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THE PEOPLE'S JOURNAL.
retittsnrsi I:vrin THURSDAY MORNING.
By ADDISON AV I EIIY.
Terms—lnvariably In Advance:
One copy per annum, $l.OO
Village snbmribers, 125
1 square, of 1.2 line: or '.ess.l $:).50
.‘ :; 150
" every all-equent in-k!rtion,
IZa!e and figure ors. per ,fl., 3 in.-,i.rtions,
li% err , 111..erient .7,1)
re!timn. one ye:ir.
1 re:ivmn. nion;ll.,
Adiumi-;r:.; ,, r-: or l'Acrutors'
! , Itrri Sa:..-. per trac'.
11Cartl: 1107 olceedinff eight lines
4 11 ,0r:cd per att ine.
tll I, t,r,. on Int-int,-t. to secure at
lc non. •11.1.1',1 Le addr,-,rd (poit paid) to
PEOGNESS IN MASSACHUSETTS
Af t' the nomination of I lepry J. Gardner,
eliargod willt being pro—lrvery man.
Ile protuptiy mot this charge Wl,h follow.
ing letter. o Melt needs no interpretation.
\\ Item such men ms Bigler !earn
to o rite e Los. Jorr..]
JAtzer from Heary J. C4ncr, Evl., to Hon.
80. ,;. :.
IloN.Cihkr.hr.s : ( )ri rev
return Imme. ailer :(oine i - haya al),:ence.
I have been
ton I)ailv A dreiliser
containing an extract fr,.in t'ne
(:e .ter Spy, purrotin! , .l , , ~- - ••kiiteh
of a , peecii recently m:ole by yoll. I
m fit: thou that you appked
z; temat ks to me te; mime.
1 hei , ded the petition for the use of
Fanenil Hall for the treat Anti \e
-1 ntc cling in February 1a t.
nrortned the officers and speakers.
I called the rocetin , to order, and
snide the opening acid"ress, and 1 think
(thoueh 1 aye mit the tecord by me)
Wn, ViCe Pic:•idel/tS. Tho
hetiti n i ia the City Archives—the
titer suet: in the journal.: or the day—
and yet 1 ant new chatted with Leine:
tie •a:2"l'a a a ct.:brtti:a Irian!
The extt act
hr., been the result Tlley
nomi;,ittl a n 1.1:,,
Eent;:tiv,. the it v..ho
(.:.e ut ti.c fir,
nr,tl • , e
t!..1• Latin'. a- to
~: 01Le" t , :: SICI:jeCt r . ;—
hi' (' wit! : 11 : e
ha d , 20, ef tiii• Aavcli,diler. 1 am
f n !o : Tried thnt Le vr, - .L ,
tLe guard. when a
Mat: like nur-elves wa-, kidnapped in
Boston. :mil carried throtiQii the streets
be consit;ned to, endlcs ,-, , lavery,
Heaven, in its mercy. shall
i:iy 1161 ration throwzil tle porHls
ti.e ;nave. Ii" I t \ ;A:tillat , ' 1 12r
:'( . 11 2 1 / 1 1 cutet..'Pe
i • ( :1.1111 P:. \ %it II in =l.ll).ui thl
1 i! •ti f , f , !11 War
•,, , u would not
olecli,n lil TI•
1--I•,ry•i y,ti i;1 Fr. 0.111
t,) the char-e, to
un , _;:!:•1! :I,vrl!ffil
n-r-r .al.-,•lih e d t' tie iiind
the 1.;,../07: ( 7 ronir '. I
!:"V..t dto ahsctiLr. 1 :!e% er
il;d ‘VP.; ... .or i!:;rt,tir.(•(.l t;),
c,linccltA til , = , t
I v;r on ui•ti;'-3
7.l.3 , ertir:n
falso a , a vcii-h , and
;:i hart;—i.ll4i ,
evLi - v It has
' , V Of • (i ai!v kind
and its v.-lowver 12(•
tin lil I 'Jut c•: pure.,
idia , ];lltt•ratt:ti f„14(.11t,t.1.
