SPEECH OF WE E SEW ARB, OF NEW YORK. Mr. Seward, in presenting the memorial of the Legislature of Kansas, praying for admis sion into the Union, spoke ns foHowit Mr. President, the admission of Kansas in to the Union, without further delay, seems to me equally necessary, just, and wise. In re corded debates 1 have already anticipated the arguments for this conclusion. In coming forward among my political as trologers, it shall he an error of judgement, and not of disposition, if my interpretation of the feverish dreams which aru disturbing the country shall tend to foment, rather than to allay, the national excitement. I shall say nothing unnecessarily of persons, because, in our system, the public welfare and happiness depend chiefly on institutions, and very little on nen. 1 shall allude but briefly to inci dental topics, because they are ephemeral, and because, eveu in the midst of appeals to passion and prejudice, it is always safe to sub mit solid truth to the deliberate consideration of tin honest and enlightened people. It will be an overflowing source of shame, as well as sorrow, if we thirty milions—Euro peans by extraction, Americans by birth or di.-cipline, and Christians in faith, and mean ing to be such in practice—cannot so combine prudence with humanity in our conduct con cerning the cue disturbing subject ol slavery, as not only to preserve our unequalled insli tutions of freedom, but also to enjoy their benefits with contentment and harmony. Wherever a guileless slave exists, belie Caucasian, American, Malay, or African, he ! is tho subject of two distinct and opposite ideas—one that, he is wrongly, tho other that , ; is rightly a slave. The balance of uuin ■ ocrs on either side, however great, never com pleleiy extinguishes this difference of opinion; lor there are always some defenders of sluv- j ery outside, even if there are none inside, of a free State, while, also there are always out- ' side, if there is not inside, of every slave State many who assert, with Milton, that "no , man who knows aught can lie so stupid as to j deny that all men naturally were horn free, j being the image and resemblance of God him j self, and were by privilege above all the crea tures, horn to command, and not to obey." It olten, perhaps generally, happens, how- ; ever, that in considering the subject of slave- 1 ry society seems to overlook the natural right or personal interest of the slave himself, and j to act exclusively for the welfare of the citi- < *'-ii. But this fact does not materially affect ultimate results, for tlie elementary question of the rightfulness or wrongfulness of slav- j cry inheres in every form that discussion con cerning it assumes. What is just toone class ol nun can never be injurious to any other; and what is unjust to any condition of per sons in a fctute is necessarily injurious, in some degree, to the whole community. An economical question early arises out of the subject of slavery. Labor, cither of freemen or of slaves, is the cardinal necessity of so- I ciety. Some States choose the one kind, ; some the other. Hence twq multic pie sys terns, widely different arise. The slave State strikes down and affects to extinguish the personality of the laborer, not only as a mem- j ber of the political body, but also "as a parent, j husband, child, neighbor, or friend. He thus becomes, in a political view, merely property, without moral capacity, and without domes- i tic, moral, and social relations, duties, rights, and remedies—a chattel, an object of bargain, sale, gift, inheritance, or theft. His earnings are compensated and Ids wrongs atoned, not to himself, but to his owner. The State pro tects not the slave as the man, hut the capi ; tal of another man, which he represents, i On the other hand, the State which rejects slavery encourages and animates and invig orates the laborer, by maintaining and de veloping his natural personality in all the rights and faculties of manhood, and gener- j erallv the privileges of citizenship. Fn the one case, capital invested in slaves beet,mesa ! great political force, while in the other, labor thus elevated and enfranchised, becomes the dominating political power. It thus happens that we may, for convenience sake, and not inaccurately, call slave States capital States, j and free States labor States. So soon as a State fe Is the impulses of com merce, or enterprise, or ambition, its citizens begin to study the effects ol these systems of capital and labor respectively on i'ts intelli- gence, its virtue, its tranquility, its integrity or unity, its defence, its prosperity, its liberty, its happiness, its aggrandizement, and its fame. In other words, the great question arises, whether slavery is