what George YVasbington and Thomas Jefferson taught, without being considered an abolition ist, an incendiary, a dangerous man ; taken and punished in the most shameful manner and sent out of the country ; and he may think himself well off if he escapes with his life. They break open the mails, and des troy what they please of the contents ; and, more than that, we are told that we must not exercise the right of suffrage in the manner we think proper. When we are ready to give up all these rights we shall be fit for slavery, but not before. I propose to devote some remarks now to the discussion of that other principle of the Republican party —protection to American in dustry. Upon that subject I cannot expect to say anything very new and interesting; anything which has not been said by others better qualified to discuss it than I am. lhe best minds of this country have been turned to its examination ; and I think I may safely New Series—Vol, XIV, No. 28. say that, when they have done so with an impartial desire to arrive at the truth, the decision lias almost universally been in favor of the doctrine. Before I proceed to the discussion of that subject, I wish to notice some remarks by the gentleman from Virginia, [Mr. Millson,] who addressed the committee a day or two since. I did not hear the gentleman's speech, but I see it in the (Jlobe; and in order that lie may not be misrepresented, I will read what he said on that occasion : "But I understand the allusion of the p-ntlemau front Pennsylvania, and it confirms nic in tin' suppos ition that 1 have indulged for smile time past as to the objects of the Republican party, with which the gen tleman ;s avowedly associated. What is that party t Sir, 1 say, for one. that 1 do not fear the Uemiolican party in*any of its assails upon slavery. lam not sensitive; because 1 do not fear you. gentlemen. You can do nothing that I dread. You will do nothing that can alarm inc.'' The gentleman said only what he believes, and what every other gentleman on that side of the House believes, if he would speak his true sentiments. The Republican party have no desire, have no design, have no power, have no wish, to interfere with slavery in tho States where it exists. They have said so in every form, on every occasion, and gentle men ought to believe us ; and 1 am glad to find the gentleman from Virginia does. Ho says further: "And yet you maintain your organization, hoping that tlie'stro'ng anti-slavery sentiment which you at tempt to nourish and perpetuate w ill induce tne peo ple to remain with you. bound together as a Republi can party: and when you are lifted into power, thou vou w ill give that protection to northern manufactur ing and milling interests, and prosecute those grand and gaudy schemes of internal improvement, that you have been prevented for so many years from ae aeeomplisliing. by the stern opposition of the Demo cratic party."' I am obliged to the gentleman from Vir ginia for that candid and frank avowal of what iie believes t: be the position and objects cf the Republi-an party. That is, no doubt, the true secret of the opposition to that party on the part of our Democratic friends. They do not fear us on the slavery question. They themselves say so, speaking through one id their must distinguished leaders on this fiooi; but they oppose us because they believe that, when we do get into p >wer, we will pass laws for the protection of northern industry. That is the true secret of their opposition. They are not afraid of us on account of slavery ; and why should they be? Do we not hold the same principles on that subject that Hen ry Clay held in his life time? We stand pre cisely where he stood when he was supported by a large majority of the slaveholders of the South for the Presidency. I ask leave to read what Mr. Clay says on the subject: -So long as <!od allows the vital current to flow through my veins; so Ion" as reason holds her scat enthroned in my brain. I w ill never, never aid in sub mitting one rood of free territory to the everlasting curse of human bondage." Does the Republican party hold any strong er position than this? No, sir. What does he say again with regard to the moral, po litical, and social aspect of slavery? •• I have made no change from the earliest moment when X could consider the institution of slavery. t have held and I have said, from that day down to tho present, again and again, and I shall go down to tho grave with the opinion, that it is an evil—a so.-ijrl and political evil—and that it is a '.v Tongas it respects those who are subject to the institution of slavery. Tfu-so are my opinions."— Speech on the Compromise of 1850. Now, these are the opinions of the Repub lican party, and as far as any member of that party has gone. Then why do they eomplain of us ? They know well that, so far as slavery in the States is concerned, they have nothing to fear from us; and as to the Territories, it would be a vain and useless effort for slavery to undertake to keep up with the activity afnl energy of freedom there. They have tried that once, in endeavoring to make Kansas a slave State. That lesson, I trust, will not soon be forgotten by them ; and I also think the effort will not soon be repeated. Give us, Mr. Chairman, the homestead bill, as I trust we will soon have it. Give us a fair and free election by the people of the Territories, and freedom, I think, would have nothing to fear from the result. The Terri tories are now free. They will he free. It is their right and their destiny. Why should our southern friends endeavor to force slavery on them? They have ample space within their own States for all conceivable wants of the system. According to the admission of a distinguished Senator from the South, made in the Senato a short time since, they have territory sufficient for two hundred million of slaves within the slave States. As they have now but four million, they will scarcely need any more slave territory for the nest five hun dred years at least. The gentleman from Virginia, however, in forms us that the Republican party are in. favor of the protection of American industry, which doctrine, ho says, has been successfully opposed by the Democratic party. This, al though persistently denied by that party in my State, is unquestionably true, and I am glad to have so veritable a witness of the fact in the gentleman himself. Mr. MILLSON. 1 rather think the gen tleman misapprehends what I said the day before yesterday. Mr. HALE. I read from, the report in thft. Globe. Mr. MILLSON. I speak of the gentle man's interpretation. The gentleman is in error in supposing that I did not complain of the position of the Republican party. What I said was this: that while the real object of the Republican party was to revive the Fed eral policy of the country, their pretended 1 object was only to legislate for the prohibition of slavery in the Territories. I did not mean to be understood as declaring that the south ern members had no right to complain of the position of the Republican party. On the contrary, 1 maintained that, in keeping up this agitation —which. 1 endeavored to show, they did not themselves hope to be productive of any leglislative result—they were doing serious mischief to the South. I said I did not fear their legislation, because they had not the legislative capacity to do what they aimed at doing. They say that they desiro to prohibit slavery in the Territories ; bnt I remarked that their real object was to estab lish the doctrino of the Federal party. I meant to say that, while their pretexts were offensive to the South, their measures would, not he dangerous to the South. Their real objects, though npt offensive to the South, are, in their practical efiect, dangereus to the South; and, while the gentleman himself avows thai he, as a member of the Republi-
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