WI re ti.f` same ch , r , e rnad,'
yolir•eh . . it coul.d not: i c roure out.d
-10-s than it is aoainst inc. The rov, - er
dOes net permit 1:1.2
the utter lo:+11:ito , I have r.„.
oinduo. ;:ttrihutrd to ' • .I ' u r
s(•oner would I I,e , tilt- poor, orive!ing
wrorli on the road to:::in to the
honda7e, than a volunteer
in his return. lie wit" invetqr.(l
thc Charge Ifl - (11- . ..1V : 4 11111(1( . 1'0.41 the:—
they who repeat or believe it, do not
It is not trite that T am. or ever have
Leen in favor of the Fugitive Slave
11 i11 1 never voted ler a man who
flvered it, knowing such to be his
‘ien', and I must very much chanlo
before I ever do. I never by word.
act or vote, Ihvored its passage, and I
am an advocate of its essential modt
ncath,n, or in lieu thereof, its un
conditional repeal. Returning from
Canad a last Jane, I read in the cars
that there was a petition for it .4 repeal
at the Exchange news room, and on
ray arrival, before even , Toing to my
p . lal:e of business, I hastened to the
Exchange and signed the petition.
To the general assertion, that my .
„ life is covered all over with the
I, adges of the slavelodder," 1 can only
interpose a general denial. You have
Leen very much misled' in your esti
ra. ate of my character. Were it not a
tittle egotistical I might say, my heart
beats as earnestly for the rights of the
• .. .....
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t r ,
:! 11. 1 r g : '''' .'. 4 --
'S ,t. , ...,
••••• .., : .
1.- - • >,
. ... t., j ii• '
. .... .
•.• i i....,..4..11)..c
•'. l ~..
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. • /
North, and my determinations are as
steadfast to oppose the aggressions of
the South, as yours or your inform- .
ants.. But I am not content with - a
general denial. I ask that the partic
ulars be given,—point to the place,
the time, and the act. .state the words
the votes or the, deeds whereon this
charge is based. And if those on
whose authority you make it, cannot
furni:h them, • i
ask you, in common
faithe:s,- to recall this statement, so
untrue-, - so unThrt.
To the charge of being a pro-slavery
man nod an .old hunker' I state a
single fact. I was not elected by the
Whin- Conventhin a member of the
State Central Committee of that party,
hut several vacancies having occurred,
1. was verbally invited by its secretary
to attend a inectim , held soon after
the pss of the Nebraska hill. 1
was resent and olfered a resolution,
whist I s/Hviined ie a speech, to the
effect._ that the Whig organizatiOn
would tail a Convention of the oppo 7
rents of the Nebraska hill, without
distinction of pal ty, to nominate fusion
candidates for State officers, as was
done in (J o, Vermont, Michigan,
a::d other -States. This resolution
was, however, I,ot, and its defeat was
one of a series of events which placed
me in the political I. , o , ition I this day ;
cop.cirsion. I 1r0r,14.1 add, it
fortri Q n t') re,y to ..rrite this-, or
any But to perinit
Ihe:o a•sclli.pr. - -. iU pa,:;
di, t et!, Iv.111(1 I c construt 1
a:.:::r,t info a conies-ion or
their truth. I ant Nvarrantcd in say
ing, hail I the . hollor curs acquaint
ance, a, I have.of many of your dis
tint,i-lic,l frieud::. you would
given currency to those
.I\lr fits red con
trt:th to your
..• tl:e rumors
tll.O. 1 hert.v.rwr.
~~ ~ i
1(1 hiloNv tke pouple (1 liar
Cirlll!l'lalVc - alt t , )O
t , io any
halaidC, to 1;a injui ed
;,\- • 1.11 % 0 and u'ul'ulultlecl
e. lithe asst•rtlii , like the
t. 4 t:.nt of (Id,
at 1`.1 , ,,i,cr time \y in ,priug up as
nOll In ,itkel!..l 41r.zent anti
fr;.na 1.11,2 not St
tlittch Gt . the enettlios
\t(;tei. ter speech have colt
1-1-etutl tihme. With great
I "It. .