a moral, social, and political good, or a moral, social, and po litical evil, liiis is the slavery question at home, but there is a mutual bond of amitv and brotherhood between man and man through out the world. Nations examine fre&lv the political systems of each other, and of all preceding times, and accordingly as they ap prove or disapprove of the two systems of capital and labor respectively, they sanction and prosecute, or condemn anj prohibit, com merce in men. thus, in cno way or in an otliet, the slavery question, which so many among us who are more willing to rule than he patient in studying the conditions of soci ety, ,liink it a merely accidental or unneces sary question that might and ought to beset tied, and dismissed at once, is, on the contra ry, a world-wide and enduring subject of po litical consideration and civil administration. Men, States, and nations entertain it, not vol untarilv, hut because the progress of society continually brings it into their way. Thev divide upon it, not perversely, but because, owing to differences of constitution, condition or circumstances, they cannot ngree. 1 he fathers 01 the republic encountered it They even adjusted it so that it might have given us much less than our present disquiet, had not circumstances afterward occurred which they, wise as they were, had not clear ly foTOeen. Although they had inherited, yet tiiey generally condemned the practice of sla very, and hoped for its discontinuance. They expressed this when they asserted in the Dec laration of Independence, as a fundamental principle of American society, that all men are created equal, and have inalienable rights to life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness. L..oh State, however, reserved to itself exclu sive political power over the subject of slavery yvithin its own borders. Nevertheless, it un av .idably presented itself in their consultations on a bond of Federal union. The new Gov oiHuuoiw was to be a representative one. Slaves woce capital in some States, in others capital had no investments in labor. Should •those slaves he represented as capital or as persons, taxed as capital or as persons, or should they not be represented at (id 1 ? The fathers disagreed, debated long, and compro mised .$U last. Each State, they determined, shall hfrve two Senators in Congress. Three' filths of the slaves shall be elsewhere repre sented and be taxed as persons. What should bo done if the slave should escape into a la bor State? Should that State confess him to I be a chattel and restore him as such, or might 1 it regard him as a person, and harbor and protect him as a man? They compromised again, arid decided that no person held to la i bor or service in one State, by the laws there of, escaping into another, shall by any law or ! regulation of that State be discharged from such labor or service, but shall be delivered ' up on claim to the person to whom such labor i or service shall be due. Free laborers would immigrate, and slaves might be imported into the States. The fath- I era agreed that Congress may establish uni ; form laws of naturalization, and it might pro hibit the importation of persons after 1808. | Communities in the S.uthwest, detached from ; ' the Southern States, were growing up in the ' practice of slavery, to be capital States.— i New States would soon grow up in the North- ! ; west, while as jet capital stood aloof, and la- ! bor had not lifted the axe Jo begin there its ! endless hut beneficent task. The fathers au- ! thorized Congress to make all needful rules i and regulations concerning the management j and disposition of the public lands and toad- , 1 mit new States. So the Constitution, while j j it does not disturb or affect the system of cap- j ! ital in slaves, existing in any State under its ■ ; own laws, docs, at the same time, recognize ; every human being, when within any exelu- j j sive sphere of Federal jurisdiction, not os | capital but as a person. What was the action of the fatliGrs in Con gress? They admitted the uew States of the • Southwest as capital States, because it was . j practically impossible to dn otherwise, and by I I the ordinance of 1787, confirnied in 1789, i ! they provided for the organization and adinis- } | sion of oniy labor States in the Northwest j ; They directed fugitives from service to be re j • stored not as chattels, but as persons. They \ j awarded naturalization to immigrate free la- i ! bor.