THE SLAVERY QUESTION.
or Vtt. CiIDM.V l" S. < AIIOUAA.
WASHINGTON. March , ISSO.
Mr. Cai-hots ha\ ing the floor, briefly
..;,u d hie inability to address the Senate in
person, and returned thanks lor the cour
tesy which the Senate had extended him,
m permitting him to have his views upon
the great question of present agitation de
livered bv proxy. lie then asked Mr.
Mason to read his speech for him.
Mr. Ma son then proceeded to read the
speech. Mr. Calhoun commences by ask
),j<r—" What can be done to save the
•'Union V It was necessary, first, to find
the cause of the danger, before a remedy
could l>e applied. The danger anise—first,
from the discontent in all the Southern
States, which commenced with the agita
tion of the slavery question and has con
tinued ever since. The next question was
— What has caused the disquiet ?" It
resulted from the belief on the part of the
Southern States that they could not live in
the Union, under the existing state of tilings,
•with safety to their honor and interests.
He proceeded next to show by statistics,
that the equilibrium of the different sec
tions of the I "nion has been lost, in conse
quence of the increase of population in the
North : this state of affairs placed the con
trol of the Government exclusively in the
hands of the North—giving them a ma
jority of the States, and a large majority
in the population, which would he largely
increased by the next census. In addition
to this, the newly acquired territory would
also add, speedily, at least five new States,
which would be admitted to the North—
while no additional territories were pro
gressing in the South.
He next proceeded to show that the ac
tion of the Government has been such as
to give control to sectional majority, by
which the South has been deprived of its
share in the territories. The first act hav
ing such effect, was the ordinance of 1787 ;
the next, the Missouri compromise; and
the last the act by which the South were j
excluded from Oregon. The result of all j
of which has been to exclude the South I
from three-fourths of the territory acquired j
by the federal government, giving her one
fourth only. The North had also unset
tled the necessary equilibrium between the
two sections, bv adopting a svstem of rev
enue and disbursements \v hLch had imposed
unequal burdens upon the South, to the
advantage of the North. The action of
Congress in the next place had resulted m '
a concentration of power in tiie federal
government, to the manifest disturbing and j
'violation of Stale rights. The result of!
ail these series of measures, and this course
of policy, was to give the North an ascen
dency 111 every department of the Govern
ment.
He then proceeded to consider the views 1
and feelings of the people of the North
relative to the institution of slavery, which
the South felt to be necessary to her social
organization, and which he said was looked
upon with greater or less hostility by the J
whole North—all the people of which felt
bound, at least, to discountenance it—while :
they felt themselves impelled to defend it.
He reviewed the course of the slavery agi
tation by the North—commencing with thi
first battle upon the right of petition, and
coming down to the present day—for the j
purpose of showing that encroachments
upon this point had been continued, gradual
and always successful, until imminent dan
ger to the Union had now arisen. He ;
contended that from the first organized
movement, the Abolitionists had continually
increased in numbers, importunities and de
mands, until their work had reached a point j
which demanded iiifincdiate and earnest tf
forts for its arrest.
What, then, could he done to arrest its i
progress, and what could save the Union ? j
Disunion would not he effected at a single
blow, it was the work of time—for the !
cords which bind the Union were too nu
merous to he snapped all at once. One ot
the many chords which had hound the
Union together was the religious cord—the
sympathy between the associations of va
rious religious denominations of both sec
tions. The first of the cords which snap
ped was the Methodist episcopal Church, i
The next, the division of the Baptists with
two opposing sectional parties. The Pres
byterian chord had not altogether given
way, although some of its strands were
broken. The Episcopal orilv of the four
irreat denominations remained firm and un
broken—as a result of this agitation. —
(Mr. Calhoun makes no reference what
ever to the Catholics.) The next great
cord which had snapped was that of politi
cal party organization, which had held to
gether until recently severed by the in
creased agitation. Again —" how could
the Union be saved 7" It could only he
saved by adopting such measures as will
satisfy the Southern States that thev ran
remain in the Union with safetv and honor
to themselves.