AN INCIDENT OF CITY LIFE
A fis nd inform- us of the folloW
im, flirt; relative to the death or a
youn, in lid , city. She was an
interiestim7; and active child,
the pride her.father. One day la,t,
winter, the girl, while slidineg upon
:he tre fell and injured her hip, per
manently, so that tl.e bone became
di-cased, rendering- her a cripple.
The sufl'oring,s of the little one were
great, and she required many delica
cies which it was not possibl e f o r her
parents to obtain, they being in lather
I:iier circumstances. A few charitable
i; - 1:h0r. , , however, supplied her want,.
a time, but she contii.ued to linger,
and it would alrii3st seem that the
mother came to the conclusion that it
as better for her little one to die.
was alone on her bed for much of
the time and the every day calls of the
world caused her to be much iicg
lected. As she lay there the \cal
oilen heard lisping simple - prayers for
help, such as "0 Holy Mother, aid
me." Finally, one day, she desired
a drink of water,. but it was distant
from her, and no one came to her re
lief. With a last effoit she rose from
her bed. took her little crutch, and
managed to reach the . Water, drank
freely, returned, laid down, and soon
after died. The little sufferer was at
rest. Her brief troubles were over.
Hidden in the tumult and misery of a
great city, how many little ones are
thus left to suffer and perish.—Boston
Traveler, Aug. 16.
GIVE a man brains and riches, and
he is a king. Give a man brains with
out riches, and he is a slave. Give a
man riches without brains, and he'is a
DEVOTED TO THE PRINCIPLES OF DEMOCRACY, AND THE DISSEMINATION OF MORALITY LITERATIirRE . , AND NEWS
ui 0:v:(' my
st (.1 crtrui
i i:l\ the I : ‘n, orU 1“ 2 ,
i:ritv J. ti.tr:DNl:ll
COUDERSPORT, POTTER COUNTY, PA., DECEMBER: 7, 1851
THE LESSON OF . THE DAY.
Our readers will bear us witness
that it was not the•fault of TILE TRI
BUNE that the election just concluded
in this State was conducted so weekly,
and to so equivocal an end. Long
before the preparations for the can
vass were begun, we earnestly ap
pealed Ibr a union of the friends of
Freedom, without regard to old party
names, which had lung ceased to indi
cate real differences of principle. It
seemed clear, even then, that if the
cause of Liberty - were to receive no
detriment here; it must be. by fighting
• the battle boldly in her name,. and by
the fusion of - all the forces that would
naturally and enthusiastically - follow
her banner. Such were the counsels
that we warmly and persistently-urged
u.ton our friends of the W - hi.r or,,lni
zation. They were not.fistened to,
fur reasons that' need net again be
recapitulated. The Whig party, or,
rather, the form of it; was retained,
broken,• as it Was, by treaehery and
discord - within our own ranks in for
mer contests; the consequences of this
vital error are now plain to the world.
•No man of sense will deny that the
natural turning-point of this election
was opposition to the Pro-Slavery
course of the Federal-Administration
and to the latest encroachments it,f the
Slave Power. In this regard, an at
; dent and powerful •feeling burned in
the breasts 'of the great majority of
the electors; and, had that feeling
been allowed its legitimate manifesta
tion, it would have annihilated all re
sistance. Certainly there is none of
the ll'Corthern States where hostility to
• the invasions of the Slaveocracy is so
deep-tested Or so universal ; there is
none where the Nebraska bill has been
received with a noire earilet or active
; none where the duty of
public leaders, and especially of those
at the head of the Whig party, seemed
tile mare imperatively and plainly
indiested by the circumstances of the
That duty was simply to re
nounce ail hindrances of old nominal
party divisions, to leave the title of
behind them, and, fusing them
selves in the great sentiment and im
pulse. of the state, to have summoned
ail nho shared that sentiment to. a
11c,i. ire (h.smonstration against Doug
h Pierce, - and all the minions of the
Siavery Prorvianda. Here was the
popular feeling detnandi ng such action;
here was tile opportunity fbr patriot
ism a..; sticcessful as it was sublime.
