I JOAN _YOLUNTEER. | | ||j| f ; Two Dollars and Fifty Cents' If paid j o months; after which Three Dollars © god. These terms will be rigidly nd ovcry instance. No subscription dls- - - ~ izi. _ rrrv-Tnr—r7r~.v^.v:.—v'-: r~:'~-~ .•: .- .- :*• —■. :T;!:^"“” m ''‘"'’'"“- 1,1 by bratton & Kennedy. Carlisle, pa., Thursday, April a. isw. -vol. a-a trsofourft t£axhis 1 lELTZHOOVER, Attorney hetciix of tiis: civil, itu v and Real Estate Agent, Shepherds- Virginia. Prompt attention given to OBJECTIONS OF "* In Jefferson county ami the Counties • , TTTF D Ty “ W—ly. , Jf 3LTZHOOVER, Attorney ounski.oii at Daw, Carlisle, Ponna nth Hanover street, opposite llentz’i pccial arrangement with the Pnteni _da to securing Patent Rights. ERMAN, Attorney at Law. ein Rhcem’s Hall Building, in the House, next door to the “Her- Carltsle, Ponna. NNEDY Attorney at Law, •lisle, Ponna. OHlce same ns that ol can Volunteer," South side of the Pub- E. HAGLAUGHLIN, Attor -1 Law. OiTlco in Building formerly Volunteer, a few doors South of Han- FOULK, Attorney at Law. with Win. M. Penrose, Esq., Rheorn’s business entrusted to him will bo :tcndcd to. LVDLER, Attorney at Law, lisle, Penna. OlTlce in Building lor pied by Volunteer, South Hnnover i T BHAM, Attorney at Law. ; with Win. il. Miller, Esq., South of Hanover and Poinfrot streets. B. BUTLER, Attorney at . Carlisle, Penna. Odlce with Win. .1. A. DUNBAR, Attorney~at arllslo, Penna. Ullloo a few doors iinon's Hotel. ’. GRAHAM, Attorney at Otllce formerly occupied by Judge nth Hanover street, Carlisle, Penna. SAKLEV, Attorney at Law. m South Hanover street, in the room cupied by A. B. Sharpe. Esq. LEE, Attorney at Law, anover Street, Carlisle, Pa., 10RGE S. SEARIGHT, Dbn- From the Baltimore College of Denta} tlce at the residence of his mother, :r Street, three doors below Bedford, ina. ST.—G. Z. Bretz, M. D; D. D. pcctfully offers his professional ser citizens of Carlisle and its vicinity, i Pitt street, an. 18,1800—3m* STRY—Dr. \V. B. Shoemaker— jal Dentist, Newville, Pennsylvania, oor North of the Post Oflice. 10.—ly. C. LOOMIS, Dentist, has re from South Hanover Street to West cot, opposite the Female High School, inn. tttoarc, iPaints, &c. ) W A R E . subscriber has just returned from the <irn Cities with the largest, cheapest, and (selected assortment of Hardware, ever ofler h this county. Everything.kept in a largo ksale and retail Hardware store, can be hud the lower than at any other house In the ity, ut the cheap hardware store of the sub- NAILS AND SPIKIiS. fly tons nails and spikes Just received of the ' best makes, and all warranted. Country limits supplied with Nails at manufacturers' ihundred pair Trace Chains ofall kinds, with rye assortment of It CHAINS, HALTEH CHAINS, BREAST DU., FIFTH CHAINS, LOG CHAINS, TONGUE CHAINS, • COW CHAINS, ite. HAM K S . •■&ar ,Cu hundred and fifty pair of Humes of all 'Jdmlsjust received. Common pattern, London 'Pattern, Elizabethtown pattern with and without hit fastenings, cheaper than ever. v|| JOINTS AND OILS. rivMn tons White Load, 1,000 gallons Oil Just re- with a large assortment of Varnishes. Tur vjg«llne, Japan, Putty, Litharage, Whiting, 4SfiP> Shellac, Paint Brushes, Eire-proof Paint, frfweuce White, White Zinc, Colored Zinc, Red 'fyjyi, Lard Oil, Boiled Oil, Sperm Oil, Fish Oil, Wm. Colors of every description, dry and in oil, in nud tubs. II FARM BELLS. received the largest, cheapest, and best jWlorlmeiitot Farm Bells in the county. Green •.cjSluo Metal and Bell Metal, warranted not to \cracic. || I'OWDKR. Jltacmv-ilve kegs Dupont Rock and Rifle Pow sg» 'ykh u large assortment of Safety Fuse, Picks, vipwljiirs, Stone Drills, Slone Sledges, Slone ;i|||mmer.s, Ac. PUMPB AND CEMENT. barrels of Cement, with ft very largo as sortment of Chain and Iron Pumps of nil kinds, wWaperthan over, at the hardware store of J HENRY SAXTON, yp,T. 1,1805. SILLER & BOWERS, SUCCESSORS TO ftU LEWIS F. LYNE, »£j| Hanover Street, Carlisle, Pa Valors in American, English and German j*3 HARDWARE, . 