It could not be saved bv eulogizing the
Union, nor by appeals to the memory of
Washington. Neither was there anything
tn the life or example of that distinguished
man which would deter the South from
seceding ; on the contrary, there was much
to encourage them to secession as a remedy
for oppression and deprivation of their
rights. Mr. Cass' plan, or the [dan pro
posed by the Administration, could not save
the Union. The latter waft nothing but a
modification of the \V ilmot Proviso, and
still more objectionable than that measure.
Its very object was to deprive the South of
its rightful participation in the territories.
looking at the Constitutional question,
Tie contended that the power of legislation
lor the territories is vested exclusively in
Congress. In this view, the action of the
people of California in forming a govcrn
xuentfor themselves, had usurped the power
4>f Congress. Their conduct in this re
spect revolutionary arid rebellious in its
character. He expressed his full convic
iron that thi people of (' .lifornia had befii
influenced in their action by persons acting
under the suggestions and authority of the
Executive,
He also proceeded, with an effort, to show
that the action of California, and the Ex
ecutive proposition for Iter admission into
the Union, was in direct violation of all
the past action of Congress. What now
would the Senate do ? Much depended
j upon their action. If they admitted Cali
fornia into the Union, they would sanction
ail that she had done. Were Senators
prepared, in admitting her, to surrender the
j Constitution, in view of their oaths to sup
port the Constitution t He denied that
there was any such State as California. It
had no legal existence, and could not have
without the sanction of Congress. They
could not form a Constitution when Con
, gress had not given them leave so to do.
How could gentlemen on the Whig side of
the chamber, after defeating the candidate
1 of the Democratic party- (Cass) at the late
election—who took the ground that Con
gress had no power of legislation—now
! turn around and admit a State upon the
j ground that she had exercised this very
I power which had been denied iu the Presi
dential contest ! llow could those gentle
men who voted on the Oregon question
against the position that Congress had the
sole and absolute power of legislating for
the Territories now propose to sanction a
course directly the reverse .' What did all
this mean ? \Y ere they to conclude that
the exclusion of the South from the terri
tory acquired from Mexico, as an object of
such paramount importance, that right, jus
tice, consistency, and the Constitution,
must all yield thereto ? There was but
one way by which the Union could be
saved, and that was bv the full and final
settlement—upon the principles of justice
' —of all the questions at issue between the
i two sections.
The South asked for simple justice—less
than that she ought not to take. She had
j no compromise to offier but the Constitu
tion, and could make no surrender or con
cession. By satisfying the South, she
could remain honorably and safely in the
Union, and thereby restoring tranquility.
Could this be done .' \ es, easily—not by
the weaker party —for it could not protect
itself—but the stronger. The North had
only to do justice by conceding to the South
a participation in the territories—her duty
by causing the arrest and delivery of fugi
tive slaves—by ceasing the agitation of the
slavery question, and to provide an amend
ment of the Constitution, such as would
restore to the South the power to protect
herself, which she possessed before the
equilibrium between the sections was de
stroyed by the action of the government.
- J ....
Would the North agree to this ? Yes, if
her love for the Union was half as great as
her profesrions. At all events, the respon
sibility of saving the 1 nion rested on the
North and not upon the South. The South
could not save it by any sacrifice of hers,
and the North might save it without sacri
fice. If the question was not now settled,
there was no telling when it would be. If
you, said Mr. Calhoun, cannot agree to
settle these questions on the principle of
justice and duty, say so, and let the States
we represent agree to separate —part in
peace. If vou are unwilling we should
part in peace, tell us so, and we shall know
what to do when you reduce the question
to submission or resistance. 1 f you remain
silent, you will compel us to infer w hat
you intend. In that case California will
become the test question. It you admit
her under all the difficulties that oppose
her admission, you compel us to infer that
you intend to exclude us from the whole
of the acquired territories, with the inten
' tion of destroying irretrievably the equili
brium between the two sections. \S e
would be blind not to perceive that in that
case that your real objects are power and
aggrandizement, and infatuated not to act
accordingly. In conclusion he repealed
that he hail all alone endeavored to repel
these aggressions of the North by arrest
ing the agitation, with the intention ot sav
ing the Union, if possible —and if not, to
save the section where his lot had been
cast. Having done his duty, let what
would come, lie would he free from all
responsibility.
fePEF.tfl OF nil. WEBSTFR.