The opportunity has been rejected,
and v;l i o can say when it Ivill return
11,.:1;ire the Convention at Saratoga,
it had become manifest that the Whig
would not join in the genuine•
r.niveinent for uniting all the oppo -
nents of Slavery Extension in a new
party; and, as the great mass of these
\very included in the Whig organiza
tion, it became a ditty f:ir that Ciiu
vention, while broadly laying down
its principles, to avoid any precipitate
action that might produce. a permanent
schism in the Anti-Nebraska ranks,
and not only -throw the Legislature,
but even the members•of Congress,
into the hands of Slavery's allies.
That duty \vas peitbrined, as we hum
bly think, with both decision and dis
cretion ; and, vision having unfor
tunately fidleiLno avoidable obstacles
NY:2re lilt in the way of a rally of the
free-souled electors of the State around
the candidates ;dim ward to be nom
in; who should most truly i.epre
seOt the principles and policy of Vree
lint all efforts - failed to obviate and
repair the original error. The Whig
Convention met ; its resolutions were
unexceptionable; its candidates were
not only all good Anti-Nebraska men,
but they were accepted as such by the
adjourned Convention of Sarato7a.
- Hut they did not represent the popular
feeling. They were not before the
public as candidates of the party of
Freedom. They, gut the promise of
other support in one way or, anOther ;
but :till they were - Whig candidates
with yam ions nominations
and various opposition feared• and pla
cated, and not 'as men appealing to
the prcdominent -- sentiment of the
State, and borne on its overwhelming
tide to a mighty aud certain triumph.
How tame and spiritless was the can
vass! During the whole of it, one
would hat dly have supposed that Free
dom and Slavery were at issue at all.
It was the play of Hamlet, with Ham
let not only omitted, lint forgotten.
And the reason is obvious. The very
filet that Messrs. Clark and Raymond
- were primarily nominated; not as Anti-
Nebraska men, but as Whigs, settled
the question that the first point at stake
was not resistance to the encroach
ments of Slavery, but the preserva
tion of a certain party name. They
Were put upon the course, not merely
with clogs upon their feet, but with
their feet knocked from under them.
They were set to fight a battle,but the
war--sty that should , have, rallied
throngs to their aid, was virtually for- .
bidden to their lips.
But this was not the worst. The
very fact that. the voice of public sen
jiment, and the circumstances of the
emergency were thus disregarded for
the purpose of keeping up an essen
tially extinct party, put the whole
cause at the mercy of all the traitors
within the ranks of that party—and
experience had proved that they were
numerous and gilled. The .so-called
conservative - Whigs, the compromiisers .
and fugitive . slave-catchers, hated the'
ticket quite as heartily as if it had
been a distinctly Republican one ;
and, having power in the Whig organ
ization, eagerly seized
_the chance of
using it for a Whig overthrow. The
'popular feeling having been neglected
and chilled, these - traitors found no
difficulty in working their purpOse ;
while, bad the case been put upon. its
natural basis, they .would have been
left as powerless here as they have
proved in Maine, Ohio, and Indiana.
-Before the broad issue of condemna
tion or approval of :Slavery Extension,
and of bringing back the , Federal
Govermnent to the side of Freedom;
What possibility would , there - -have
'been for Daniel Ullmann's receiving
a hundred thousand votes in the-State,
either with or without - the machinery
_of Know-Nothing lodges? And Nvilh
a Republican organization, such as,
has just achieved such a triumph in-
Michigan and at how many
polls would traitors in our own ranks
have been able to hide or steal, ouri
ballots, so that' the electors could not ;
obtain them '? These questions• ins
. Experience is in vain, unless it be
put to practical use. We have now
passed through the most corrupt elec
tion ever witnessed in the State. The
original error of attempting to pre
rerre the - Whig party, has beeli
lowed up by treachery without parab=
lel, - and expenditures of money mid of
rum never eilualcd. That the forces
of Freedom are not totally destroyea
under siich a complication, only proves
their own exceeding vitality, and indi
cates the tremendous power they
would have exhibited had a fair . chance
been allowed them. AVe have pri)ba- .
