SPEECH
OF
WE E SEW ARB,
OF NEW YORK.
Mr. Seward, in presenting the memorial of
the Legislature of Kansas, praying for admis
sion into the Union, spoke ns foHowit
Mr. President, the admission of Kansas in
to the Union, without further delay, seems to
me equally necessary, just, and wise. In re
corded debates 1 have already anticipated the
arguments for this conclusion.
In coming forward among my political as
trologers, it shall he an error of judgement,
and not of disposition, if my interpretation
of the feverish dreams which aru disturbing
the country shall tend to foment, rather than
to allay, the national excitement. I shall say
nothing unnecessarily of persons, because, in
our system, the public welfare and happiness
depend chiefly on institutions, and very little
on nen. 1 shall allude but briefly to inci
dental topics, because they are ephemeral,
and because, eveu in the midst of appeals to
passion and prejudice, it is always safe to sub
mit solid truth to the deliberate consideration
of tin honest and enlightened people.
It will be an overflowing source of shame,
as well as sorrow, if we thirty milions—Euro
peans by extraction, Americans by birth or
di.-cipline, and Christians in faith, and mean
ing to be such in practice—cannot so combine
prudence with humanity in our conduct con
cerning the cue disturbing subject ol slavery,
as not only to preserve our unequalled insli
tutions of freedom, but also to enjoy their
benefits with contentment and harmony.
Wherever a guileless slave exists, belie
Caucasian, American, Malay, or African, he !
is tho subject of two distinct and opposite
ideas—one that, he is wrongly, tho other that ,
; is rightly a slave. The balance of uuin ■
ocrs on either side, however great, never com
pleleiy extinguishes this difference of opinion;
lor there are always some defenders of sluv- j
ery outside, even if there are none inside, of
a free State, while, also there are always out- '
side, if there is not inside, of every slave
State many who assert, with Milton, that "no ,
man who knows aught can lie so stupid as to j
deny that all men naturally were horn free, j
being the image and resemblance of God him j
self, and were by privilege above all the crea
tures, horn to command, and not to obey."
It olten, perhaps generally, happens, how- ;
ever, that in considering the subject of slave- 1
ry society seems to overlook the natural right
or personal interest of the slave himself, and j
to act exclusively for the welfare of the citi- <
*'-ii. But this fact does not materially affect
ultimate results, for tlie elementary question
of the rightfulness or wrongfulness of slav- j
cry inheres in every form that discussion con
cerning it assumes. What is just toone class
ol nun can never be injurious to any other;
and what is unjust to any condition of per
sons in a fctute is necessarily injurious, in
some degree, to the whole community. An
economical question early arises out of the
subject of slavery. Labor, cither of freemen
or of slaves, is the cardinal necessity of so- I
ciety. Some States choose the one kind, ;
some the other. Hence twq multic pie sys
terns, widely different arise. The slave State
strikes down and affects to extinguish the
personality of the laborer, not only as a mem- j
ber of the political body, but also "as a parent, j
husband, child, neighbor, or friend. He thus
becomes, in a political view, merely property,
without moral capacity, and without domes- i
tic, moral, and social relations, duties, rights,
and remedies—a chattel, an object of bargain,
sale, gift, inheritance, or theft. His earnings
are compensated and Ids wrongs atoned, not
to himself, but to his owner. The State pro
tects not the slave as the man, hut the capi ;
tal of another man, which he represents, i
On the other hand, the State which rejects
slavery encourages and animates and invig
orates the laborer, by maintaining and de
veloping his natural personality in all the
rights and faculties of manhood, and gener- j
erallv the privileges of citizenship. Fn the
one case, capital invested in slaves beet,mesa !
great political force, while in the other, labor
thus elevated and enfranchised, becomes the
dominating political power. It thus happens
that we may, for convenience sake, and not
inaccurately, call slave States capital States, j
and free States labor States.
So soon as a State fe Is the impulses of com
merce, or enterprise, or ambition, its citizens
begin to study the effects ol these systems of
capital and labor respectively on i'ts intelli-
gence, its virtue, its tranquility, its integrity
or unity, its defence, its prosperity, its liberty,
its happiness, its aggrandizement, and its
fame. In other words, the great question
arises, whether slavery is a moral, social,
and political good, or a moral, social, and po
litical evil, liiis is the slavery question at
home, but there is a mutual bond of amitv and
brotherhood between man and man through
out the world. Nations examine fre&lv the
political systems of each other, and of all
preceding times, and accordingly as they ap
prove or disapprove of the two systems of
capital and labor respectively, they sanction
and prosecute, or condemn anj prohibit, com
merce in men. thus, in cno way or in an
otliet, the slavery question, which so many
among us who are more willing to rule than
he patient in studying the conditions of soci
ety, ,liink it a merely accidental or unneces
sary question that might and ought to beset
tied, and dismissed at once, is, on the contra
ry, a world-wide and enduring subject of po
litical consideration and civil administration.