- ■ , d they prohibited the trade in Af- I rican labor. This disposition of the whole ' I subject was in harmony with the condition i ; of society, and, in the main, with the spirit : of the age. The seven Northern Sta'-s con- | tented !y became labor States by the": own acts. ; ! She six Southern States, wit qual tranquil- ! j itv, and by their own ■ rniinntion, remain- j j ed capital States. The circumstances which the fathers did j j not clearly foresee, were two, namely: the re I invigorution of slavery consequent on the in- | ! creased consumption of cotton, and the ex- | i tension of the national domain across the j j Mississippi ; ami these occurred before 1820. ! The State of Louisiana, formed on a slave ! holding French settlement, within the newly • | acquired Louisiapian territory, had then al i ready been admitted into the Union. There ! yet remained, however, a vast region, which ! included Arkansas and Missouri, together j | with the then unoccupied and even unnamed i j Kansas and Nebraska. Arkansas, a slave- \ holding community, was nearly ready to ap- j ; ply, and Missouri, another such Territory, I was actually apply ing for admission into the ; Federal Union. The existing capital States I seconded these applications, and claimed that , the whole Lnuisiupiati territory was rightful- ; ly open to slavery, and to the organization of j t future slave states. The jabop States main- j i tained that Congress had supreme legislative 1 j power within the domain, and could and I l ought to exclude slavery there. The question, I thus opened \vag one which related hot at all j to slavery in the existing capital States. It : was purely and simply a national question i ! whether the common interest of the whole re- ' j public required that Arkansas, SJissouri, Kan sas, and Nebraska should become capital states, with all the evils and dangers of Ma i very, or be labor states, with ai} the security, . benefits, and blessings of freedom. On the j decision was suspended the question as was thought, whether ultimately the interior of ; this new continent should be an asylum for the oppressed and the exile, coming year after | year, and age after age, voluntarily from ev- j j cry other civilized land, as well as for the | children of misfortune in our own, or wheth er, through the renewal of tho African slave j trade, tfsose magnificent and luxuriant regions j should be surrendered to the control of eapi ; 1 tal, wringing out the fruits of the earth through ; ' the impoverishing toil of negro slaves. That ■ question of 1820 was identically the ques j ; tion of 180k, so far as principle, and even the j field of its application, was concerned. Eve j ry element of the controversy now present j entered it then; the rightfulness or tho wrong ; fulness of slavery: its effects present and fu- i tore; the constitutional authority of Congress; ' \ the claims of the states, and of their citizens; . the nature of the Federal Union, whether it is a compact between the states, or an inde- j pendent Government; the springs of its pow- . ers, and the ligatures upon their exercise. All j these were discussed with zeal and ability which have never been surpassed. History j tells us, 1 know not how truly, that the Union \ reeled under the vehemence of that great de | bate. Patriotism took counsel frorp prudence, i i and enforced a settlement which has proved I ; to be not a final one; and which, as is now j seen, practically left open all the great polit- i , ical issues which were involved. Missouri ; ' and Arkansas were admitted as states, while j labor obtained, as a reservation, the abridged but yet comprehensive field of Kansas and Nebraska. Now, when the present conditions of the, various parts of the Louisiaoian territory are observed, and we see that capital retains un disputed possession of what it then obtained, while labor is convulsing the country with so i hard and so prolonged a struggle to regain ' the lost equivalent which had then guaran- i tied to it under circumstances of so great sol- j emnity, we may well desire not to be unde- ; ceived if the Missouri Compromise was in ; deed unnecessarily accepted by the free States, influenced by exaggerations of the j dangers of disunion. The Missouri debate i disclosed truths of great moipeut for ulterior ; use: First. That it is easy to combine the cap- I ita! States in defence of even external inter- j ests, while it is hard to unite the labor States in a common policy. Second. That the labor States have a nat- ! ural loyalty to the Union, while the capital 1 States have a natural facility for alarming that loyalty by threatening disunion. I bird. I hat the capital States do not prae- • tically distinguish between legitimate and ■ constitutional resistance to the extension in j the Territories of the Union and unconstitu- ! tional aggression against slavery established by local taws in the capital States. The early political prrie3 were organized without reference to sin -_i.. Bu since 