THE SLAVERY QUESTION. or Vtt. CiIDM.V l" S. < AIIOUAA. WASHINGTON. March , ISSO. Mr. Cai-hots ha\ ing the floor, briefly ..;,u d hie inability to address the Senate in person, and returned thanks lor the cour tesy which the Senate had extended him, m permitting him to have his views upon the great question of present agitation de livered bv proxy. lie then asked Mr. Mason to read his speech for him. Mr. Ma son then proceeded to read the speech. Mr. Calhoun commences by ask ),j<r—" What can be done to save the •'Union V It was necessary, first, to find the cause of the danger, before a remedy could l>e applied. The danger anise—first, from the discontent in all the Southern States, which commenced with the agita tion of the slavery question and has con tinued ever since. The next question was — What has caused the disquiet ?" It resulted from the belief on the part of the Southern States that they could not live in the Union, under the existing state of tilings, •with safety to their honor and interests. He proceeded next to show by statistics, that the equilibrium of the different sec tions of the I "nion has been lost, in conse quence of the increase of population in the North : this state of affairs placed the con trol of the Government exclusively in the hands of the North—giving them a ma jority of the States, and a large majority in the population, which would he largely increased by the next census. In addition to this, the newly acquired territory would also add, speedily, at least five new States, which would be admitted to the North— while no additional territories were pro gressing in the South. He next proceeded to show that the ac tion of the Government has been such as to give control to sectional majority, by which the South has been deprived of its share in the territories. The first act hav ing such effect, was the ordinance of 1787 ; the next, the Missouri compromise; and the last the act by which the South were j excluded from Oregon. The result of all j of which has been to exclude the South I from three-fourths of the territory acquired j by the federal government, giving her one fourth only. The North had also unset tled the necessary equilibrium between the two sections, bv adopting a svstem of rev enue and disbursements \v hLch had imposed unequal burdens upon the South, to the advantage of the North. The action of Congress in the next place had resulted m ' a concentration of power in tiie federal government, to the manifest disturbing and j 'violation of Stale rights. The result of! ail these series of measures, and this course of policy, was to give the North an ascen dency 111 every department of the Govern ment. He then proceeded to consider the views 1 and feelings of the people of the North relative to the institution of slavery, which the South felt to be necessary to her social organization, and which he said was looked upon with greater or less hostility by the J whole North—all the people of which felt bound, at least, to discountenance it—while : they felt themselves impelled to defend it. He reviewed the course of the slavery agi tation by the North—commencing with thi first battle upon the right of petition, and coming down to the present day—for the j purpose of showing that encroachments upon this point had been continued, gradual and always successful, until imminent dan ger to the Union had now arisen. He ; contended that from the first organized movement, the Abolitionists had continually increased in numbers, importunities and de mands, until their work had reached a point j which demanded iiifincdiate and earnest tf forts for its arrest. What, then, could he done to arrest its i progress, and what could save the Union ? j Disunion would not he effected at a single blow, it was the work of time—for the ! cords which bind the Union were too nu merous to he snapped all at once. One ot the many chords which had hound the Union together was the religious cord—the sympathy between the associations of va rious religious denominations of both sec tions. The first of the cords which snap ped was the Methodist episcopal Church, i The next, the division of the Baptists with two opposing sectional parties. The Pres byterian chord had not altogether given way, although some of its strands were broken. The Episcopal orilv of the four irreat denominations remained firm and un broken—as a result of this agitation. — (Mr. Calhoun makes no reference what ever to the Catholics.) The next great cord which had snapped was that of politi cal party organization, which had held to gether until recently severed by the in creased agitation. Again —" how could the Union be saved 7" It could only he saved by adopting such measures as will satisfy the Southern States that thev ran remain in the Union with safetv and honor to themselves. It could not be saved bv eulogizing the Union, nor by appeals to the memory of Washington. Neither was there anything tn the life or example of that distinguished man which would deter the South from seceding ; on the contrary, there was much to encourage them to secession as a remedy for oppression and deprivation of their rights. Mr. Cass' plan, or the [dan pro posed by the Administration, could not save the Union. The latter waft nothing but a modification of the \V ilmot Proviso, and still more