Men, States, and nations entertain it, not vol
untarilv, hut because the progress of society
continually brings it into their way. Thev
divide upon it, not perversely, but because,
owing to differences of constitution, condition
or circumstances, they cannot ngree.
1 he fathers 01 the republic encountered it
They even adjusted it so that it might have
given us much less than our present disquiet,
had not circumstances afterward occurred
which they, wise as they were, had not clear
ly foTOeen. Although they had inherited, yet
tiiey generally condemned the practice of sla
very, and hoped for its discontinuance. They
expressed this when they asserted in the Dec
laration of Independence, as a fundamental
principle of American society, that all men
are created equal, and have inalienable rights
to life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness.
L..oh State, however, reserved to itself exclu
sive political power over the subject of slavery
yvithin its own borders. Nevertheless, it un
av .idably presented itself in their consultations
on a bond of Federal union. The new Gov
oiHuuoiw was to be a representative one.
Slaves woce capital in some States, in others
capital had no investments in labor. Should
•those slaves he represented as capital or as
persons, taxed as capital or as persons, or
should they not be represented at (id 1 ? The
fathers disagreed, debated long, and compro
mised .$U last. Each State, they determined,
shall hfrve two Senators in Congress. Three'
filths of the slaves shall be elsewhere repre
sented and be taxed as persons. What should
bo done if the slave should escape into a la
bor State? Should that State confess him to
I be a chattel and restore him as such, or might
1 it regard him as a person, and harbor and
protect him as a man? They compromised
again, arid decided that no person held to la
i bor or service in one State, by the laws there
of, escaping into another, shall by any law or
! regulation of that State be discharged from
such labor or service, but shall be delivered '
up on claim to the person to whom such labor
i or service shall be due.
Free laborers would immigrate, and slaves
might be imported into the States. The fath-
I era agreed that Congress may establish uni
; form laws of naturalization, and it might pro
hibit the importation of persons after 1808.
| Communities in the S.uthwest, detached from ;
' the Southern States, were growing up in the
' practice of slavery, to be capital States.— i
New States would soon grow up in the North- !
; west, while as jet capital stood aloof, and la- !
bor had not lifted the axe Jo begin there its
! endless hut beneficent task. The fathers au- !
thorized Congress to make all needful rules
i and regulations concerning the management j
and disposition of the public lands and toad- ,
1 mit new States. So the Constitution, while j
j it does not disturb or affect the system of cap- j
! ital in slaves, existing in any State under its ■
; own laws, docs, at the same time, recognize ;
every human being, when within any exelu- j
j sive sphere of Federal jurisdiction, not os
| capital but as a person.
What was the action of the fatliGrs in Con
gress? They admitted the uew States of the
• Southwest as capital States, because it was .
j practically impossible to dn otherwise, and by I
I the ordinance of 1787, confirnied in 1789, i
! they provided for the organization and adinis- }
| sion of oniy labor States in the Northwest j
; They directed fugitives from service to be re j
• stored not as chattels, but as persons. They \
j awarded naturalization to immigrate free la- i
! bor.- ■ , d they prohibited the trade in Af- I
rican labor. This disposition of the whole '
I subject was in harmony with the condition i
; of society, and, in the main, with the spirit :
of the age. The seven Northern Sta'-s con- |
tented !y became labor States by the": own acts. ;
! She six Southern States, wit qual tranquil- !
j itv, and by their own ■ rniinntion, remain- j
j ed capital States.
The circumstances which the fathers did j
j not clearly foresee, were two, namely: the re
I invigorution of slavery consequent on the in- |
! creased consumption of cotton, and the ex- |
i tension of the national domain across the j
j Mississippi ; ami these occurred before 1820. !
The State of Louisiana, formed on a slave
! holding French settlement, within the newly •
| acquired Louisiapian territory, had then al
i ready been admitted into the Union. There !
yet remained, however, a vast region, which !
included Arkansas and Missouri, together j
| with the then unoccupied and even unnamed i
j Kansas and Nebraska. Arkansas, a slave- \
holding community, was nearly ready to ap- j
; ply, and Missouri, another such Territory, I
was actually apply ing for admission into the
; Federal Union. The existing capital States I
seconded these applications, and claimed that ,
the whole Lnuisiupiati territory was rightful- ;
ly open to slavery, and to the organization of j
t future slave states. The jabop States main- j
i tained that Congress had supreme legislative 1
j power within the domain, and could and I
l ought to exclude slavery there. The question, I
thus opened \vag one which related hot at all j
to slavery in the existing capital States. It
: was purely and simply a national question i
! whether the common interest of the whole re- '
j public required that Arkansas, SJissouri, Kan
sas, and Nebraska should become capital
states, with all the evils and dangers of Ma
i very, or be labor states, with ai} the security, .