1820, j European questions have left us practically unconcerned. There has been a great in crease of invention, mining, manufacture, and cultivation. Steam on land and on water has quickened commerce. Tjie press and the telegraph have attained prodigious activity, and the social intercourse between the States and their citizens has been innneasuraly in creased, and. cqnsequently, their mutual re- j lations affecting slavery have been for many years subjects of earnest and often excited discussion. It is in my way only to show how such disputes have operated on the course of political events —not to reopen them for ar gument here. There was a slave insurrection in Virginia. Virginia and Kentucky debated, and to the great sorrow of tbe free states, rejected the system of voluntary labor. The Colonization Society was established with much favor in the capital states. Emancipa tion societies arose in the free states. South Carolina instituted proceedings to nullify obnoxious Federal revenue laws. The capi tal states complained of courts and Legisla tures in the labor states for interpreting the constitutional provision for the surrender of fugitives from service, so as to treat them as persons, qpd not property, and they discrimi nated against colored persons of the labor states when they came to the capital states. ; They denied in Congress, the right of peti tion, and embarrassed or denied freedom of i debate op the subject of slavery. Presses ! which undertook the defence of the labor sys -1 tern in the capital states were suppressed hv violence, and even in the labor states public ' assemblies, convened to consider the slav ery questions, weredispersedby taobesympath j izing with the capital states, j The Whig party, being generally an oppos- I ition party, practiced some forbearance to i ward the interest of labor, The Democratic | party, not without demonstrations of dissent, i was generally found sustaining the policy of ' capital. A disposition toward the removal of slavery from the presence of the National Capitol appeared in the District of Columbia. Mr. \an Uoren, a Democratic President, launched a prospective vet') against the an ticipated mcasgre. A Democratic Congress I brought Texas into the Union, stipulating practically for its future reorganization in j four slave states. Mexico was incensed. War ensued. The labor states asked that that Mexican law of liberty, which covered the Territories brought in by the treaty of : peace, might remain to be confirmed. The j Democratic party refused. The Missouri de ! bate of IS2O recurred now, under circunstan | ct s of heat and excitement, in relation to ; these conquests. The defenders of labor took i alarm test the number of new capital states ! might become so great as to enable | that class of states to dictate the whole ! policy of the government; and in case of ! constitutional resistance, then to forpi a new j slaveholding Confederacy aroqnd the Qulf of j Mexico. By this time the capital states seeiu | ed to have become fixed in a determination | that the Federal Government, and even the ! labor states, should recognize their slaves, ! though outside of the slave states and within the Territories of the United States, as pro perty of which the master could not be in any way or by any authority divested ; and and the labor states, having become now more I essentially democratic than ever before, by | the great development of free labor, more i firmly than ever insisted on the constitutional j doctrine that slave 3 voluntarily carried by i their masters into the common Territories or i into labor states, are persons, men. Under the auspicious influences ef a Whig success, California and New Mexico appear led before Congress as labor states. The cap I ita! states refused to consent to their admis j siun into the Unjopj and again threats of dis union carried terror and consternation | throughout tj;e land. Another compromise ; was made. enactments admitted California as a labor state and demanded New i Mexico anu I tab to remain Territories, with tbe right to choose freedom or slavery when I ripened into states, while they gave new reme | dies for the recaption of fugitives from ser vice, and abolished the open slave market in i the District of Columbia. '|'hese nevy enact ments, collated with tl-e existing statutes— namely, the ordinance of IJSJ, the Missouri prohibitory law of 1820, and the articles of Texas annexation —disposed by Jaw of the subject of slavery in all the Tern ries of the I nited States. And so the compromise of 185U was pronounced a full, liual, absolute, ; and comprehensive settlement of all exist ing and all possible disputes concerning sla very under the Federal authority. The two | great