objectionable than that measure. Its very object was to deprive the South of its rightful participation in the territories. looking at the Constitutional question, Tie contended that the power of legislation lor the territories is vested exclusively in Congress. In this view, the action of the people of California in forming a govcrn xuentfor themselves, had usurped the power 4>f Congress. Their conduct in this re spect revolutionary arid rebellious in its character. He expressed his full convic iron that thi people of (' .lifornia had befii influenced in their action by persons acting under the suggestions and authority of the Executive, He also proceeded, with an effort, to show that the action of California, and the Ex ecutive proposition for Iter admission into the Union, was in direct violation of all the past action of Congress. What now would the Senate do ? Much depended j upon their action. If they admitted Cali fornia into the Union, they would sanction ail that she had done. Were Senators prepared, in admitting her, to surrender the j Constitution, in view of their oaths to sup port the Constitution t He denied that there was any such State as California. It had no legal existence, and could not have without the sanction of Congress. They could not form a Constitution when Con , gress had not given them leave so to do. How could gentlemen on the Whig side of the chamber, after defeating the candidate 1 of the Democratic party- (Cass) at the late election—who took the ground that Con gress had no power of legislation—now ! turn around and admit a State upon the j ground that she had exercised this very I power which had been denied iu the Presi dential contest ! llow could those gentle men who voted on the Oregon question against the position that Congress had the sole and absolute power of legislating for the Territories now propose to sanction a course directly the reverse .' What did all this mean ? \Y ere they to conclude that the exclusion of the South from the terri tory acquired from Mexico, as an object of such paramount importance, that right, jus tice, consistency, and the Constitution, must all yield thereto ? There was but one way by which the Union could be saved, and that was bv the full and final settlement—upon the principles of justice ' —of all the questions at issue between the i two sections. The South asked for simple justice—less than that she ought not to take. She had j no compromise to offier but the Constitu tion, and could make no surrender or con cession. By satisfying the South, she could remain honorably and safely in the Union, and thereby restoring tranquility. Could this be done .' \ es, easily—not by the weaker party —for it could not protect itself—but the stronger. The North had only to do justice by conceding to the South a participation in the territories—her duty by causing the arrest and delivery of fugi tive slaves—by ceasing the agitation of the slavery question, and to provide an amend ment of the Constitution, such as would restore to the South the power to protect herself, which she possessed before the equilibrium between the sections was de stroyed by the action of the government. - J .... Would the North agree to this ? Yes, if her love for the Union was half as great as her profesrions. At all events, the respon sibility of saving the 1 nion rested on the North and not upon the South. The South could not save it by any sacrifice of hers, and the North might save it without sacri fice. If the question was not now settled, there was no telling when it would be. If you, said Mr. Calhoun, cannot agree to settle these questions on the principle of justice and duty, say so, and let the States we represent agree to separate —part in peace. If vou are unwilling we should part in peace, tell us so, and we shall know what to do when you reduce the question to submission or resistance. 1 f you remain silent, you will compel us to infer w hat you intend. In that case California will become the test question. It you admit her under all the difficulties that oppose her admission, you compel us to infer that you intend to exclude us from the whole of the acquired territories, with the inten ' tion of destroying irretrievably the equili brium between the two sections. \S e would be blind not to perceive that in that case that your real objects are power and aggrandizement, and infatuated not to act accordingly. In conclusion he repealed that he hail all alone endeavored to repel these aggressions of the North by arrest ing the agitation, with the intention ot sav ing the Union, if possible —and if not, to save the section where his lot had been cast. Having done his duty, let what would come, lie would he free from all responsibility. fePEF.tfl OF nil. WEBSTFR. W ASIIINOTOX, March, 7, 1850. MR. WEBSTER rose, and after express ing his obligations to Mr. Walker and to Mr. Seward, for having yielded the floor to him, proceeded to address the Senate. He rose, he said, not as a Southern man or a Northern man, but as an American. He hoped to discharge his duty with fidel ity, with th• hope that the storm which was now raging in the land would be lulled. Il<- .