Bost the Governor, but the.
lature, and .a large
.majority of the
members of Congress, are ours . . if
any one,• - whethpr a slave-catcher by
profession or svMpathy, or not, desires
to go into another election as a Whig, -
lye .recommend him to apply to Mr.
Francis Gra:Ter for admission . into
the tea-party he is about tatget up
with that title. It will be well to
apply soon, before all the seats at the,
table . shall have been -bespoken..--..V:
Y. Tr buhc.
THE FIRST THING FOR THE NEW CON-
GRESS TO DO
There is now an excellent prospect .
that a majority of the aeext Mouse of
Representatives will be composed of
711C11 ChOSCII upon the .Anti Nebraska
issue; that more than lhalf the main- .
hers will be dfsposed to abandon their
old supen . stitious attach - inent to \\lig
ism and Democracv, and to act in
such a manner as ;hall bring before
the country the distinct issue, vl-tether
Slavery or Freedom shall have the
control, - hereafter, in the national
councils. If Massachusetts and New
York do their duty in the electioirs
soon to take place, the slaveh - ohlers
and the few 'natural allies' they can
pick up among the northern delega
tions, will be insufficient in numbers
to cope with the men who have
chosen with direct reference to the
slavery issue; and if these last - du not
most, egregliously" disappoint the .ex
pectations of their crnstitiients,. we
sirdi have.a contest, on the question
Or S1'11.114:11. OF THE HOUSE, determined
iii - favor of Northern Rights., and
against slaveholding aggression.
Ne:a to an electhni of President of
the United States, the elec'tion of
Speaker of the House of Representa
tives is the most important of any
event upon thelegislation of the coun
try. It has always been the first step
towards placing the control of Con
gress, in the hands of the. slave power.
What honorable or useful result; to
the North, or to the interests of Free
dom, can be expected, fur instance,
from a Congress controlled like the
present one? Let us BCC hoW its
important Committees are made up.
In the Senate, the. Presiding oilieer of
which is David R. Atchinson, it Mis
souri slaveholder, the four most influ
ential committees are these upon For
eign relations, upon Finance: upon
the Judiciary, and upon Territories.
The Committee on Foreign Rela
tions consists of Mr. Mason, of Vir
ginia, slaveholder, Mr. Slidell, of
Louisiana, slaVeholder and fillibuster,
Mr. Clayton, of Delaware,slaveholder,
Mr. Weller, of California, - dOughface,
and Mr. Everett. - Since Mr. E.'s res
ignation, we are riot aware who is the
On .Finance, Messrs. Hunter, Bad
ger, and Pearce, slaveholders! Bright,
Gwin and Norris, doughfaces.
On' the Judiciary, Messrs. Butler,,
Bayard, Toombs, and . Geyer, slave
holders; Toucy and Pettit, auughfaces.
On the Territoiies, Messrs. Doug
las, Houston, Johnson and Bell, slave
holders; Jones, of lowa, doughface,
and Mr. Everett.
The remarkable spectacle is here
seen ,f a majority . of slarcholders
,being placed on these important com
mittees. It is useless, however, to
expect a speedy reform in the Senate.
In the House, where a reform is
confidently expected, there is quite as
much need of as in the Senate. In
this branch, Lynn Lloyd, 'a Kentucky
Slaveholder, presides . . The principal
committees arc thus constituted.
-On. Ways and means,' Messrs Hous
ton of Ala., Jones of Tenn., Stephens
of Ga., Phelps of 'Mo., and BreCken
ridge of Ky., slaveholders; Hibbard
of N: H., Robbins of Pa., the meanest
of doughfaces, Haven of N. V., a Fill
more 'pro : slavery whig, and ',Apple
ton of Mass., a gentleman win) pre
-tends to no anti-slavery sentiments
that we are aware of.