parties, fearful for the Union, struck j hands in making and in presenting this as an ; adjustment, never afterwards to be opened, j disturbed, or even questioned, and the people accepted it by majorities unknown before. The new President, chosen over an illustrious ! rival, unequivocally on the ground of greater i ability, even il not more reliable purpose, to maintain the new treaty inviolate, made haste to justify this expectation when Congress as i sent bled. lie said : " When the grave shall have closed over all , who arc now endeavoring to meet the obliga tions of duty, the year 1850 will he recurred j to as a period filled with anxiety and appre | hension. A successful war had just termin i a ted: pe.aee brought \v i 111 it a gpeat augmenta tion of territory. Disturbing questions arose, j bearing upon the domestic institutions of a | portion of the Confederacy. But, notwith | standing differences of opinion and sentiment I in relation to details and specific provisions, | the acquiescence of distinguished citizens, whose devotion to the Union can neyer he j doubted, h.13 give!} ye no we,d vigor to our in I stitutions, and restored a sense of security i and repose to the public mind throughout the i Confederacy. That this repose is to suffer no ! shock during my official term, if I have the j power to avert it, those tyho placed me here i may be assured." Hardly, fiowevgr, had these inspiring ! sounds died away, throughout a reassured and delighted land, before the national repose | was shocked again ; shocked indeed, as it had never before been, and smitten this time by a i blow from the very Land that had released ' the chords of the national harp from their j utterance of that exalted symphony of peace. i Kansas and Nebraska, the long devoted res ervation of labor and freedom, gaved in the j agony of national fear in 1820, and saved 1 again in the panic of 1850, were now to be i opened by Congress, that the never-ending course of seed time and harvest might begin. The slave capitalists of Missouri, from their i own weil-assured homes on the eastern banks j of their noble river; looked down upon and coveted the fertile prairies of Kansas: while ; a terror ran through all the capital states, i when they saw a seeming certainty that at last a new labor state would be built on their western border, inevitably fraught, as tbey said, with a near or remote abolition slavery. ; What could be done ? Congress could hardly be expected to intervene directly for their : safety so soon after the Compromise of 1850. The labor hive of the free states was distant, the way new, unknown, and not without per ils. Missouri was near and watchful, and held the keys of the gates of Kansas. She might seize the new and smiling territory by surprise, if only Congress would remove the barrier established in 1820. The conjunct ure was favorable. Clay and Webster, the distinguished citizens whose unquestionable devotion to the Union was manifested by their acquiescence in the Compromise of 1850, had gone down into their honored graves. The labor states had dismissed many of their representatives here for too great fidelity to freedom, and too great distrust of the efficacy of that new bond of peace, and bad replaced them with partisans who were only timid, but not unwilling. The Democratic President and Congress hesitated, but not long. They revised the great compromise, and found, with delighted surprise, that it was so far from confirming the law of freedom of 1820 that, on the other hand it exactly provided for the abrogation of that venerated statute; nay, that the com promise itself actually killed the spirit of the Missouri law, and devolved on Congress the duty of removing the lifeless letter from the national code. The deed was done. The new enactment not only repealed the Missou ri prohibition of slavery, hut i; pronoanced the people of Kansas and Nebraska perfectly free to establish freedom or slavery, and pledged Congress to admit them in due time as states, cither of capital or of labor, into the Union. The Whig representatives of the capital states, in an hour of strange bewilder ment, concurred, and the Whig party instant ly went down, never to rise again. Demo crats seceded, and stood aloof: the country was confounded ; and, amid the perplexities of the hour, a Kepublican party was seen gathering itself together, with much earnest ness, but with little show of organization, to rescue, if it were not now too late, the cause of freedom and labor, so unexpectedly and grievously imperiled in the Territories of the United State;.;. THE GAZETTE. LEWISTOWN, PA. Thursday, March 8, 1860. Si "The subscription of those out of this county to whuut this paragraph couies marked, has