W ASIIINOTOX, March, 7, 1850.
MR. WEBSTER rose, and after express
ing his obligations to Mr. Walker and to
Mr. Seward, for having yielded the floor
to him, proceeded to address the Senate.
He rose, he said, not as a Southern man
or a Northern man, but as an American.
He hoped to discharge his duty with fidel
ity, with th• hope that the storm which
was now raging in the land would be
lulled. Il<- .-poke for the preservation of
the Union—with an anxious heart for the
restoration of that quiet and harmony so
necessary to the prosperity and happiness
of the country. These were his objects,
and if he could do ever so little for them,
his end would In- accomplished.
lie proceeded to consider the events
which had led to the present difficulties,
commencing with a relation of the war
with Mexico—its battles, triumphs and re
sults—one of which closed the war.—
Prior to these negotiations, the people of
California, assisted, perhaps, by officers
and people of the United States, revolted
against the Government of Mexico, and
run up an independent (lag. The result
was that a tide of emigration set towards
San Francisco from every country of the
world. The rich and apparently inex
haustible gold mines of California were
subsequently discovered, and this new
wonder had increased to a wonderful de
gree the emigration to those distant shores.
lie referred, next, to the failure of Con
gress to provide a territorial government
lor the people of this new territory, and
sail that, in this state of things, those
people had taken measures to establish a
local government—elected senators ami
representatives, atul >et them here, with
their Constitution, to ask an immediate ad
mission into the I'nion. This Constitu
tion, thus adopted, and now presented
here, containing a clause prohibiting sla
very in the new State, which provision it
was that had given rise to the opposition
now made to her admission. Whatever
j was believed to be the object or manner
of the commencement of the war with
I Mexico, it would generally be conceded
; that it was carried on with a view to the
acquisition of territory. Territory was
i acquired : but the natural expectation that
it would be slave territory was disappoint
ed, by the action of the people of the ter
; ritory itself.
Mr. Webster then went into a histori
| cal consideration of the institution of sla
l very, from the earliest ages to the present
| time. The ancients did not justify sla
very, upon the ground that the more intel
ligent, and therefore the stronger, were
j superior to the weaker. The Human phi
losophers and Jesuits defended the iusti
i tutiou of slavery upon the international
I law—arguing rightly that the conventional
law of nations admitted that the captives of
! war, whose lives according to the notion
' of that day, were at the mercy of the cap
: tors, might, in return for their lives, be
made slaves lor life—the obligation also
resting upon their posterity, lie also con
tended, by the civil law, that there might
be slavery.
First , as a result of the voluntary act
of an individual who sells himself into
slavery.
Second, as a consequence of debt.
J'hird, for crime.
Bringing the matter down to the chris
tian era, he alluded, at some length, to the
feeling in a large portion of the communi
ty—of the conscientious belief that sla
very is a sin, and incompatible with the
christian sentiments of brotherly kindness,
lie expressed his own belief that there
was an honest belief of this character.
There were men in the community who,
in the too hot pursuit of one dutv, forget
that there are many other duties which
they overlook. Therefore, men who sup
pose that they could distinguish between
right and wrong, with the certainty of an
algebraic equation men who thought
nothing good that is not perfect—those,
who, it they see a spot upon the sun, con
sider that a good reason for striking the
sun from heaven. There were men too
impatient to wait for the slow and gradual
working of great moral causes. They
lorget that the miracles of Christ, in eigh
teen hundred years, have coverted but a
small portion of the world. It was this
state of feeling which had done much
towards creating the present difficulty.