'M Saddlery. ; '•! Couch Trimmings, •->1 Shoe Findings, 'vi Morocco and Lining Skins, ‘SI Lasts, ‘ [ ! y Boot Trees and Shoemaker Tools [every description* Solid and Brass Box Vices, plows, Files, Rasps, Horse Shoes, Horse Shoe fils, Bar and Rolled Iron of all sizes, U lIAMES AND TRACES, Sgrrlage Springs, Axles, Spokes. Fellows, Hubs, iS’i'tc. Saws of every variety, Carpenters’ Tools aa'lliulldlng Material, Table and Pocket Cutlery, Forks and Spoons, with an extensive as went of Hardware of all kinds and of the best iiufacture, which will be sold wholesale or re :jff l at the lowest prices. We are making great approvements in our already heavy stock of and invite all persons in want of Hard rgpre of every description to give us a call and wfi ;S« confident you will be well paid for, your trou ffioping that by strict attention to business and .a'}* 8 ! Position to please all wo will be able to tfpmtain the reputation of the old stand. . MILLEU& BOWERS. He Carlisle cooki if TO new and old housekeepers. ;£| new ami perfect Air-tight Gas Consuming || Cooking Stove for Coal or Wood. I H CALL AND SEE IT! jf® 11 '*-Foundry and Stove Roomi, Main &(., Carlisle. i.. l °P a te r ns o fthls Stove are new and original iPi-«V® n an< l gotten up expressly for our use. Wo Wore call It the CARLISLE COOK! lienM m W neB cveiy new and Valuable Improvc viCoolclnS Stoves. It Is exceedingly band as e o^ n appearance—Is a perfect Air-tight and oiiiis9 B * , i niin S stov °. and may safely bo pro cheapest, best and most complete Stove in the country. ~\Vc cast two sizes, lilloe l ho wants of both large and small fa n Experienced Housekeepers will And ™ lamination that the SEW CARLISLE COOK J!2!fi n .® Hovep y requisite for economy and e/U -ifluostmi l } co °kiug. The public are specially ro --^’Ulfniu 0 c all and see it, as wo are confident it & ull i recommend itself. 22, 180(5.—ly AND PATER BOOKS. 11 iiand the best selection of type for 4°ivu* an<l Paper Books ever brought to this s'lUchi-nw, P ur .? ower Press enables us to do all org rapidly and accurately, at the -1 VOLUNTEER OFFICE. ItETBKS OF THE CIVII. UIOHTS lIII.E, OBJECTIONS OF THE B>ltESll>ENT THE RIGHTS OF CITIZENSHIP. Washington, March i!7. To the Senate of the United Stales —I regret that the bill whieli lias passed both Houses of Congress, entitled “An Act lo protect all persons in the United States in their civil rights, and furnish the means of their vindication,” contains provisions which X cannot approve consistently with my sense of duty to the whole people, and my obligations to the Constitution of the United States. I am, therefore, constrained to return it to the Senate, the House in which it ori ginated, with my objections to it becoming a law. By the first section of the bill all persons born in the United States, and hot subject to any foreign power, excluding Indians not taxed, are declared to be cit izens of the United States. This provision comprehends, the Cliine.se of the Pacific States, Indians subject to taxation, the people called Gipsies, ns well as the entire race designated blacks, people of color, negroes, mulattoes and persons of African blood. Every individual of those races, burn in the United States, is by the bill made a citizen of the United States. It does not purpose to declare or confer any other right of citizenship than “Federal citizen ship.” It does not purport to give those classes of persons any nhtfits as citizens of States, except that winch may result from theirata/gw as citizens of the United States. The power to confer the right of Slate cit izensliip is just as exclusive!}* with the several States as the power to confer the right of Federal citizenship is with Con gress. The right of Federal citizenship thus to be conferred on the several ex cepted races before mentioned, is now for the first time proposed to lie given by law. If, as is claimed by many, all persons who are native horn arc by virtue of the Con stitution citizens of the United Slates, the passage of the pending bill cannot be ne cessary to make them such. If, oil the other hand, such persons are not citizens, as may he assumed from the proposed legislation to make them such, the grave question presents itself whether, when eleven of the thirty-six States are unrepresented in Congress at this time, it is sound policy to make our entire colored population, and all other excepted classes, citizens of the United Stales. Four mil lions of them have just emerged from slavery into freedom.