benefits, and blessings of freedom. On the j
decision was suspended the question as was
thought, whether ultimately the interior of
; this new continent should be an asylum for the
oppressed and the exile, coming year after
| year, and age after age, voluntarily from ev- j
j cry other civilized land, as well as for the
| children of misfortune in our own, or wheth
er, through the renewal of tho African slave j
trade, tfsose magnificent and luxuriant regions j
should be surrendered to the control of eapi ;
1 tal, wringing out the fruits of the earth through ;
' the impoverishing toil of negro slaves. That
■ question of 1820 was identically the ques j
; tion of 180k, so far as principle, and even the j
field of its application, was concerned. Eve j
ry element of the controversy now present j
entered it then; the rightfulness or tho wrong ;
fulness of slavery: its effects present and fu- i
tore; the constitutional authority of Congress; '
\ the claims of the states, and of their citizens; .
the nature of the Federal Union, whether it
is a compact between the states, or an inde- j
pendent Government; the springs of its pow- .
ers, and the ligatures upon their exercise. All j
these were discussed with zeal and ability
which have never been surpassed. History j
tells us, 1 know not how truly, that the Union \
reeled under the vehemence of that great de
| bate. Patriotism took counsel frorp prudence, i
i and enforced a settlement which has proved I
; to be not a final one; and which, as is now j
seen, practically left open all the great polit- i
, ical issues which were involved. Missouri ;
' and Arkansas were admitted as states, while j
labor obtained, as a reservation, the abridged
but yet comprehensive field of Kansas and
Nebraska.
Now, when the present conditions of the,
various parts of the Louisiaoian territory are
observed, and we see that capital retains un
disputed possession of what it then obtained,
while labor is convulsing the country with so i
hard and so prolonged a struggle to regain '
the lost equivalent which had then guaran- i
tied to it under circumstances of so great sol- j
emnity, we may well desire not to be unde- ;
ceived if the Missouri Compromise was in ;
deed unnecessarily accepted by the free
States, influenced by exaggerations of the j
dangers of disunion. The Missouri debate i
disclosed truths of great moipeut for ulterior ;
use:
First. That it is easy to combine the cap- I
ita! States in defence of even external inter- j
ests, while it is hard to unite the labor States
in a common policy.
Second. That the labor States have a nat- !
ural loyalty to the Union, while the capital 1
States have a natural facility for alarming
that loyalty by threatening disunion.
I bird. I hat the capital States do not prae- •
tically distinguish between legitimate and ■
constitutional resistance to the extension in j
the Territories of the Union and unconstitu- !
tional aggression against slavery established
by local taws in the capital States.
The early political prrie3 were organized
without reference to sin -_i.. Bu since 1820, j
European questions have left us practically
unconcerned. There has been a great in
crease of invention, mining, manufacture, and
cultivation. Steam on land and on water has
quickened commerce. Tjie press and the
telegraph have attained prodigious activity,
and the social intercourse between the States
and their citizens has been innneasuraly in
creased, and. cqnsequently, their mutual re- j
lations affecting slavery have been for many
years subjects of earnest and often excited
discussion. It is in my way only to show how
such disputes have operated on the course of
political events —not to reopen them for ar
gument here. There was a slave insurrection
in Virginia. Virginia and Kentucky debated,
and to the great sorrow of tbe free
states, rejected the system of voluntary labor.
The Colonization Society was established with
much favor in the capital states. Emancipa
tion societies arose in the free states. South
Carolina instituted proceedings to nullify
obnoxious Federal revenue laws. The capi
tal states complained of courts and Legisla
tures in the labor states for interpreting the
constitutional provision for the surrender of
fugitives from service, so as to treat them as
persons, qpd not property, and they discrimi
nated against colored persons of the labor
states when they came to the capital states.
; They denied in Congress, the right of peti
tion, and embarrassed or denied freedom of
i debate op the subject of slavery. Presses
! which undertook the defence of the labor sys
-1 tern in the capital states were suppressed hv
violence, and even in the labor states public
' assemblies, convened to consider the slav
ery questions, weredispersedby taobesympath
j izing with the capital states,
j The Whig party, being generally an oppos-
I ition party, practiced some forbearance to
i ward the interest of labor, The Democratic
| party, not without demonstrations of dissent,
i was generally found sustaining the policy of
' capital. A disposition toward the removal of
slavery from the presence of the National
Capitol appeared in the District of Columbia.
Mr. \an Uoren, a Democratic President,
launched a prospective vet') against the an
ticipated mcasgre. A Democratic Congress
I brought Texas into the Union, stipulating
practically for its future reorganization in
j four slave states. Mexico was incensed.