U hat was the feeling on the part of the
most eminent public men in relation to the
institution of slavery ? It was formerly
denounced throughout the country —not
as cruel and inhuman—but as a political
e\il—injuriously substituting slave for free
labor, and consequently the most eminent
public men commented with great acerbity
upon the conduct of the mother country,
who, to favor the navigator, inflicted the
evil upon the colonies. The question in
the early days of the government was not
whether slavery was an evil. This was
admitted. The question was how the evil
should be dealt with. It was thought its
day would be shortened by prohibiting the
importation of slaves, and a proposition
was introduced to prohibit such importa
tion twenty years hence. This time was
objected to by Mr. Madison, among other
prominent Southern men, as being too
long, lie feared, as he said, that too
much of this evil would be introduced.
If so. much opportunity was allowed. It
would he observed, that the word "slav ery
was not made use of in the Constitution—
perhaps, in consequence of the feelings
expressed by Mr. Madison, when he did
not want to see the institution of slavery
recognised in the Constitution.
Mr. Webster thought that there were
two historical truths which must be clear
to all.
first—There was an expectation, for
merly, that upon the suppression ot the
importation of slaves, slavery would begin
to run out.
Second ■ — That so far as there was any
power in Congress to prevent the spread
of slavery in tlte United States, it would
use it in lite most absolute and decided
manner.
lie alluded to the ordinance prohibiting
slavery in tlte Northwest Territory. Mr.
Calhoun had said that " this was the first
of the series of measures calculated to
weaken the South." He desired to say,
in reply, that the ordinance was passed
with the unanimous consent of the South
—there being but one vote against it—and
that one, a representative from the North.
' Since that time there had been a great
! change in opinion, both North and South.
Slavery was not now regarded by the South
as it then was. There had been a contin
ual and growing opinion in the North
against slavery, and a growing opinion in
the South in its favor. Now it was con
sidered an institution of great interest and
value to her prosperity.
This state of things resulted from caus
es which would always produce like ef
fects. The interests of men —the change
of opinion in the South—bad resulted, in
a great measure, from the growth and in
crease of cotton raising iu the South. It
was well known that in 1794, the value ot
cotton exported from the United States
did not exceed fifty thousand dollars:
while now, under favorable circumstances,
its value was, perhaps, one hundred mil
lions of dollars per annum. In those days
there were more of wax, indigo, and al
most any thing else exported from the South
than cotton.
Indeed, he was told, that when Jeffer
son negotiated die treaty of 1794 with
England, he did not know that cotton was
j raised in this country at all, and when the
hrst shipment ot cotton reached 3 port in
England, and was sought to be admiiu-d
there, under the provisions of the treaty,
it was objected to upon die ground that it
could not be an American product, as no
i cotton was raised there. England would
; hardiv say that now.
Mr. Webster replied to Mr. Calhoun's
objection that the operations of the gov-
S eminent had been against the South and
i was calculated to weaken her. lie con
' tended that the contrary was the fact, so
far as the legitimate effect of Legislation
! was concerned. Indeed, much direct le
gislation had been adopted expressly for
! the benelit of the South. In support of
: this proposition he recurred to the voting
i of the admission of Louisiana and Ala
bama, and commented at great length upon
the admission of Texas. lie referred es
i pecially to the action of the democracy of
I the North, in relation to Texas, and inci
dentally to the course pursued by the same
I party in the Senate. When at ihe com
mencement of the war with Mexico, Mr.
llerrien introduced a proposition in the
; Senate to the effect that it should not be
prosecuted with a view to the acquisition
; of territory , this northern democracy failed
i entirely to support it—thus indicating
' clearly their opposition to such sentiments.
It suited those gentlemen to bring into
i the country a world in the valleys and
i mountains of California and New Mexico,
and to put upon it the saving grace of the
! Wilmot Proviso.
Returning to the question of the admis- !
sion of Texas, he related liis own posi- j
tion thereon, quoting from his speeches
and acts, to show that he lead always been
opposed to it—because he knew that who
ever possessed Texas, it would be a slave
territory, and he was unwilling to extend j
that institution, lie had time and again ;
expressed himself strongly opposed to the !
introduction of any new sla\c States, or I
the acquisition of slave territories. Upon!
that point he knew no change in his senti- j
ments at the present time. He had, on
one occasion, lie believed, expressed him
self against the acquisition of any more
territory—North, South, East or West.