-poke for the preservation of the Union—with an anxious heart for the restoration of that quiet and harmony so necessary to the prosperity and happiness of the country. These were his objects, and if he could do ever so little for them, his end would In- accomplished. lie proceeded to consider the events which had led to the present difficulties, commencing with a relation of the war with Mexico—its battles, triumphs and re sults—one of which closed the war.— Prior to these negotiations, the people of California, assisted, perhaps, by officers and people of the United States, revolted against the Government of Mexico, and run up an independent (lag. The result was that a tide of emigration set towards San Francisco from every country of the world. The rich and apparently inex haustible gold mines of California were subsequently discovered, and this new wonder had increased to a wonderful de gree the emigration to those distant shores. lie referred, next, to the failure of Con gress to provide a territorial government lor the people of this new territory, and sail that, in this state of things, those people had taken measures to establish a local government—elected senators ami representatives, atul >et them here, with their Constitution, to ask an immediate ad mission into the I'nion. This Constitu tion, thus adopted, and now presented here, containing a clause prohibiting sla very in the new State, which provision it was that had given rise to the opposition now made to her admission. Whatever j was believed to be the object or manner of the commencement of the war with I Mexico, it would generally be conceded ; that it was carried on with a view to the acquisition of territory. Territory was i acquired : but the natural expectation that it would be slave territory was disappoint ed, by the action of the people of the ter ; ritory itself. Mr. Webster then went into a histori | cal consideration of the institution of sla l very, from the earliest ages to the present | time. The ancients did not justify sla very, upon the ground that the more intel ligent, and therefore the stronger, were j superior to the weaker. The Human phi losophers and Jesuits defended the iusti i tutiou of slavery upon the international I law—arguing rightly that the conventional law of nations admitted that the captives of ! war, whose lives according to the notion ' of that day, were at the mercy of the cap : tors, might, in return for their lives, be made slaves lor life—the obligation also resting upon their posterity, lie also con tended, by the civil law, that there might be slavery. First , as a result of the voluntary act of an individual who sells himself into slavery. Second, as a consequence of debt. J'hird, for crime. Bringing the matter down to the chris tian era, he alluded, at some length, to the feeling in a large portion of the communi ty—of the conscientious belief that sla very is a sin, and incompatible with the christian sentiments of brotherly kindness, lie expressed his own belief that there was an honest belief of this character. There were men in the community who, in the too hot pursuit of one dutv, forget that there are many other duties which they overlook. Therefore, men who sup pose that they could distinguish between right and wrong, with the certainty of an algebraic equation men who thought nothing good that is not perfect—those, who, it they see a spot upon the sun, con sider that a good reason for striking the sun from heaven. There were men too impatient to wait for the slow and gradual working of great moral causes. They lorget that the miracles of Christ, in eigh teen hundred years, have coverted but a small portion of the world. It was this state of feeling which had done much towards creating the present difficulty. U hat was the feeling on the part of the most eminent public men in relation to the institution of slavery ? It was formerly denounced throughout the country —not as cruel and inhuman—but as a political e\il—injuriously substituting slave for free labor, and consequently the most eminent public men commented with great acerbity upon the conduct of the mother country, who, to favor the navigator, inflicted the evil upon the colonies. The question in the early days of the government was not whether slavery was an evil. This was admitted. The question was how the evil should be dealt with. It was thought its day would be shortened by prohibiting the importation of slaves, and a proposition was introduced to prohibit such importa tion twenty years hence. This time was objected to by Mr. Madison, among other prominent Southern men, as being too long, lie feared, as he said, that too much of this evil would be introduced. If so. much opportunity was allowed. It would he observed, that the word "slav ery was not made use of in the Constitution— perhaps, in consequence of the feelings expressed by Mr. Madison, when he did not want to see the institution of slavery recognised in the Constitution. Mr. Webster thought that there were two historical truths which must be clear to all. first—There was an expectation, for merly, that upon the suppression ot the importation of slaves, slavery would begin to run out. Second ■ — That so far as there was any power in Congress to prevent the spread of slavery in tlte United States, it would use it in lite most absolute and decided manner. lie alluded to the ordinance prohibiting slavery in tlte Northwest Territory. Mr. Calhoun had said that " this was the