War ensued. The labor states asked that
that Mexican law of liberty, which covered
the Territories brought in by the treaty of
: peace, might remain to be confirmed. The
j Democratic party refused. The Missouri de
! bate of IS2O recurred now, under circunstan
| ct s of heat and excitement, in relation to
; these conquests. The defenders of labor took
i alarm test the number of new capital states
! might become so great as to enable
| that class of states to dictate the whole
! policy of the government; and in case of
! constitutional resistance, then to forpi a new
j slaveholding Confederacy aroqnd the Qulf of
j Mexico. By this time the capital states seeiu
| ed to have become fixed in a determination
| that the Federal Government, and even the
! labor states, should recognize their slaves,
! though outside of the slave states and within
the Territories of the United States, as pro
perty of which the master could not be in
any way or by any authority divested ; and
and the labor states, having become now more
I essentially democratic than ever before, by
| the great development of free labor, more
i firmly than ever insisted on the constitutional
j doctrine that slave 3 voluntarily carried by
i their masters into the common Territories or
i into labor states, are persons, men.
Under the auspicious influences ef a Whig
success, California and New Mexico appear
led before Congress as labor states. The cap
I ita! states refused to consent to their admis
j siun into the Unjopj and again threats of dis
union carried terror and consternation
| throughout tj;e land. Another compromise
; was made. enactments admitted
California as a labor state and demanded New
i Mexico anu I tab to remain Territories, with
tbe right to choose freedom or slavery when
I ripened into states, while they gave new reme
| dies for the recaption of fugitives from ser
vice, and abolished the open slave market in
i the District of Columbia. '|'hese nevy enact
ments, collated with tl-e existing statutes—
namely, the ordinance of IJSJ, the Missouri
prohibitory law of 1820, and the articles of
Texas annexation —disposed by Jaw of the
subject of slavery in all the Tern ries of the
I nited States. And so the compromise of
185U was pronounced a full, liual, absolute,
; and comprehensive settlement of all exist
ing and all possible disputes concerning sla
very under the Federal authority. The two
| great parties, fearful for the Union, struck
j hands in making and in presenting this as an
; adjustment, never afterwards to be opened,
j disturbed, or even questioned, and the people
accepted it by majorities unknown before.
The new President, chosen over an illustrious
! rival, unequivocally on the ground of greater
i ability, even il not more reliable purpose, to
maintain the new treaty inviolate, made haste
to justify this expectation when Congress as
i sent bled. lie said :
" When the grave shall have closed over all
, who arc now endeavoring to meet the obliga
tions of duty, the year 1850 will he recurred
j to as a period filled with anxiety and appre
| hension. A successful war had just termin
i a ted: pe.aee brought \v i 111 it a gpeat augmenta
tion of territory. Disturbing questions arose,
j bearing upon the domestic institutions of a
| portion of the Confederacy. But, notwith
| standing differences of opinion and sentiment
I in relation to details and specific provisions,
| the acquiescence of distinguished citizens,
whose devotion to the Union can neyer he
j doubted, h.13 give!} ye no we,d vigor to our in
I stitutions, and restored a sense of security
i and repose to the public mind throughout the
i Confederacy. That this repose is to suffer no
! shock during my official term, if I have the
j power to avert it, those tyho placed me here
i may be assured."
Hardly, fiowevgr, had these inspiring
! sounds died away, throughout a reassured
and delighted land, before the national repose
| was shocked again ; shocked indeed, as it had
never before been, and smitten this time by a
i blow from the very Land that had released
' the chords of the national harp from their
j utterance of that exalted symphony of peace.
i Kansas and Nebraska, the long devoted res
ervation of labor and freedom, gaved in the
j agony of national fear in 1820, and saved
1 again in the panic of 1850, were now to be
i opened by Congress, that the never-ending
course of seed time and harvest might begin.
The slave capitalists of Missouri, from their
i own weil-assured homes on the eastern banks
j of their noble river; looked down upon and
coveted the fertile prairies of Kansas: while
; a terror ran through all the capital states,
i when they saw a seeming certainty that at
last a new labor state would be built on their
western border, inevitably fraught, as tbey
said, with a near or remote abolition slavery.
; What could be done ? Congress could hardly
be expected to intervene directly for their
: safety so soon after the Compromise of 1850.
The labor hive of the free states was distant,
the way new, unknown, and not without per
ils. Missouri was near and watchful, and
held the keys of the gates of Kansas. She
might seize the new and smiling territory by
surprise, if only Congress would remove the
barrier established in 1820. The conjunct
ure was favorable. Clay and Webster, the
distinguished citizens whose unquestionable
devotion to the Union was manifested by
their acquiescence in the Compromise of 1850,
had gone down into their honored graves.