Olk the Judiciaty, Messrs. Stanton
of T Caskic 'of Va., Kerr of N. C.,
and May of Md., slaveholdms; Cut 7
ling of N. Y.,. Seymour of Conu.,
Wright of Pa., dougifaces; Meacham.
of Vermont, anti-slavery whig, and
Parker of hid., whig.
On Foreign Afiltirs, Messrs. I3ayly
of Va.., 'Harris of Ala., Cling,man of
N. C., Preston of Ky:, and Perkins
of La., slareholders ; Ingersoll of Coup.
and Shannon of Ohio, distinguished
dou:ilifilees; Chandler. of Pa., and
Dean of N:
On TerritOries, Messrs. McQueen
of S. C., Bailee of Geo., Stith of Va.
Phelps of Ala., and Lamb of Mo..
slaveholder: Richardson ()fill., Doug-
Las's' man Ftiday, Futley of Me., and
Taylor of Ohio, whig tioughfaces,—
(Taylor being one of the three for
ever infamous Northern Whigs who
voted for the Fugitive Slave Law,)
and English of Ltd., doun.hface, who
went for the Nebraska kill.
We respectfblly ask the intelligent
people of the North if this is not a
singular. spectacle.- Every one of
these Committee:, Senate and House,
has a siaveholding chairman, except
the House Committee on Territorie.;,
which is engineered by Richardson.
[We' have . classified - Douglas among
the slaveholders, though he embodiei
in himself the worst yice.; of both
classes of the supporters of slavery:l
Of the sixty members on these com
mittees, not niece than two, (Meach
am cif Vel Mont, and Parker of lnd.,)
have any particular regard for the
North, or the interest .of any' except,
the slaveholding sect tIV4
try. The committees• we have men
tioned have a direct control of the
most important questions which con
cern the country. The Cuba question,
the :St. Domingo question, all our
Brazilian and South Annuican: inter
ests are undo!' the management (lithe
CoMrnittce on Forvie.ri Relations.—
Thei Committee on Territories, censt
toted entirely, 'hi both branches, of
pro 'slavery men, nine out of fifteen of
them being themselves holders of
slaves, have charge .of the qiiestions
relating to the _territories. The mis
chief they can do-is seen in the Ne
braska bill of last session. The Fi
nance Committee have a majority of
Slaveholders and ifot one anti -slavery
niair. Before them cores such ques
tion§ , as the Pi esidcnt's demand, of
last August, for ten millions of dollars
for the prirpos6 of making war upon
Cuba. The judiciary. Committee find
oppOrtunities enough to serve power,
and faithfully perform the business
they are set to do.
Nos. Eve. Telegraph
AN IMPOSITION EXPOSED
To the Editor of Jim National Era:
I have but now been reading in a
book just brought from Washington:
" The Constitution of the United States
of lAmerica, with an Alphabetical
Analysis. .By W. Hickey." I 'pre- .
snme vow are familiar with this work,
yet I must explain it - a little.
Several names of renown, viz : Dal
las, Davis, 'Taney, Wayne, Gibson,
Breese, Cranch, Wright, Bert ien, Clay,
Cass, and Webster, pour their eulo
gistic oil upon the work. "Hundreds,
thousands, and tens, of thousands of
copies of the work" are purchased by
Congressmen for public use. Our
member of Congress brings home a
quantity.. A neighbor of mine obtains
a copy, and I am permitted to borrow
and peruse it. Well, I have gone
thrchigh the "authenticated" Constitu
tion Q t . the United States, and, bating
the capital letters at the beginning of
all "substantives or nouns," .find that
it fends very. much like the old copy
of that instrument which I have fbr
many years owned and consulted.
• Ent nest comes the "Analysis."
The . general principle on which this
is constructed is to select, in alphabet
ical order, some important word, place
it iu marginal line, and to the right_
give the sentence in ,the Constitution
that contains the heading word, and .
the place where it may be found. I
commenced reading this. Coming to
the words "delivered up," I am taken
all tibucli, and lose my head-way.