He had expressed his belief in the Spartan '
maxim—" improve, adorn what you have j
—seek no farther." But what was our
present condition ? Texas had been ad
mitted with all her territory, with tin: insti- :
tution of Slavery, and an irreparable law,
by which, if new States are erected out
of any portion of her territory, they should j
be slate States; and Lie wished it to be j
distinctly understood that he considered j
this government solemnly bound by law to !
create new slave territory out of Texas, j
when she shall contain a population sutfi- !
cient. Slavery was excluded from C'ali-,
fornia and New Mexico by a law of na- j
ture, which had erected impassable bar- j
riers to its introduction there. This he con- ;
sidered a fixed fact. That that country |
was to he free, was settled by the arrange- I
ment of Providence, and could not be ,
changed. Regarding this as a fixed fact, j
he would say that he would not vote for
the insertion into any bill giving territorial j
governments to the new territories, of any !
provsiion prohibiting slavery there—any |
re-eractnient of the will ol God. He
would put into it no Wilrnot Proviso — '
nothing that was so useless and nugatory. ;
He meant to stand or fall upon the propo
sition that every foot of the territory in
this country has a character, fixed and ir- j
repariole, and which cannot be changed in
in any view. In this connection, he said, j
that the proviso, in the case of Oregon, 1
was nugatory and senseless, and observed
that if there was any of the Northern de- j
mocracy who now desired to put a Wil
rnot Proviso into an act giving government
to California, he supposed that the same
man would feel it necessary to assert j
the same principle for the purpose of
saving the snow-clad hills of Canada from ,
the foot of the slave, in case she shall be j
annexed. The provision would be quite
as necessarv and proper in one case as the j
other. In the next place Mr. Webster
proceeded to consider the complaint made ;
by each section of the Union against the
other—beginning with the complaints of the
South, and passing over that in relation to
the manner of collecting and disbursing the
revenue. He alluded to the difficulty aris- ;
iug from the failure of the North to give
proper aid in the capture and delivery up
of fugitive slaves, in this, he thought the
North in the wrong and the South right.
It was a cause of complaint upon the part
of the South, and one which the North
ought to remove. The duty was imposed
by the Constitution, and it was not con
sistent with morality, for Northern men
and Legislatures to attempt to evade this
provision. Congress ought to pass some
law removing the evil. For one, he de
signed supporting the bill (Mason's) now
pending in the Senate, having that object !
in view. In connection with this point,
he made some remarks upon the propriety
of Legislative instructions, objecting to
them, and sa\ ing in effect, that it instruc
tions should lie sent to iiiin in relation to
any matter affecting the interests of the
coimtn . he should pay no more regard to
them than he would if appointed an arbi
ter to decide some matter in dispute be
tween individuals, to the instructions of
him who appointed him. Considering, in
the next place, die agitation in the North,
complained ol by the South, he said he
had no doubt but that during the last
twenty years, money cuough had been
subscribed in the North lyj abolition
presses, societies and lecturers, to purchase
the freedom of every slave in the laud —
but unfortunately, he believed the sympa
thies of these societies had never been ex
tended in that direction. He valued high
ly the freedom of the press, yet it was,
unfortunately, true, that the press was ire-
I quently prostituted, and evil articles wcic
frequently found in the. papers, having a
mischievous and irritating tendency , as
there were such expressions iu many
speeches inaje in the Houses of Congress.
Indeed, he must say that the vernacular of
the country bad been greatK vitiated and
depraved bv the character of the speeches
ia Congress. After administering a re
buke to persons for having compared the
absolute ignorance of slavery with the in
dependent, educated free labor ol the
North, he eloquently considered the ques
tion of the dissolution of the Union,
scouting the idea of peaceful secession, j
Could any man be so foolish as to expect
such a miracle ? Could any one dream
of the breaking up of this great country, j
without convulsing the upheaving of the
waters of the mighty deep—without dis- j
turbing the surface ? Hut what was to be
the result of disunion ? Where and how
was the line to be drawn ? What was to
become of the States ? NV hat was to he
come of him ? Where was the Hag to re
main ? Where the eagle to soar —or was
it to shrink and fall to the ground. The j
spirit of our ancestors —our very children ,
and grandchildren would cry " shame ! j
if we allow these ensigns of our nation to
trail in the dust. For one, he would rath
er hear of national blast and mildew, or ;
war, pestilence and famine, than to hear '
men talk of secession, lie alluded also ;
to the southern convention. lie was ;
bound to believe gentlemen designed as- !