- Can it be reasona bly supposed that they possess the requi site qualifications to entitle them to all the privileges and immunities of citizens of the United States? Have the people of tlie several Stales expressed such a con viction? It may also be asked whether it is necessary tliat they should be declar ed citizens in order that they may bo se cured in the enjoyment of the civil rights proposed to lie conferred by the bill? — Those rights arc, by Federal as well as State laws, secured to all domiciled aliens and foreigners, even before the completion of the process of naturalization, and it may safely be assumed that the same enact ments are sufficient to give like protec tion and benefits to those for whom this bill provides special legislation. Besides, the policy of the Government, from its origin to the present time, seems to have been that persons who are stran gers to and unfamiliar with our institu tions and our laws, should pass through a certain probation, at the end of which, before attaining the coveted privilege, they must give evidence of their fitness to receive and to exercise the rights of citizens, as contemplated by the Consti tution of the United States. Tito Negro Race. The hill, in effect, proposes a discrimi nation against u large number of intelli gent, worthy and patriotic foreigners, and in favor of tiie negro, to whom., after long years of bondage, the avenues of freedom and intelligence have just now been sud denly opened. He must, of necessity, from his previous unfortunate condition of servitude, be less informed as to the nature and character of our institutions, than he who, coming from abroad, lias, to some extent, at least, familiarized himself with the principles of a Government to which he voluntarily intrusts life, liberty nud tiie pursuit of happiness. Vet it is now proposed, by a single legislative en actment, to confer the rights of citizens upon all persons of African descent born within tiie extended limits of the United States, while persons of foreign birth who make our land their homo, must undergo a probation of live years, and can only then become citizens upon proof that they are of good moral character, attached to the principles of the Constitution of the United States, and well disposed to the good order anil happiness of the same. The first section of tire hill also contains an enumeration of the rights to be enjoyed by these classes so made citizens in every State and Territory of the United States. These rights are to make and enforce con tracts, to sue, he parties and give evidence; to inherit, purchase, lease, sell, hold and convey' real and personal property, and to have full and equal benefit of all laws and proceedings for the security of person and property' ns is now enjoyed by white citi zens. So, too, they' are made subject to tire same punishment, pains and penalties in common with white citizens, and to none others. Tims a perfect equality of the white and colored races is attempted to be fixed by' Federal law in every State of the Union over the vast field of State jurisdiction covered by these enumerated rights. In no one of these can any State everoxerciseany power of discrimination between the different races. In the ex ercise of State policy' over matters exclu sively affecting the people of each State, it has frequently been thought expedient to discriminate between the two races. By the statute of some of the States, Northern as well as Southern, it is enact ed, for instance, that no white person shall intermarry with a negro or mulatto. — Chancellor Kent says, speaking of the blacks, “ that marriages between them and the whites are forbidden in some of the States where slavery does not exist, and they are prohibited in all the slave holding States : and when not absolutely contrary to law, they are revolting, and are regarded as an offense against public decorum.” Ido not say that this bill re peals State laws on the subject of mar riage between the two races, for as the whites are forbidden to intermarry with the blacks, the blacks can only make such contracts as the whites themselves are al lowed to make, and therefore cannot, un der this bill, enter into the marriage con tract with the whites. I cite this discrimination, however, as an instance of the State policy as to dis crimination, and to inquire whether, if Congress can abrogate all State laws of discrimination between the two races in the matter of real estate, of suits, and of contracts generally, Congress may not also repeal the State laws as to the con tract of marriage between the races V Hitherto every subject embraced in the enumeration of rights contained in this bill has been considered as exclusively belonging to the States; they all relate to the internal policy and economy of the respective