first of the series of measures calculated to weaken the South." He desired to say, in reply, that the ordinance was passed with the unanimous consent of the South —there being but one vote against it—and that one, a representative from the North. ' Since that time there had been a great ! change in opinion, both North and South. Slavery was not now regarded by the South as it then was. There had been a contin ual and growing opinion in the North against slavery, and a growing opinion in the South in its favor. Now it was con sidered an institution of great interest and value to her prosperity. This state of things resulted from caus es which would always produce like ef fects. The interests of men —the change of opinion in the South—bad resulted, in a great measure, from the growth and in crease of cotton raising iu the South. It was well known that in 1794, the value ot cotton exported from the United States did not exceed fifty thousand dollars: while now, under favorable circumstances, its value was, perhaps, one hundred mil lions of dollars per annum. In those days there were more of wax, indigo, and al most any thing else exported from the South than cotton. Indeed, he was told, that when Jeffer son negotiated die treaty of 1794 with England, he did not know that cotton was j raised in this country at all, and when the hrst shipment ot cotton reached 3 port in England, and was sought to be admiiu-d there, under the provisions of the treaty, it was objected to upon die ground that it could not be an American product, as no i cotton was raised there. England would ; hardiv say that now. Mr. Webster replied to Mr. Calhoun's objection that the operations of the gov- S eminent had been against the South and i was calculated to weaken her. lie con ' tended that the contrary was the fact, so far as the legitimate effect of Legislation ! was concerned. Indeed, much direct le gislation had been adopted expressly for ! the benelit of the South. In support of : this proposition he recurred to the voting i of the admission of Louisiana and Ala bama, and commented at great length upon the admission of Texas. lie referred es i pecially to the action of the democracy of I the North, in relation to Texas, and inci dentally to the course pursued by the same I party in the Senate. When at ihe com mencement of the war with Mexico, Mr. llerrien introduced a proposition in the ; Senate to the effect that it should not be prosecuted with a view to the acquisition ; of territory , this northern democracy failed i entirely to support it—thus indicating ' clearly their opposition to such sentiments. It suited those gentlemen to bring into i the country a world in the valleys and i mountains of California and New Mexico, and to put upon it the saving grace of the ! Wilmot Proviso. Returning to the question of the admis- ! sion of Texas, he related liis own posi- j tion thereon, quoting from his speeches and acts, to show that he lead always been opposed to it—because he knew that who ever possessed Texas, it would be a slave territory, and he was unwilling to extend j that institution, lie had time and again ; expressed himself strongly opposed to the ! introduction of any new sla\c States, or I the acquisition of slave territories. Upon! that point he knew no change in his senti- j ments at the present time. He had, on one occasion, lie believed, expressed him self against the acquisition of any more territory—North, South, East or West. He had expressed his belief in the Spartan ' maxim—" improve, adorn what you have j —seek no farther." But what was our present condition ? Texas had been ad mitted with all her territory, with tin: insti- : tution of Slavery, and an irreparable law, by which, if new States are erected out of any portion of her territory, they should j be slate States; and Lie wished it to be j distinctly understood that he considered j this government solemnly bound by law to ! create new slave territory out of Texas, j when she shall contain a population sutfi- ! cient. Slavery was excluded from C'ali-, fornia and New Mexico by a law of na- j ture, which had erected impassable bar- j riers to its introduction there. This he con- ; sidered a fixed fact. That that country | was to he free, was settled by the arrange- I ment of Providence, and could not be , changed. Regarding this as a fixed fact, j he would say that he would not vote for the insertion into any bill giving territorial j governments to the new territories, of any ! provsiion prohibiting slavery there—any | re-eractnient of the will ol God. He would put into it no Wilrnot Proviso — ' nothing that was so useless and nugatory. ; He meant to stand or fall upon the propo sition that every foot of the territory in this country has a character, fixed and ir- j repariole, and which cannot be changed in in any view. In this connection, he said, j that the proviso, in the case of Oregon, 1 was nugatory and senseless, and observed that if there was any of the Northern de- j mocracy who now desired to put a Wil rnot Proviso into an act giving government to California, he supposed that the same man would feel it necessary to assert j the same principle for the purpose of saving the snow-clad hills of Canada from , the foot of the slave, in case she shall be j annexed. The provision would be quite as