seinbling there for the purpose of consid- j
ering mat.ere for the safety, perpetuity and j
prosperity of the Republic. It they had
any design of considering any projects of j
secession, he would only say that they
had been inappropriate in their choice of a
place of meeting, when they selected ;
Nashville. It was said once, that if King
William could have heard of the conclu
sion of the pcaee of Amiens, he would
have turned in his coflin. The same ex
pression might well be applied to the case
of the proposition of secession talked of j
over the grave of Andrew Jackson. In ;
conclusion, Mr. Webster delivered a most !
irapassionate and eloquent tribute to the j
value of the Union, and the spirit of pa- i
triotism and philanthropy which would .
inautain it.
THE GAZETTE.
LEWISTOWN, PA.
FEIDiI EVENISG. larch 15, IS.
TER M S :
05F HOLLAR PER
IK ADVANTC.
For six months, 75 rents.
rLj=All NEW subscriptions must be paid in !
advance. If the paper is continued, and not j
paid within the first month, §1.25 will be charg
ed ; if not paid in three months. if not !
paid in six months, §1.75; and if not paid in j
nine months, §2.00.
number of new advertisetaents appear 1
to-day, to which attention is requested. Dr. J i
B. MITCHELL has opened a new Drug Estab
lishment, and also offers his services as a Phy
sician. Some Philadelphia advertisements are
unavoidably postponed until next week.
Appointment by the Governor.
Gconot W. HARRIS, Esq., of Harrishurg,
Repot ter to the Supreme Court.
Mr. H ARRIS is a highly respectable member
of the Dauphin County Bar, a gentleman of ir
reproachable charactt r and fine business abili- i
ties, and withal a firm and consistent whig.
Such appointments will meet the approbation
of the people, and reflect honor upon the judg
ment of Governor Johnston.
have not room this week for the. ta
timonv of Thos. J. Power, late Superintendent
on the Portage Railroad, before the Investigat
ing Committee, but he completely exonerates j
Mr. Ball, the State Treasurer, from all censure, j
and digs into the ribs of his brother locofocos :
by stating that since he has been on the road, he ;
was never positively refused money at the j
Treasury except on one occasion, and that teas
in Jaly, 1848, trim Mr AKKOI.D PLCMMER teas j
Treasurer*
j
Jl3*Mr. MARVIK, a gentleman who possesses i
peculiar qualifications for imparting a know
ledge of music to the young of both sexes, has
been giving a series of lessons to a class of a
hundred or more, and wound up the twelfth
lesson on Tuesday last by a Concert at the Pres
byterian Church. By request another was given
on Thursday evening The singing was re
markably good, and the large audience in atten
dance were astonished, as well as delighted, at
the proficiency made.
Destructive fires continue to occur in
various parts of the country. At St. Louis on
the 10th two fires destroyed property valued at
§183,000. At Buffalo, New York, on the same
day, the most beautiful part of that city was
laid in ruins—loss §300,000. At Carlisle, on
Tuesday of last week, the warehouse of Mr.
Savton was consumed, with some smaller build
ings near it. On the 4th, the steam grist mill
of Painter & Davis, at Uniontotvn, in this State,
was entirely destroyed by fire.
Pennsylvania Legislature.
In the Senate, a bill has been passed giving
the Seventh Day Baptists the right to enjoy
their Sunday, and on evidence of church mem
bership arc relieved from all liability for labor
performed on the first day of the week, provid
ed they do not disturb others. The bill author
izing the erection of a Poor House in Miißin
| county Las also passed final reading. Ihe 10l-
I lowing nominations of Associate Judges were
confirmed:
Benj. F. Pumroy, Schuylkill county.