expired, and ljnjcs- r - newed will be discontinued. We have also sot a limit in Miillin county, beyond which we intend no man In future shall owe us Ur subscription. Those receiving the paper with this paragraph marked, will therefore know that they have come under our rule, and If payment Is uot made within one month thereafter, we ship I discontinue ail such. Not ices of New Aihertisemnits. Note Lost—Consumption Cured—Sheriff's Sales— Register's Notices—Trial Lists. Proceedings of Congress. A rather spicy debate took plage in the Senate after the delivery of Mr. Seward's speech, in which Douglas, smarting under the stubborn fact that he had rc-opened the slavery agitation, attempted to contro vert Mr. S's positions, and at the close said : lie thought this Government w;>s made Ly white men, and for the benefit of white men. Mr. Doolittlc of W iscoiisin, asked, Why not, then, give the Territories to white men ? Mr. Douglas replied that he was for throwing them open to white men, and negroes, too ; but lie wanted the white men to organize them. l-'roip this it can by perceived what Mr. Douglas and the Democracy who side with him mean when they talk of popular sove reignty, namely slave labor in competition with free. '1 ho resolutions offered some time ago iu the Senate by Mr. Jefferson Davis, lay ing down what was intended to be the Southern Presidential Platform upon the subject of slavery, \yp;'c submitted to the Senate on Thursday. There are seven, tl pith and substance of the S nt 4 ••rn doc trines of slavery being contained in the tburtli and fifth, which are as follows: " Resolved, That neither Congress nor Territorial Legislature, whether by direct legislation, or legislation of an indirect and unfriendly character, possesses power to an uul or impair the constitutional right of any citizen of the United States to take his slave property into the common Territories, and there hold and enjoy the same while the Ter ritorial condition remains. Resolved, That if experience should at any time prove that the Judiciary and Executive authority do not possess means to iusure ade quate protection to constitutional rights in a Territory, and if the Territorial Government should fail or refuse to provide the necessary remedies for that purpose, it will be the duty of Congress to supply such deficiency." Oliver Oldseliool, a man of moderate views, in speaking of this new dodge, says: "It is here assumed that the owners of slaves have a constitutional rv/ht to take theui into the Territories and thero hold them as slaves. The Constitution gives no such right; and it wis never claimed that it did till about thirteen years ago, by Mr. Calhoun ; and then the idea was scouted as absurd, as one of the chimeras of his brain, by southern statesmen. Mr Clay said at the time, that had not the claim been ad vanced lie could not have believed that such an idea could ever have entered any body's head." publish part of Mr. Seward's speech, in the Senate on the 29th Februa ry, in to-day's paper, and shall conclude it next week. Compared with the windy and wordy efforts of those who arc held up as statesmen, no impartial reader, even if dis agreeing with the New Vork Senator, who follows his historical facts and logical rea soning, can come to any other conclusion than that the former are mere pigmies by the side of Mr. S. feg"*\Vm. B. Foster Jr., well known throughout Pennsylvania as former Canal Commissioner, and since then one of the principal managers of the Pennsylvania Railroad, died at Philadelphia on Sunday morning last of apoplexy ol the heart, aged about &0 years. Fe.w men connected with that road, or even in the State, were so highly esteemed for all the qualities that constitute an honest and upright man as Mr. Foster, and his death will cause a void in its management not easily supplied. 3S*4For a specimen of hypercritical con catenated essence of exuberance 6ee last Dem ocrat, under the head of, " The Gazette onec more." The writer ought by all means have it framed for future use. Strikes—Their Causes. The Democrat, foilowiug in the wake ol some half-witted statesman, ascribes the shoemakers' strike at Lynn. Mass., to the agitation of the slavery tjuestion, John Brown raid, &c. Such stuff may do for the sake of political effect, but the man who will for a moment reflect on the sub ject will in a very short time come to the conclusion that he ought to have a pair of long ears fitted to his head for enter taining even the idea. Dej>ression in busi ness iiuVy.v produces ati'tkcs, because the less there is to the more men must be out of employ seeking labor. i * 1 r man. 7 j Shoes aqd bopts thus jqade must of j course he njade cheap, and the country !. atcr who buys once will hardly run the i risk of being ehcated a second time. Jte6"The c]cim>ci'atic which assembled at Reading last week, after ma king a fair shov for nominating V/itte of I'hiladelphia, suddenly bolted a;;d went for Henry 1\ Foster of Westmoreland for Governpr. Mr. Foster was an able and rising man, but became ambitious several years ago, failed in !