necessarv and proper in one case as the j other. In the next place Mr. Webster proceeded to consider the complaint made ; by each section of the Union against the other—beginning with the complaints of the South, and passing over that in relation to the manner of collecting and disbursing the revenue. He alluded to the difficulty aris- ; iug from the failure of the North to give proper aid in the capture and delivery up of fugitive slaves, in this, he thought the North in the wrong and the South right. It was a cause of complaint upon the part of the South, and one which the North ought to remove. The duty was imposed by the Constitution, and it was not con sistent with morality, for Northern men and Legislatures to attempt to evade this provision. Congress ought to pass some law removing the evil. For one, he de signed supporting the bill (Mason's) now pending in the Senate, having that object ! in view. In connection with this point, he made some remarks upon the propriety of Legislative instructions, objecting to them, and sa\ ing in effect, that it instruc tions should lie sent to iiiin in relation to any matter affecting the interests of the coimtn . he should pay no more regard to them than he would if appointed an arbi ter to decide some matter in dispute be tween individuals, to the instructions of him who appointed him. Considering, in the next place, die agitation in the North, complained ol by the South, he said he had no doubt but that during the last twenty years, money cuough had been subscribed in the North lyj abolition presses, societies and lecturers, to purchase the freedom of every slave in the laud — but unfortunately, he believed the sympa thies of these societies had never been ex tended in that direction. He valued high ly the freedom of the press, yet it was, unfortunately, true, that the press was ire- I quently prostituted, and evil articles wcic frequently found in the. papers, having a mischievous and irritating tendency , as there were such expressions iu many speeches inaje in the Houses of Congress. Indeed, he must say that the vernacular of the country bad been greatK vitiated and depraved bv the character of the speeches ia Congress. After administering a re buke to persons for having compared the absolute ignorance of slavery with the in dependent, educated free labor ol the North, he eloquently considered the ques tion of the dissolution of the Union, scouting the idea of peaceful secession, j Could any man be so foolish as to expect such a miracle ? Could any one dream of the breaking up of this great country, j without convulsing the upheaving of the waters of the mighty deep—without dis- j turbing the surface ? Hut what was to be the result of disunion ? Where and how was the line to be drawn ? What was to become of the States ? NV hat was to he come of him ? Where was the Hag to re main ? Where the eagle to soar —or was it to shrink and fall to the ground. The j spirit of our ancestors —our very children , and grandchildren would cry " shame ! j if we allow these ensigns of our nation to trail in the dust. For one, he would rath er hear of national blast and mildew, or ; war, pestilence and famine, than to hear ' men talk of secession, lie alluded also ; to the southern convention. lie was ; bound to believe gentlemen designed as- ! seinbling there for the purpose of consid- j ering mat.ere for the safety, perpetuity and j prosperity of the Republic. It they had any design of considering any projects of j secession, he would only say that they had been inappropriate in their choice of a place of meeting, when they selected ; Nashville. It was said once, that if King William could have heard of the conclu sion of the pcaee of Amiens, he would have turned in his coflin. The same ex pression might well be applied to the case of the proposition of secession talked of j over the grave of Andrew Jackson. In ; conclusion, Mr. Webster delivered a most ! irapassionate and eloquent tribute to the j value of the Union, and the spirit of pa- i triotism and philanthropy which would . inautain it. THE GAZETTE. LEWISTOWN, PA. FEIDiI EVENISG. larch 15, IS. TER M S : 05F HOLLAR PER IK ADVANTC. For six months, 75 rents. rLj=All NEW subscriptions must be paid in ! advance. If the paper is continued, and not j paid within the first month, §1.25 will be charg ed ; if not paid in three months. if not ! paid in six months, §1.75; and if not paid in j nine months, §2.00. number of new advertisetaents appear 1 to-day, to which attention is requested. Dr. J i B. MITCHELL has opened a new Drug Estab lishment, and also offers his services as a Phy sician. Some Philadelphia advertisements are unavoidably postponed until next week. Appointment by the Governor. Gconot W. HARRIS, Esq., of Harrishurg, Repot ter to the Supreme Court. Mr. H ARRIS is a highly respectable member of the Dauphin County Bar, a gentleman of ir reproachable charactt r and fine business abili- i ties, and withal a firm and consistent whig. Such appointments will meet the approbation of the people, and reflect honor upon the judg ment of Governor Johnston. have not room this week for the. ta timonv of Thos. J. Power, late Superintendent on the Portage Railroad, before the Investigat ing Committee, but he completely exonerates j Mr. Ball, the State Treasurer, from all censure, j