States. They arc matters which, in cadi State, concern the domestic con dition of its people, varying in each ac cording to its own peculiar circumstances F. GARDNER .t CO. THE VETO Federal CUi/.oiiNliip. State Enactments. and the safely and well-bein'*'of it-= own citizens. Federal IteslraiiitM. I do not mean to say that upon nil those subjects then? are not Federal restraints. As for instance, in the State power of leg islation over contracts, there is a Federal limitation that no State shall pass a law impairing the obligations of contracts; and as to crimes that no Stale shall pass an cj'post furtn law ; to money, that no State shall make anything but gold and silver a legal tender. But where can we find a Federal prohibition against the power of any State to discriminate as to most of them, between aliens aml citizens, between artificial persons, called corpora tions, and natural persons, in the right to hold real estate. if it be granted that Congress can repeal all State laws discriminating between whites and blacks in the subjects covered by this bill, why, it may lie asked, may not Congress repeal, in the same way, ail those laws discriminating between' the two races on the subject of suli'rago and office If Congress can declare, by law, who shall hold lands, who shall testify, who shall have capacity to make a con tract in a State, then Congress can by law also declare who, without regard to race or color, shall have the right to sit as a juror or a judge, to hohUany office', and finally to vote, in every Ffale and Terri ory of the United fstates. As respects Ihe Territories, they coine within the power of Congress, for as to them the law-mak ing power is the Federal power; but as to the States, no similar provision exists, vesting in Congress the power to make rules and regulations for them. Discriminative Protection The object of the second section of the bill is to aflbrd discriminative protection to colored persons in the full enjoyment of all the rights secured to them. I!y the preceding-section it declares that “ any person who, under color of the law, stat ute, ordinance, regulation, or custom, shall subject, or cause to be subjected, any inhabitant of any State or territory to the deprivation of any right secured or protected by this act, nr to dill'erenl pun ishment, pains, or penalties, on account of such person having at any lime been held in a condition of slavery, or invol untary servitude, except as a punishment for crime whereof the party shall have been duly convicted, or by reason of his color or race than is prescribed for the punishment of white persons, shall la deemed guilty of a misdemeanor, and on conviction shall bo punished by line not exceeding one thousand dollars, or im prisonment not exceeding one year, or both in the discretion ot the court." This section seems to bo designed to apply to some existing or future law of a State or Territory, which may conflict with the provisions of the bill now un der consideration. It provides for coun teracting such forbidden legislation by imposing a lino and imprisonment upon the legislators who may pass such con flicting laws, or upon (he olliccrs or agents who shall pul or attempt to put them into execution. It means an offi cial offense, not a common crime com mitted against law upon the person or property of the black man. Such an act may deprive the black man of his prop erty, but not of the right to hold proper ty.' It means a deprivation of this right itself, either by the State judiciary or the State Legislature. It is, therefore, as sumed that, under this section, members of State Legislatures who should vole for laws conflicting with the provisions of this bill, that judges of the State who should render judgments in antagonism with its terms', and that marshals and sheriffs who should, as ministerial olli cers, execute processes sanctioned by .State laws and issued by Stale judges in execution of their judgments, could be brought before other tribunals, and there subjected to line and imprisonment, for the performance of the duties which such State laws might impose. The legislation thus proposed invades the judicial power of the Slate. It says to every Stale court or judge, “ If you de cide that this act is unconstituiional ; if you refuse, under tire prohibition of a State, to allow a negro to testify; if you hold that, over such a subject matter, the State law is paramount, and undercolor