The labor states had dismissed many of their
representatives here for too great fidelity to
freedom, and too great distrust of the efficacy
of that new bond of peace, and bad replaced
them with partisans who were only timid,
but not unwilling.
The Democratic President and Congress
hesitated, but not long. They revised the
great compromise, and found, with delighted
surprise, that it was so far from confirming
the law of freedom of 1820 that, on the other
hand it exactly provided for the abrogation
of that venerated statute; nay, that the com
promise itself actually killed the spirit of the
Missouri law, and devolved on Congress the
duty of removing the lifeless letter from the
national code. The deed was done. The
new enactment not only repealed the Missou
ri prohibition of slavery, hut i; pronoanced
the people of Kansas and Nebraska perfectly
free to establish freedom or slavery, and
pledged Congress to admit them in due time
as states, cither of capital or of labor, into
the Union. The Whig representatives of the
capital states, in an hour of strange bewilder
ment, concurred, and the Whig party instant
ly went down, never to rise again. Demo
crats seceded, and stood aloof: the country
was confounded ; and, amid the perplexities
of the hour, a Kepublican party was seen
gathering itself together, with much earnest
ness, but with little show of organization, to
rescue, if it were not now too late, the cause
of freedom and labor, so unexpectedly and
grievously imperiled in the Territories of the
United State;.;.
THE GAZETTE.
LEWISTOWN, PA.
Thursday, March 8, 1860.
Si "The subscription of those out of this county to whuut
this paragraph couies marked, has expired, and ljnjcs- r -
newed will be discontinued.
We have also sot a limit in Miillin county, beyond which
we intend no man In future shall owe us Ur subscription.
Those receiving the paper with this paragraph marked,
will therefore know that they have come under our rule,
and If payment Is uot made within one month thereafter,
we ship I discontinue ail such.
Not ices of New Aihertisemnits.
Note Lost—Consumption Cured—Sheriff's Sales—
Register's Notices—Trial Lists.
Proceedings of Congress.
A rather spicy debate took plage in the
Senate after the delivery of Mr. Seward's
speech, in which Douglas, smarting under
the stubborn fact that he had rc-opened
the slavery agitation, attempted to contro
vert Mr. S's positions, and at the close
said :
lie thought this Government w;>s made Ly
white men, and for the benefit of white men.
Mr. Doolittlc of W iscoiisin, asked, Why
not, then, give the Territories to white men ?
Mr. Douglas replied that he was for
throwing them open to white men, and negroes,
too ; but lie wanted the white men to organize
them.
l-'roip this it can by perceived what Mr.
Douglas and the Democracy who side with
him mean when they talk of popular sove
reignty, namely slave labor in competition
with free.
'1 ho resolutions offered some time ago
iu the Senate by Mr. Jefferson Davis, lay
ing down what was intended to be the
Southern Presidential Platform upon the
subject of slavery, \yp;'c submitted to the
Senate on Thursday. There are seven, tl
pith and substance of the S nt 4 ••rn doc
trines of slavery being contained in the
tburtli and fifth, which are as follows:
" Resolved, That neither Congress nor
Territorial Legislature, whether by direct
legislation, or legislation of an indirect and
unfriendly character, possesses power to an
uul or impair the constitutional right of any
citizen of the United States to take his slave
property into the common Territories, and
there hold and enjoy the same while the Ter
ritorial condition remains.
Resolved, That if experience should at any
time prove that the Judiciary and Executive
authority do not possess means to iusure ade
quate protection to constitutional rights in a
Territory, and if the Territorial Government
should fail or refuse to provide the necessary
remedies for that purpose, it will be the duty
of Congress to supply such deficiency."
Oliver Oldseliool, a man of moderate
views, in speaking of this new dodge, says:
"It is here assumed that the owners of
slaves have a constitutional rv/ht to take
theui into the Territories and thero hold
them as slaves. The Constitution gives no
such right; and it wis never claimed that
it did till about thirteen years ago, by Mr.
Calhoun ; and then the idea was scouted as
absurd, as one of the chimeras of his brain,
by southern statesmen. Mr Clay said at
the time, that had not the claim been ad
vanced lie could not have believed that
such an idea could ever have entered any
body's head."
publish part of Mr. Seward's
speech, in the Senate on the 29th Februa
ry, in to-day's paper, and shall conclude it
next week. Compared with the windy and
wordy efforts of those who arc held up as
statesmen, no impartial reader, even if dis
agreeing with the New Vork Senator, who
follows his historical facts and logical rea
soning, can come to any other conclusion
than that the former are mere pigmies by
the side of Mr. S.
feg"*\Vm. B. Foster Jr., well known
throughout Pennsylvania as former Canal
Commissioner, and since then one of the
principal managers of the Pennsylvania
Railroad, died at Philadelphia on Sunday
morning last of apoplexy ol the heart, aged
about &0 years. Fe.w men connected with
that road, or even in the State, were so
highly esteemed for all the qualities that
constitute an honest and upright man as
Mr. Foster, and his death will cause a void
in its management not easily supplied.