>is aspirations, and from that time lias been in a measure on the fence between Lecompton and anti- Leconipton. As a member of the legisla ture he was considered a good Pennsylvan ia railroad man, holding we believe a pos ition as attorney at the time at a salary of S4OUO or §SOO0 —a recommendation which we presume will be peculiarly grateful to the democracy of Mifflin county who used to pass such terrible resolutions against that company. New Publications. THE IIA t .NI'ED JUIM ESTEAD. with an Autobiogra phy of the Author. t>v Mrs. Emma I'. H. N. M'ortb, Author of • The Lost Heiress.* 'Deserted \\ ife.' Mi--sing Bride." India.' -Wife's Yietnrv." 'Ret ribution.' '< Utrse of Clifton.' • Vivia,' -The Three Boun ties,' • Lady of the Isle.' etc. Complete in one duo deeinto volume, neatly bound iu cloth, for One Dol lar ami Twenty-five Cents: or in two volumes, paper cover, for On- Dollar. The Publishers have in press and will publish on March 17th another new and charming work by the popular American Authoress, Mrs. Emma D. E. N. Southworth. She is exeelled by no living female wri ter in the world. Her style is free from insipidity on the one hand and bom hast on the other; and though we meet witli forcible, we are never startled with in flated language. Her characters are rarely under, but never over-drawn. Her scenes are life pictures, her incideuts founded on facts, and her sentiments are characterized by a singular purity both of conception and expression. She lias the rare facultv of saving what she means, and in saying it in such a manner as that her meaning cannot be misinterpreted. In short she possesses in an eminent degree those qualifica tions which are the peculiar prerogatives of a good writer : while she delights the reader's imagination with her descriptive beauty, she applies home truths to their understanding with the force of rational con viction. The 'Haunted Homestead' has been pro nounced by those who have read the proof-sheets, to be her l>est work. This is sufficient to commend itto perusal, and we anticipate for it a great popularity. For sale by all Booksellers. Copies of either edition of the work, will be sent to any part of the United States./ro? of posfmps on remit ting the price of the edition they may wish, to the publishers, in a letter. A duress T. B" PETE*SO> 4 BRoTnERfc, o(ine dollar a - r in advance. LOST ! 4 NOTE given by Junes McNitt to J\_ Montgomery, for SSO, date not recollect, ed, but payable in sixty days after date. All persons are hereby cautioned not to purclms# or barter for said note, as payment for the same has been stopped. I'lie tinder wi# please return it to M. B. TAYLOK. The note was in a portmonaie, which also contained $3 or S4 in money, which the fiuj. er is welcome to retain in return of the note qnd pocket book. mhß 3t* /s pONSOIPTIftM AM) ASTHMA 11KB. Dr. H- James discovered, while in the K;<: t ladle*. a certain euro for C>iiumptl<>ii. A.dinii Hr'.'noliitis, Cousin, Colds, and ti. noral li-billi*-, -j-j,' remedy was discovered by liini w lien his oulv ciill.i Umiijlittfr, was tflveli up to die. His child was core ! ['•,< Is now alKf and well. Desli uiis of tM'lioltiiiiK I,;. t' r ii u k. ni- rtals. he will seiui to those ho w l.h it, tlir in || M . ,° tai/itOK it!II directions lor mk 11 ijy ami sm-o ssinl!. , this remedy, tree, on receipt of their names with for retain postage. When received, t ike l! In Mrs Mr* Marks. Druggist. LewNtown, I'a. There Is not a s i n .,J symptom of consumption thai II does not at ouce take ho slpate. Ntnht sweats, peerlslmos I Irritation of tin- nerves, failure 01 memory, illinmlf § expectoration, sharp pain In the lung*, v. re tl, ..t / chilly sensation*, MUM it lb* stomach. Inaction of § the bowel-, wasting away of the muscle- .