of a State law refuse the exercise of the right to the negro, your .error of judg ment, however conscientious, shall sub ject you to line and imprisonment.” I do not apprehend that the conflicting leg islation, which the bill seems to contem plate, is likely to occur as to render it necessary at this time to adopt a measure of such doubtful constitutionally. Needless Provision, In tiie next place litis provision of the bill seems to be unnecessary, as adequate judicial remedies could be adopted to se cure tiie desired end without involving the immunities of Legislatures always important to ho preserved in the interest of public liberty,, without (lie indepen dence of the judiciary, always essential to the preservation of’individual rights, and without impairing the efficiency of ministerial officers, always necessary for the maintenance of public peace and or der. The remedy proposed by’ this sec tion seems to lie in litis respect not only anomalous, but unconstitutional, for tiie Constitution guaranties nothing with cer tainty if it does not insure to the several States tiie right of making and executing laws in regard to all matters arising in their jurisdiction) subject only to t lie re striction that in eases of conflict with tiie Constitution and .constitutional laws of the United .States, the latter should lie hold to be the supreme law of the laud. Legal Jurisdiction The third section gives the Hist riel Courts of the United States exclusive “cognizances of all crimes and offenses committed against the provisions of this act,” and concurrent jurisdiction with the Circuit Courts of the United States of all civil and criminal cases affecting per sons who arc denied or cannot enforce in the Courts or judicial tribunals of the' State or locality wherever they may he, any of tiie rights secured to them by the first section ; and the construction which I have given to tiro second, section is strengthened by this third section, for it makes clear what kind of denial or de privation of such rights “ in the courts or judicial tribunals of the State,” It stands, therefore, clear of doubt that tiro offense and penalties provided in the second sec tion are intended for the State judge who, in the clear exercise of his function as a judge, not acting ministerially but judic ially, shall decide contrary to. this Feder al law. In other words, when a State judge, acting upon a question involving a con flict between a State law and a Federal law, and bound, according to his own judgment and responsibility, to give an impartial decision between t lie two, comes to the conclusion that the State law is valid and the Federal law is invalid, ho must not follow the dictates of his own judgment, at the peril of lino and im prisonment. Tlie legislative department of the Government of the United Stales thus taken from the judicial department of the States the sacred and exclusive duty of judicial decision, and converts the State" jugdo into.a mere ministerial ol’lccr, bound to decide according to the will of Congreis, Pi'i'.sonul la (lie Staluv. It is clear that in the States which de ny to persons whoso rights me secured by Lire lirst section of the bill any one of these rights, all criminal and civil cases affecting them, will, by the provision of the third section come under the exclu sive cognizance of the Federal tribunal-. It follows that if in any Slate which de nies to a colored person any our of all those rights, that person should commit a crime against the law- of the Mat'*, murder, arson, rape, or any other crime, all protection or punishment through the courts of the Slate are taken away, and he can only he tried and punished in the Federal courts. How is the criminal to he tried if the offense is provided for and punished by Federal jaw, that law and not the Stale law is to govern. Federal Trlbnals. It is-only when the'ollbnse does not happen to be within the purview of Fed eral law that the Federal Courts are to try and punish him. Tnder ally other law, then report is to he had to the eom mpn law as modified and changed by State legislation, so tar as the same is not inconsistent with the Constitution and laws of the Tinted Slates. So that over this vast domain of criminal Jurispru dence, provided by each Slate for (lie pro tection of its own citizens, and for the punishment of all persons who violate its criminal laws, Federal law, wherever it can lie made to apply, displaces* State law. The question here naturally arises, from what source Congress derives the power to transfer to Federal tribunals certain Hasses of eases embraced in this section V The (’onslitnlion expressly declares (hat the judicial power of the Tnited States shall extend to all eases in law and equi ty arising under this Constitution, the laws of the Tnited States, and treaties made or which shall he made undid' their ant liorily; to all eases alleclin.g ambassa dors, oilier public minister.