3S*4For a specimen of hypercritical con
catenated essence of exuberance 6ee last Dem
ocrat, under the head of, " The Gazette onec
more." The writer ought by all means have
it framed for future use.
Strikes—Their Causes.
The Democrat, foilowiug in the wake ol
some half-witted statesman, ascribes the
shoemakers' strike at Lynn. Mass., to the
agitation of the slavery tjuestion, John
Brown raid, &c. Such stuff may do for
the sake of political effect, but the man
who will for a moment reflect on the sub
ject will in a very short time come to the
conclusion that he ought to have a pair of
long ears fitted to his head for enter
taining even the idea. Dej>ression in busi
ness iiuVy.v produces ati'tkcs, because the
less there is to the more men must be
out of employ seeking labor. <Ao the other
hand, when business is brisk and prosper
ous, when labor is in demand, and work
shops tilled with orders, it is then the me
chanics strike, because they know etuploy
. ers are in their power, and consequently like
ly to comply with their demands. Ihe
strike at Lynn is apparently caused by the
competition among dealers as to who can
get up the cheapest article, (a system which
! invariably reduces labor,) and this has been
! pursued until jqurneymen have reduced
their wages to Buchanan's European stand
! ard. A writer in the Philadelphia Ledger
■ a fgyr weeks ago, iq speaking of the de
! pressed condition of the shoe trade in that
citv, gives the true reason for its falling
off, nut Ofily i inee but before John Brown s
invasion into Virginia. Decays:
for yogi's past Philadelphia has had a bet
• ter reputation in this business than any oth
i er city in the Union, for getting up first class
work, and, consequently, the merchants al
| ways gave her the preference, and some years
j the sales amounted to five millions of dollars.
! But our greedy merchants and manufacturers,
' not satisfied with enough, and regardless of
| the reputation of our city, have introduced,
1 within the last year, the Yankee system of
i getting up work, namely, getting work made
I ready for the heels, and having men in their
establishments to fasten the heels on with
four or five zinc nails, and some put on com
position heels inada of gum and saw dust; the
former will drop off with the least kick against
a cobble stone, and the latter will dissolve
with the heat, and this work has been palmed
off upon the Southern and Western merchants
for the genuino work they have been getting
; in this city for a great number of years, and
i numbers of cases of this kind of work have
| been returned to this city, with a note inform-
I ing our manufacturers, "that when they want
1 Yankee work they can go to Lynn for it."
Now, Messrs Editors, is it not a shame that
■ the interest of our manufacturers and busi
1 ness men, who are inclined tq be honest,
' should suffer from the deceiving acts of oth
ers? 1 had a conversation with a merchant
; last week, and ho told me "that he was afraid
j to deal here any more; that those patent heels
| were gotten up so smooth that they were cul
culated to deceive almost a practical work
>i * 1 r
man. 7
j Shoes aqd bopts thus jqade must of
j course he njade cheap, and the country
!. atcr who buys once will hardly run the
i risk of being ehcated a second time.
Jte6"The c]cim>ci'atic which
assembled at Reading last week, after ma
king a fair shov for nominating V/itte of
I'hiladelphia, suddenly bolted a;;d went for
Henry 1\ Foster of Westmoreland for
Governpr. Mr. Foster was an able and
rising man, but became ambitious several
years ago, failed in !>is aspirations, and
from that time lias been in a measure on
the fence between Lecompton and anti-
Leconipton. As a member of the legisla
ture he was considered a good Pennsylvan
ia railroad man, holding we believe a pos
ition as attorney at the time at a salary of
S4OUO or §SOO0 —a recommendation which
we presume will be peculiarly grateful to
the democracy of Mifflin county who used
to pass such terrible resolutions against that
company.
New Publications.
THE IIA t .NI'ED JUIM ESTEAD. with an Autobiogra
phy of the Author. t>v Mrs. Emma I'. H. N.
M'ortb, Author of • The Lost Heiress.* 'Deserted
\\ ife.' Mi--sing Bride." India.' -Wife's Yietnrv." 'Ret
ribution.' '< Utrse of Clifton.' • Vivia,' -The Three Boun
ties,' • Lady of the Isle.' etc. Complete in one duo
deeinto volume, neatly bound iu cloth, for One Dol
lar ami Twenty-five Cents: or in two volumes, paper
cover, for On- Dollar.
The Publishers have in press and will publish on
March 17th another new and charming work by the
popular American Authoress, Mrs. Emma D. E. N.