\d,lr-. / O. P. BKOWN A CO.. St 13* John st. X. York, (nibs/ siiliim Mils. r>Y virtue of sundry writs of Venditioni ) Expouas and Levari Facias issued out of the Court of Common Fleas of Mifflin coun ty, and to mo directed, will be exposed to sale by public vendue or outcry, at tin Court House, in the Borough of Lewi-town, on Saturday, March 31, 1860, at one o'clock in the afternoon, the following real estate to wit: A tract of laud situate in Union township, Mifflin county, containing forty seven acres' 1)0 the same more or less, adjoining lands of Samuel Yoder on the south and on the east and on the north, and land of Oliver Camp, hell on the west, with a log house, log barn and other improvements thereon erected. Seized, taken in execution and to be sold as the property of John Matter. A I.SO, A tract of land situate in Derry township, •Mifflin county, containing one hundred and eighty acres, be the same more or less, about one hundred and forty acres cleared, with a large store house, a largo bank barn and oth er improvements thereon erected, adjoining lands of Samuel Aur.noi and Henry Albright on the west, Isaac Price and Jacob Hoover ou the north, Jacob Hoover and K. U. Jacob on the east, and Henry (Jit on the south. Seized, taken in execution and to be sold as the property of Lctrit H'isler. a i .so, A large store house, known as the Mam moth Store in the borough of Newton Ham ilton, Mifflin county, said building being fifty feet square, fir thereabouts, and two stories high, with a lot or piece of ground upon which said store house stands, bounded on the north by Front street, cast by John Phil ips, sou.l. by E'orvell, and west by F. .S. Buck ley. At at, 4 h,t H \ groippi Jnxje in the afor said borougjj .qiiij cguniy, with a brick dwel ling house and other improvements thereon erected, frontjp< forty feet, more or less, on Front street, and running back fifty feet more or less to lot of Joseph Sechler, bounded on the west by lot of (leorge McHlaughlin, north east by James Vanzamlt and south by Front street. Seized, taken in execution and to ho sold as the property of John K. IthwU*. A I.SO, ' All tliat certain tract of land situate in Ar magh township, Mifflin county, bounded and | described us follows—Beginning at a post. thence by land of Thomas Watson north ill' ' west 50 perches and 8 10 to a post, tltetice j north 9 west 120 810 perches to a post, thence by land of the heirs of K. M. Thump 8< p. dee'd, r rth HO 3 oast 31 0-10 perches to stones, thence north 33° east 9 perches to a post, theneo north 80° east 93 perches to a post, then- ' by jjobert MeManigil south 51- , east v 3 .s 10 pej*ches to a post, thence by ( lands of JJjrlu' heirs south 48° west 181 perches to a post, thence south 45$° west 10 8 10 perches b; lie place of beginning, con- I taining 125 acres and 145 perches and allow ance, j? acres and 14 perches of the above I described tract of land having been purcha j >od by Isaac Kipp is hereby excepted and re served) with a dwelling house, barn, and otl> er improvements thereon erected. Seized, ta ! ken in execution and to be sold as the prop ; erty ol Ilobcvt McMuvii/il, dtccascd. T. E. WILLIAMS, Sheriff. Sheriff's Office, Lewistown, March S, 1800. Register's Notice. following accounts have been exam- JL incd and passed by me, and remain filed of record in this office for inspection of Heirs, Legatees, Creditors, and all others in any way interested, and will be presented to the Or phan s Court of the county of Mifflin, to be at the Court House in Lewistown, on 1 HI KSD.W, the sth day of April, 1860, for allowance aud confirmation : 1. I lie account of John T. Caldwell, Ex ecutor, Ac., of David Coplin, late of Wayne township, deceased. 2. ihe partial administration account of Joseph M. Stevens and John M. Cunningham, Administrators, of James A. Cunningham, late of the borough of Lewistown, deceased. 3. The account of Nicholas Ilartzler, Ad ministrator of Stephen Diffenderfer, late of Menno township, deceased. 4. The account of Geo. W. Elder, Esq., Administrator, of David M. Baker, dee'd. 5. The account of John M. Shadle, Guar dian of James J. Milliken, minor son of Sa rah B. Millikeu. 6. The account of Hon. Cyrus Stine and Samuel Stine Esq., Administrators, of the estate of John Stine, jr., deceased. 7. The account of John Iloyt, acting Ad ministrator, of the estate of William Mann, jr., late of Brown township, deceased. 8. The account of Mrs. Hannah McKce, Administratrix of David Cummings, dee'd. 9. The account of Thomas J. Wilson,dee'd., Executor, Ac., of Jautes Fleming, dee'd as filed by Administrators of said Thomas J. Wilson, dee'd. 10. Ihe account of Robert Forsythe, Guar dian, of the minor children of William Mc- Dowell, deceased. JOSEPH S. WAREAM, Register. Register's Office, Lewistown, March 8, 1860. Notioe to Tax Collectors. r JMIE Collectors of State and County Taxes A for 1857 and 1858 are hereby notified to pay over the balances due on their respective duplicates forthwith, or I shall feel impelled to issue warrants against them, the condition of the treasury rendering such a course abso lutely necessary. The Collectors for 1859 are also notified to prepare themselve to settle their duplicates by April Court. . WM. C. VINES, Treasurer. Lewistown, March 1, 1860. WINE, Vinegar, and Cider, en T T hand and for sale by A. FET.fX.