What is the cause of this'? Why, the
clause reads, "Persons held to service
or labor; (or slaves,) escaping into
other States, shall be delivered up, on
claim of the party to-whom such ser
vicc or labor may be. due."
Here the words . "or slaves," in the
parenthesis, are a comment thrown in
the• author. They are, first, un
cidied for; the sentence without them
14ivei the words "delivered up," which
answers the legitimate purpose of the
" analysis." 2d. This comment isfalse.
There is no such word or being known
to the Constitution as slaves; and the
author well knew that the simple read
ing of the clause would convey no
such idea; hence his, officiousness in
giving his own version of the subject.
The very idea of service or labor
being due from one person to another,
involves the power Of contracting
such an obligation by two competent
parties. Nov.' the Chattel-property
institution of slavery gives to the slave
no such power of contracting a 'debt
that would be obligatory, any more
than they would give it to a horse.
But here the service or labor set forth
as the ground of the "claim," must,
iu the nature of things, be the result
of a comport between legitimate con
traetiug powers; on ,Tio other ground
can it become a debt, .or due."
The author, in the dedication.quote3
front Mr. Dallas the following words,
viz : The Constitution in its words
plain and intelligible, and is meant
iur the home-bred, unsophisticated
understandings of our fellow citizens."
Bet our ainhur, notwithstanding that
he endorses . thesti sentiments by
, juoting- them, vet he will not trust
Clem Nvheti slavery is to be made out,
the above addition of his own
clearly shows. The same thirds, "or
slat"es.,"- arc incorporated in'the ,sub
ject's indicated lry the leading words
" thly" and - “esraphig." But our
author grtMTS more interested. in his
favorite thmne as he progresses. We
neat Ihul " lngitive slaves," and, after
"runaway slaves," given as lead
ers to the subjecrsl analyzed, none of
which is given in the text, or war
ranted by it.
.A.t the leading . word, "serriee, or
labor," we arc directed to _ " see
~ laver y." But lv , lere shall we look in
order to see si; cry? Not into the
Constitution. to )e sure it is not there;
tmy. but look fUrther along in tho
"Analysis." Ave, here it is; one; two,
three, four, five Glues, in succession,
iu ;lie word "slaves" set down as • a
!;1! - Ier to parts of the Constitution-in
.\ , :!ich it is nut named ! By this time
tn..• sound of the word "slaves" must
have become enchanting to our author,
appears. by the number of times- he
r,Teats it, an.l the subjects with which
he connects it.
Mr. Hickey has appealed tolklr.Dal
las in the language ive have quoted ; we
now invite him to consider that high
authority for constitutional construc
tion. Mr. Madison,' wherein he says :
" I think it wrong to admit the idea.
iu the Constitution, that there can be
property in man." In accordance
with this view, neither the word nor
the idea was admitted into that instru
ment, all the passages claimed - for
slav e ry being provisions of a general
character ; and if they embrace slaves
at all, it can be but incidentally: But
the author of this 'hook has thus used
his own die to stamp - slavery on the
Constitution, and this is the way that
".:couthern rights" are established, in
reference to.slavery or freedom—they
assume what should be proven, and
upon that assumption. fbund their
We . deny, in the. most positive man
ner. the legitimate. application of the
word slave" or "slaves," wherever
it i. used in the- "Analysis," 'as indi
cation; the character of the clause with
which it is connected ; and this denial
v. , 2 have defended. " upon the face of
the bond," and rely upon our " home
bred fellow-citizens" to be sustained
iu our defense of liberty. . L. S.
Ira county, Illinois.
Wort.utv'T you call this the calf of
a leg?" asked Bob, pointing to one of
his nether limbs, rather - compactly
encased, in representations of bailaer
Moles and running vines.
No," replied Jim, ".I should say .
it was the leg of a calf." - -
WHAT the will of heaven ordains is
good for all; and if for all, then good