Win. Waufch, Mercer county.
('lias. T. VVhippo, Lawrence county
Levi J. Nichols, Tioga county.
James Harrison, Union county.
Augustus O. Heister, Dauphin county.
i John M'Candlcs and Samuel Marshall, Butler
county.
George H. Willetts, Columbia county.
John F. Dentler, Northumberland county
William Vankirk, Washington county.
Jacob Kirk, Jr., Y'ork county.
Paul S. Preston, Wayne county.
In the House, the Apportionment Bill, after
being shaped to locofoco taste, passed final
reading on Wednesday. It s charaeWr can be
irferret! from its authors.
,1
From 4 allforula Tl Juniata. <oui;ianj .
TL* following letter from a well known mem
ber of die Juniata Company to David Mcf'lura
Esq., of this place, will be read with general
interest:
Sam Faav*ci< o, January 4. 185b.
Dora Sir :—Your very welcome letters <,f
May and June last were received by me at the
Mines some time during the month of Septem
ber. and although the contents were some three
or four months old, p-t they did not alford me
the less pleasure on that account. To ine the*
came as messengers bearing glad tidings, for the*
told me the news of home. The mines where 1
was at work arc some two hundred miles from
this city : and in a new country you are aware
that this is no short journey to ihe post office,
especially as the Express to and from the (nines
is, for at least eighty miles, an ox team. This,
in a great measure, accounts far the delay in
getting letters from the States. J readily admit
that 1 have too long delayed answering your let
ters, and would attempt to apologize for the ap
parent neglect, were it not that by 50 doing I
should consume a greater portion of my tetter
with excuses uninteresting to you. The truth
of the matter, however, is that 1 had intended io
be in S.-.n Francisco two or three months ago,
and had purposely deferred writing until my ar
rival here.
In the month of July myself and companions
left this city lor the mines near the Stanislaus
river, one of the tributaries of the San Joaquin.
We first went to Woods' Diggings, situated sums
ten miles south of that river, and were there
about one month, but had poor luck, as we did
n<>t realize more than $3 or $4 per day for each
person. Owing to dissatisfaction on the part of
some members of the company, they seceded
from it ; and, like every other one that has come
to California, the Juniata Company died a na
tural death, and each member went to work for
himself. Being dissatisfied with Woods' Dig
gings, every member of the Company went to
what is called '• Murphy's New Diggings," situ
ated about thirteen miles from the Stanislaus,
and on the north side of that river. At these
diggings Messrs. Salisbury, Scott, Campbell,
V'andling and Morrow, (the first four being those
who seceded from the Company.) worked to
gether. and had collected at the time I left the
mines (Nov. 29, 1849) about sls<Ml a piece—at
least they gave me to understand that they had
got about that amount. They are still at those
diggings, and have a stock of goods to sell to
the miners in the neighborhood. Duncan and
Hays worked together until about the middle of
November, and made, I presume, SBOO or SIOOO
each. Duncan is now here, and Hays was here
also, until a week ago, w hen he went up to Sac
ramento city. Beck got perfectly sick of hard
digging, and abandoned it in disgust in the month
of August. He came down here and got a situ
ation in the police department (he's a locofoco
now) that pays him S3OOO or S4OOO per annum
arid pickings. Levy also' sickened at "de shorrf
and de hoe,''' and sloped for San Francisco about
the same lime that Beck went. He is now en
gaged in sawing lumber with the whip saw,
about eight miles from tbis city, and has been so
engaged for some months. 1 saw him since I
came here, and he told me that he likes it better
than any business he has ever been engaged in.