-, and consuls; to all eases of admiralty and maritime jurisdiction; to controversies to which the Tnited States shall he a parly; to controversies between twoor more Slates; between a State and citizens oi another Stale; between citizensofdillercnl Stall's; between citizens of tin* same Mate claim ing: land under grants ofdilfereMt States; ami between a State, or theeil izen- (heie of, and foreign States, citizens or subjects. Here the judicial power of the Tnited Slate- is expre.-sly set forth and defined, and the act of September iMih, ITSd, es tablishing the judicial court s of the Tin ted States, in conferring upon the Feder al courts Jurisdiction over origina ting in State tribunals, is careful to eon line them to the Hasses enumerated in (he above reHted .clause of the Cnnstitu tion. This section of the hill undoubted ly comprehends ea-es and authorizes the exercise of powers that are not, hy the (Vmstitution, within the Jurisdiction of tlie courts of the TniledStates. To trans fer them to those courts would he an ex ercise of authority well calculated to ex cite distrust and alarm on the part of all the Stales, for the hill applies alike to all of them, as well to those that have as to those that have not been engaged in re bellion. It may be assumed that this au thority is incident to I lie power granted ■to Congress by the Tonstitulion, as re cently amended, to enforce, hy appropri ate legislation, the article declaring Hint neitlierslavery nor in voluntary s M'vit ude, except as a punishment for crime, where of the party shall have been duly convict ed, shall exist within the Tnited Stales, or any place subject to their jurisdiction. It cannot, however, he Justly claimed that, with a view to the enforcement of this article of the Constitution, tleivls at present any necessity for ihe < , X' , rH-e of all I lie powers which tlii-b!!! eoiilHv. Slavery ha - been abolished, and a* pre - cut nowhere exists within Tie Jun-Hie tinnof the Tnited States, mu* ha-tlmrc been, nor is it likely there will In', any attempt to renew it by (he p< ople or the Stall's. If, however, any -nHi attempt shall be made, it will become the duty of (he (Jenoral (»overnmeiii to e\eivis«* any and all incidental powers neee--ary and proper to maintain inviolate* Ihe great law of freedom. Otlicos. 'riie- fourth Portion of (In-Mi’ pro\idr thal ollieers and abends of! In* Kivedmen V JUireau shall be empowered ('> make ar rests, and also that other oMimrs may he specially commissioned for that purpose l»y the President of flic I’nited State-. — li, also authorizes oiivnii nuirn of (hr United Stall's and the superior court * of the Territories, to appoint, without lim itation, commissioners, who arc to he charged with the performance of pm-d -jmlicial duties. The oth section empowers the com mi sioncr.s, so to be seleete i by t!ie (,'mrts. t>apioint in writing under their bands, one or more suitable persons, from time t)time, to execute warrants and other prosecutions desired by the liilt. These numerous ofll'-lal ag* nils are mad..' to e m fclilule a sort of police in addition to (hr military, and are authorized to Munitions a pnssr rnmun/ftftts, and even to rail io theiraid surdi portions of the land and naval force*’of the ( nifed Suite-, w of Hr* militia, as may lie necessary toliie performance of the duty with which »hry are charged. This exrraorilinary power i> to he eonlerred up m agents invspon sihle to the (Jo vorn incut. and to (In* peo ple to whose number the discretion of the commissioners \< the only limit, and in whoa* hand-such auth >rhy might hr made a terrible engine of wrong, oppiv sion and fraud, ' vi Our f.niui anil N;uat 'l’he general statutes regulating the laud and naval foreesoftho United States, tlie militia, and the execution of the laws, are believed to be adequate for every emergeney winch can occur in time, of peace. If it should prove otherwi.c Congress canal any time amend tlm-e Jaws in