and digs into the ribs of his brother locofocos : by stating that since he has been on the road, he ; was never positively refused money at the j Treasury except on one occasion, and that teas in Jaly, 1848, trim Mr AKKOI.D PLCMMER teas j Treasurer* j Jl3*Mr. MARVIK, a gentleman who possesses i peculiar qualifications for imparting a know ledge of music to the young of both sexes, has been giving a series of lessons to a class of a hundred or more, and wound up the twelfth lesson on Tuesday last by a Concert at the Pres byterian Church. By request another was given on Thursday evening The singing was re markably good, and the large audience in atten dance were astonished, as well as delighted, at the proficiency made. Destructive fires continue to occur in various parts of the country. At St. Louis on the 10th two fires destroyed property valued at §183,000. At Buffalo, New York, on the same day, the most beautiful part of that city was laid in ruins—loss §300,000. At Carlisle, on Tuesday of last week, the warehouse of Mr. Savton was consumed, with some smaller build ings near it. On the 4th, the steam grist mill of Painter & Davis, at Uniontotvn, in this State, was entirely destroyed by fire. Pennsylvania Legislature. In the Senate, a bill has been passed giving the Seventh Day Baptists the right to enjoy their Sunday, and on evidence of church mem bership arc relieved from all liability for labor performed on the first day of the week, provid ed they do not disturb others. The bill author izing the erection of a Poor House in Miißin | county Las also passed final reading. Ihe 10l- I lowing nominations of Associate Judges were confirmed: Benj. F. Pumroy, Schuylkill county. Win. Waufch, Mercer county. ('lias. T. VVhippo, Lawrence county Levi J. Nichols, Tioga county. James Harrison, Union county. Augustus O. Heister, Dauphin county. i John M'Candlcs and Samuel Marshall, Butler county. George H. Willetts, Columbia county. John F. Dentler, Northumberland county William Vankirk, Washington county. Jacob Kirk, Jr., Y'ork county. Paul S. Preston, Wayne county. In the House, the Apportionment Bill, after being shaped to locofoco taste, passed final reading on Wednesday. It s charaeWr can be irferret! from its authors. ,1 From 4 allforula Tl Juniata. <oui;ianj . TL* following letter from a well known mem ber of die Juniata Company to David Mcf'lura Esq., of this place, will be read with general interest: Sam Faav*ci< o, January 4. 185b. Dora Sir :—Your very welcome letters <,f May and June last were received by me at the Mines some time during the month of Septem ber. and although the contents were some three or four months old, p-t they did not alford me the less pleasure on that account. To ine the* came as messengers bearing glad tidings, for the* told me the news of home. The mines where 1 was at work arc some two hundred miles from this city : and in a new country you are aware that this is no short journey to ihe post office, especially as the Express to and from the (nines is, for at least eighty miles, an ox team. This, in a great measure, accounts far the delay in getting letters from the States. J readily admit that 1 have too long delayed answering your let ters, and would attempt to apologize for the ap parent neglect, were it not that by 50 doing I should consume a greater portion of my tetter with excuses uninteresting to you. The truth of the matter, however, is that 1 had intended io be in S.-.n Francisco two or three months ago, and had purposely deferred writing until my ar rival here. In the month of July myself and companions left this city lor the mines near the Stanislaus river, one of the tributaries of the San Joaquin. We first went to Woods' Diggings, situated sums ten miles south of that river, and were there about one month, but had poor luck, as we did n<>t realize more than $3 or $4 per day for each person. Owing to dissatisfaction on the part of some members of the company, they seceded from it ; and, like every other one that has come to California, the Juniata Company died a na tural death, and each member went to work for himself. Being dissatisfied with Woods' Dig gings, every member of the Company went to what is called '• Murphy's New Diggings," situ ated about thirteen miles from the Stanislaus, and on the north side of that river. At these diggings Messrs. Salisbury, Scott, Campbell, V'andling and Morrow, (the first four being those who seceded from the Company.) worked to gether. and had collected at the time I left the mines (Nov. 29, 1849) about sls<Ml a piece—at least they gave me to understand that they had got about that amount. They are still at those diggings, and have a stock of goods to sell to the miners in the neighborhood. Duncan and Hays worked together until about the middle of November, and made, I presume, SBOO or SIOOO each. Duncan is now here, and Hays was here also, until a week ago, w hen he went up to Sac ramento city. Beck got perfectly sick of hard digging, and abandoned it in disgust in the month of August. He came down here and got a situ ation in the police department (he's a locofoco now) that pays him S3OOO or S4OOO per annum arid pickings. Levy also' sickened at "de shorrf and de hoe,''' and sloped for San Francisco about the same lime that Beck went. He is now en gaged in sawing lumber with the whip saw, about eight miles from tbis city, and has been so engaged for some months. 