He says that while boards keep their present
value (S3OO per thousand feet) he and his part
ner can each make S2OO per week. E. J. Smith
was not very well during part of the time
he was in the mines, and was not at all success
ful. lie is now in the city, and has a situation
in the police department, which yields him $2lO
per month. This is certainly low wages in Cali
fornia ; but 1 presume Smith will retain it until
something better offers. Dr. Hammond kept a
small store in Murphy's Diggings lor about two
months, and made S7OO or SBOO. He is now a
clerk in the office of the State Treasurer, at a
salary of S3OO per month. James G. Smith,
the quondam barber, of Lewistown, or "Jim
the jticcl," as we used to call him, was but a short
time in the mines, and has again taken to the
laudable occupation of scraping countenances
and cropping hair, at fifty cents a shave and one
dollar for cutting hair. He is up at San Jose,
pronounced Snn Hosrry, the letter j in Spanish
being always sounded like the English letter k.)
the capital of the State. I hope Jim will do well,
although 1 always thought he acted imprudently
in leaving a comfortable home in Lewistown.
Now let me eorne to the last, but by no means
the least, personage in that famous company from
the " blue Juniata." I mean no other person
than myself. After the final dissolution of the
company, my brother and myself worked to
gether three months, when 1 left for this city
During that time. 1 realized, by hard, honest labor,
between slt>oo and SI7UO orer and above all ex
penses of Jiving, and my brother about the same.
Upon the whole, I think we have been the most
lucky of any of the company in the mines, al
though I cannot say that any of us have done as
well as we expected before we left the States
My brother thought it best to stay at the dig
gings during the winter. He is living in a com
fortable log house with Salisbury, Scott, et al.
As for myself, I have come to the conclusion to
try my old profession (the law) once more; and
have accordingly rented an office about 10 by 12
feet, in the bark part of a building in the public
square of the city. The office is by no means
• as good and comfortable as my old one in Lew
istown—and what do you think I pay for this
office? Why, or.fv S2OO per month, or $2400 a
year' and then it is to be paid quarterly in ad
vance. i rented only for three months from the
Ist January, and paid S6OO for that time. Front
offices in the same building rent for S3OO per
month. By-the-by, when men here talk about
rents and say that such and such a building rents
for S3OO or SSOO or SIOOO, they mean tiiat it rents
; for that sum per month, and not per annum, as
: you say in the States. There are many houses
in this city that rent for more than SIOO,OOO per
annum, although the same houses and lots might
perhaps he bought for $200,000, or at most for
$300,000 —houses that are by no means as good
; as some in Lewistown. Thus you will perceive
that landlords calculate upon tiieir rents paying
for the price of house and lot in one or two years.
1 These exorbitant rents must, however, come
| down, as a great many new houses have been
built in the city and arc now offered for rent.—
These things may appear incredible to you sober
minded men in the States ; hut they are true.
! nevertheless.
You would, of coqfse, conclude that money
: here is very abundant; and so it is—and that, ttxJ,
in nothing but silver and gold ; and yet the mu.tl
i rates of interest for borrowed money is ten per
cent per month, or one hundred and twenty per
' cent per annum. This state of things cannot
last however, as i believe that there must be a
great revulsion in this wild system of specula
ticin and gambling. Some things at one time can
he bought at lower prices than in the States, and
| then again they will go up out of all reason
For instance flour : one month ago it was worth
S4O per barrel—now it is not worth more than
$6 or SB. Just so everything goes. The de
mand regulates everything, and men will gi'e
almost anything for an article they want. Thick
soled boots, before the rainy season, sold for
and $10 —now they sell for S3O and S4O. and even
some I priced were SSO. Two months hence
they likely will not be worth $5. So we go -
Indeed it is almost impossible to write with any
; satisfaction about marktts, business, Ac., l° r
before the ink on a letter is dry, presto, a chang®
takes place, and the letter cannot convey the
true state of aifairs. You men who do busing
by calculation and rule would be bewilder."
here : and 1 assure you, it is amusing to hear the
1 gracn-horns talk and wonder when they first
' on our shores, "fresh from the ranks ot the peo
ple." litre every one is, in some sense, a £® u '
bier. The miner hopes for luck as in a lottery
so the speculator, merchant, laborer, Ac ; a k
are mad with excitement, and bent upon cett'"s
rich. Qf course sll thV- Hhngs u l , h 7
demoralizing tendenry, and what they wu' u
mately lead to God only knows, (t will >'e so'
tutte before we can have anything like -tau"
,uid regularity in bosiiv s * transactions 1