Southworth. She is exeelled by no living female wri
ter in the world. Her style is free from insipidity on
the one hand and bom hast on the other; and though
we meet witli forcible, we are never startled with in
flated language. Her characters are rarely under, but
never over-drawn. Her scenes are life pictures, her
incideuts founded on facts, and her sentiments are
characterized by a singular purity both of conception
and expression. She lias the rare facultv of saving
what she means, and in saying it in such a manner as
that her meaning cannot be misinterpreted. In short
she possesses in an eminent degree those qualifica
tions which are the peculiar prerogatives of a good
writer : while she delights the reader's imagination
with her descriptive beauty, she applies home truths
to their understanding with the force of rational con
viction. The 'Haunted Homestead' has been pro
nounced by those who have read the proof-sheets, to
be her l>est work. This is sufficient to commend itto
perusal, and we anticipate for it a great popularity.
For sale by all Booksellers.
Copies of either edition of the work, will be sent to
any part of the United States./ro? of posfmps on remit
ting the price of the edition they may wish, to the
publishers, in a letter. A duress T. B" PETE*SO> 4
BRoTnERfc, o(i<s Chestnut street., Philadelphia.
We have received a copy of a neat little monthly
pamphlet of lfl pages, entitled •' I Win TUT, a maga
zine tor little boys and girls going to school,'* publish
ed at Mechaniceburg, Pa., by J. 8. Hostetter. formerly
of this place. It is just the thing for school boys and
girls to read and icnte for. Several of our young
friends have subscribed for the paper, and road it; and
they say they " uHI try/" to write for it. Robert Hoover
is authorized to obtain subscribers in this place. 30
cents a year only.
The StwUt arul SchcolmoU and Forester s Bovs'aud
Girls' Magazine, for March contains articles on the
Young Philosopher, the Golden Fleece, the Boat Load
of Apples, Homeward Bound, the Orbs of Heavon,
a Dialouge, several pieces of Poetry, and a page of
Music. Published at 348 Broadway. New York, by
Robinson. Greene aud Co Terms—' >ne dollar a - r
in advance.
LOST !
4 NOTE given by Junes McNitt to
J\_ Montgomery, for SSO, date not recollect,
ed, but payable in sixty days after date. All
persons are hereby cautioned not to purclms#
or barter for said note, as payment for the
same has been stopped. I'lie tinder wi#
please return it to M. B. TAYLOK.
The note was in a portmonaie, which also
contained $3 or S4 in money, which the fiuj.
er is welcome to retain in return of the note
qnd pocket book. mhß 3t*
/s pONSOIPTIftM AM) ASTHMA 11KB.
Dr. H- James discovered, while in the
K;<: t ladle*. a certain euro for C>iiumptl<>ii. A.dinii
Hr'.'noliitis, Cousin, Colds, and ti. noral li-billi*-, -j-j,'
remedy was discovered by liini w lien his oulv ciill.i
Umiijlittfr, was tflveli up to die. His child was core ! ['•,<
Is now alKf and well. Desli uiis of tM'lioltiiiiK I,;. t' r ii u k.
ni- rtals. he will seiui to those ho w l.h it, tlir in || M . ,°
tai/itOK it!II directions lor mk 11 ijy ami sm-o ssinl!. ,
this remedy, tree, on receipt of their names with
for retain postage. When received, t ike l! In Mrs Mr*
Marks. Druggist. LewNtown, I'a. There Is not a s i n .,J
symptom of consumption thai II does not at ouce
take ho slpate. Ntnht sweats, peerlslmos I
Irritation of tin- nerves, failure 01 memory, illinmlf §
expectoration, sharp pain In the lung*, v. re tl, ..t /
chilly sensation*, MUM it lb* stomach. Inaction of §
the bowel-, wasting away of the muscle- .\d,lr-. /
O. P. BKOWN A CO.. St 13* John st. X. York, (nibs/
siiliim Mils.
r>Y virtue of sundry writs of Venditioni
) Expouas and Levari Facias issued out of
the Court of Common Fleas of Mifflin coun
ty, and to mo directed, will be exposed to
sale by public vendue or outcry, at tin Court
House, in the Borough of Lewi-town, on
Saturday, March 31, 1860,
at one o'clock in the afternoon, the following
real estate to wit:
A tract of laud situate in Union township,
Mifflin county, containing forty seven acres'
1)0 the same more or less, adjoining lands of
Samuel Yoder on the south and on the east
and on the north, and land of Oliver Camp,
hell on the west, with a log house, log barn
and other improvements thereon erected.
Seized, taken in execution and to be sold as
the property of John Matter.