1 saw him since I came here, and he told me that he likes it better than any business he has ever been engaged in. He says that while boards keep their present value (S3OO per thousand feet) he and his part ner can each make S2OO per week. E. J. Smith was not very well during part of the time he was in the mines, and was not at all success ful. lie is now in the city, and has a situation in the police department, which yields him $2lO per month. This is certainly low wages in Cali fornia ; but 1 presume Smith will retain it until something better offers. Dr. Hammond kept a small store in Murphy's Diggings lor about two months, and made S7OO or SBOO. He is now a clerk in the office of the State Treasurer, at a salary of S3OO per month. James G. Smith, the quondam barber, of Lewistown, or "Jim the jticcl," as we used to call him, was but a short time in the mines, and has again taken to the laudable occupation of scraping countenances and cropping hair, at fifty cents a shave and one dollar for cutting hair. He is up at San Jose, pronounced Snn Hosrry, the letter j in Spanish being always sounded like the English letter k.) the capital of the State. I hope Jim will do well, although 1 always thought he acted imprudently in leaving a comfortable home in Lewistown. Now let me eorne to the last, but by no means the least, personage in that famous company from the " blue Juniata." I mean no other person than myself. After the final dissolution of the company, my brother and myself worked to gether three months, when 1 left for this city During that time. 1 realized, by hard, honest labor, between slt>oo and SI7UO orer and above all ex penses of Jiving, and my brother about the same. Upon the whole, I think we have been the most lucky of any of the company in the mines, al though I cannot say that any of us have done as well as we expected before we left the States My brother thought it best to stay at the dig gings during the winter. He is living in a com fortable log house with Salisbury, Scott, et al. As for myself, I have come to the conclusion to try my old profession (the law) once more; and have accordingly rented an office about 10 by 12 feet, in the bark part of a building in the public square of the city. The office is by no means • as good and comfortable as my old one in Lew istown—and what do you think I pay for this office? Why, or.fv S2OO per month, or $2400 a year' and then it is to be paid quarterly in ad vance. i rented only for three months from the Ist January, and paid S6OO for that time. Front offices in the same building rent for S3OO per month. By-the-by, when men here talk about rents and say that such and such a building rents for S3OO or SSOO or SIOOO, they mean tiiat it rents ; for that sum per month, and not per annum, as : you say in the States. There are many houses in this city that rent for more than SIOO,OOO per annum, although the same houses and lots might perhaps he bought for $200,000, or at most for $300,000 —houses that are by no means as good ; as some in Lewistown. Thus you will perceive that landlords calculate upon tiieir rents paying for the price of house and lot in one or two years. 1 These exorbitant rents must, however, come | down, as a great many new houses have been built in the city and arc now offered for rent.— These things may appear incredible to you sober minded men in the States ; hut they are true. ! nevertheless. You would, of coqfse, conclude that money : here is very abundant; and so it is—and that, ttxJ, in nothing but silver and gold ; and yet the mu.tl i rates of interest for borrowed money is ten per cent per month, or one hundred and twenty per ' cent per annum. This state of things cannot last however, as i believe that there must be a great revulsion in this wild system of specula ticin and gambling. Some things at one time can he bought at lower prices than in the States, and | then again they will go up out of all reason For instance flour : one month ago it was worth S4O per barrel—now it is not worth more than $6 or SB. Just so everything goes. The de mand regulates everything, and men will gi'e almost anything for an article they want. Thick soled boots, before the rainy season, sold for and $10 —now they sell for S3O and S4O. and even some I priced were SSO. Two months hence they likely will not be worth $5. So we go - Indeed it is almost impossible to write with any ; satisfaction about marktts, business, Ac., l° r before the ink on a letter is dry, presto, a chang® takes place, and the letter cannot convey the true state of aifairs. You men who do busing by calculation and rule would be bewilder." here : and 1 assure you, it is amusing to hear the 1 gracn-horns talk and wonder when they first ' on our shores, "fresh from the ranks ot the peo ple." litre every one is, in some sense, a £® u ' bier. The miner hopes for luck as in a lottery so the speculator, merchant, laborer, Ac ; a k are mad with excitement, and bent upon cett'"s rich. Qf course sll thV- Hhngs u l , h 7 demoralizing tendenry, and what they wu' u mately lead to God only knows, (t will >'e so' tutte before we can have anything like -tau" ,uid regularity in bosiiv s * transactions 1
Significant historical Pennsylvania newspapers