A I.SO,
A tract of land situate in Derry township,
•Mifflin county, containing one hundred and
eighty acres, be the same more or less, about
one hundred and forty acres cleared, with a
large store house, a largo bank barn and oth
er improvements thereon erected, adjoining
lands of Samuel Aur.noi and Henry Albright
on the west, Isaac Price and Jacob Hoover
ou the north, Jacob Hoover and K. U. Jacob
on the east, and Henry (Jit on the south.
Seized, taken in execution and to be sold as
the property of Lctrit H'isler.
a i .so,
A large store house, known as the Mam
moth Store in the borough of Newton Ham
ilton, Mifflin county, said building being fifty
feet square, fir thereabouts, and two stories
high, with a lot or piece of ground upon
which said store house stands, bounded on
the north by Front street, cast by John Phil
ips, sou.l. by E'orvell, and west by F. .S. Buck
ley.
At at, 4 h,t H \ groippi Jnxje in the afor
said borougjj .qiiij cguniy, with a brick dwel
ling house and other improvements thereon
erected, frontjp< forty feet, more or less, on
Front street, and running back fifty feet more
or less to lot of Joseph Sechler, bounded on
the west by lot of (leorge McHlaughlin, north
east by James Vanzamlt and south by Front
street. Seized, taken in execution and to ho
sold as the property of John K. IthwU*.
A I.SO,
' All tliat certain tract of land situate in Ar
magh township, Mifflin county, bounded and
| described us follows—Beginning at a post.
thence by land of Thomas Watson north ill'
' west 50 perches and 8 10 to a post, tltetice
j north 9 west 120 810 perches to a post,
thence by land of the heirs of K. M. Thump
8< p. dee'd, r rth HO 3 oast 31 0-10 perches to
stones, thence north 33° east 9 perches to a
post, theneo north 80° east 93 perches to a
post, then- ' by jjobert MeManigil south 51-
, east v 3 .s 10 pej*ches to a post, thence by
( lands of JJjrlu' heirs south 48° west 181
perches to a post, thence south 45$° west 10
8 10 perches b; lie place of beginning, con-
I taining 125 acres and 145 perches and allow
ance, j? acres and 14 perches of the above
I described tract of land having been purcha
j >od by Isaac Kipp is hereby excepted and re
served) with a dwelling house, barn, and otl>
er improvements thereon erected. Seized, ta
! ken in execution and to be sold as the prop
; erty ol Ilobcvt McMuvii/il, dtccascd.
T. E. WILLIAMS, Sheriff.
Sheriff's Office, Lewistown, March S, 1800.
Register's Notice.
following accounts have been exam-
JL incd and passed by me, and remain filed
of record in this office for inspection of Heirs,
Legatees, Creditors, and all others in any way
interested, and will be presented to the Or
phan s Court of the county of Mifflin, to be
at the Court House in Lewistown, on
1 HI KSD.W, the sth day of April, 1860, for
allowance aud confirmation :
1. I lie account of John T. Caldwell, Ex
ecutor, Ac., of David Coplin, late of Wayne
township, deceased.
2. ihe partial administration account of
Joseph M. Stevens and John M. Cunningham,
Administrators, of James A. Cunningham,
late of the borough of Lewistown, deceased.
3. The account of Nicholas Ilartzler, Ad
ministrator of Stephen Diffenderfer, late of
Menno township, deceased.
4. The account of Geo. W. Elder, Esq.,
Administrator, of David M. Baker, dee'd.
5. The account of John M. Shadle, Guar
dian of James J. Milliken, minor son of Sa
rah B. Millikeu.
6. The account of Hon. Cyrus Stine and
Samuel Stine Esq., Administrators, of the
estate of John Stine, jr., deceased.
7. The account of John Iloyt, acting Ad
ministrator, of the estate of William Mann,
jr., late of Brown township, deceased.
8. The account of Mrs. Hannah McKce,
Administratrix of David Cummings, dee'd.
9. The account of Thomas J. Wilson,dee'd.,
Executor, Ac., of Jautes Fleming, dee'd as
filed by Administrators of said Thomas J.
Wilson, dee'd.
10. Ihe account of Robert Forsythe, Guar
dian, of the minor children of William Mc-
Dowell, deceased.
JOSEPH S. WAREAM, Register.
Register's Office, Lewistown, March 8, 1860.
Notioe to Tax Collectors.
r JMIE Collectors of State and County Taxes
A for 1857 and 1858 are hereby notified to
pay over the balances due on their respective
duplicates forthwith, or I shall feel impelled
to issue warrants against them, the condition
of the treasury rendering such a course abso
lutely necessary. The Collectors for 1859 are
also notified to prepare themselve to settle
their duplicates by April Court.
. WM. C. VINES, Treasurer.
Lewistown, March 1, 1860.
WINE, Vinegar, and Cider, en
T T hand and for sale by A. FET.fX.