such a manner as, while subser ving the public welfare, not (o jeopardise the rights, iidere-U and liheriie- of the 'people. The seventh section provides that a Too of tun dollars shall he paid to each com missioner in every ease hronyht before him, and a fee of live dollars to hi < dep uty or deputies for each person lie or 1 hey miiy arrest and lake Indore any siudi commissioner, with such oilier fees os may he deemed reasonable hy such com missioner in general lor periormim; siicli other duties as may he reipihvd in the premises. All these, fees are io he paid out of the Treasury of the ITiited Slate-?, wliether thero is a eonvie.ion or not ; lent in ease of a conviction they are to he. re coverable from the defendant. It io me Unit under the iiillnenee of such temptation had men miyiit convert any law, however heneiieenl, inlo an insini uieiit of per.-ecution and fraud. 7d j" rnlioJi IJv thi-' eighth section of tin- hill, the United stales Court--, which sit only i|i one place lor while citizen--, must mi grate, the marshal and district- attorney, and necessarily the clerk, although Ic is not mentioned, to any part .of ihe dis trict, upon Hie order of the J’re.-ddent, and there hold'a court, for the purpose of the more speedy arrest and trad of per sons charged with a violation ol this act; and there the judge .and the otliecrs of the Court must remain, on the order of the President, for the time designated.— The ninth section authorizes the Presi dent, or such person a- he may empower for that purpose, to employ such pari 01 (ho laud or naval forces of the i.'nhcd Shltes, or of the militia, as shall he hit esssry to prevent, the violation ahd en force the due execution of this act. i'lii-. language seems to imply an hnpoiaani military force, that is to he always at hand; and whose only business is to be the enforcement of this measure over the va.d region where il is ml aided to oner- i:\ii i:cr«*ots. I do in► I propose to consider ilm policy of t hN bill. To me the del ail- of lie- bill arc froughl with evil. The while iaee alld the IJuek race of [lie Meath have hii herlo 1 i\ eil loaeiher under ! he i el.a ion ofma-ier and Haw -capital ownin':* la bor. Now. suddenly, that relation U changed; ami a- to ownership, capital and labor are divorced. Toe;, muiul now each ma-ler of it-elf. in tin-new relation one being nece-mary to the other. N’ew Adjustments, There will be a new ddjnslmenl, which both are deeply interested in making har monious. Each has equal power in set tling-tinl form-, and if led to tin-laws that regulate capital and labor, il N con fidently believed that they will satisfac torily work out the pmblem. Capital, il is true, )uS more intelligence, but labor is never .-o ignorant a< not to know its own value, ami not to sec (hat capital miNt pay I hat value. This bill frustrates thU adjustment; it intervenes between capital ami labor, and attempts In settle qnedioits of political economy through the agency of numer ous olliciais, whose interest it will l»c to ferment discord between t In* iwo r.-cv-, so far as (he breach widens their cm pin;. - meiil w ill ronlliu.e. and whim il is chord, t heir occupat ion will humiliate in all our history, in all our experience, as a people living under Federal and .-(ale law. No siieii -trlll as that contemplated by the details of this bill ha- .ever bcfoje hern proposed or adopted to establish furlin' security of the colored race sale-guards which go inl’miuJy beyond any that Ibe {General (low mine ut has rv< r provided for the white race. In fact, thed i d dic tion of rare and color U by the bill made to operate in favor of tin' colored and again-l \ he \\ idle nmc. Him i<* l:>a j 3.eg is !a host. ’{’lcy inierhav with l!ie inuuieipa' ieg isla! in a of !he Slab's, wit if la*, ms exis.ilig exclusively between a Style and its <• it i/ells, or he( w»-eii in ilalutants of lhe same State, an ab-orption and as-ump tion of power by llieCeneral Uowm nmnl wineh, ifae,|uie->--'d in, mn-1 sap or destroy our federative sy-iem of limited powers, ami break down the barriers which 11reserve' [lie rights of the .'stale-. — it i - aunt It" r step or ral her -i ride (ow.i rd centralization, and Jim e.umem rat am o" all legislative powers in the National (invemiiU'iU. The tendency of the bill mint be to p'-useilate the -piril of rebel lion and to anv-t the pro-r(*-s of ilma* inllnenees which are more clo-ely diaw ing around the Stall's dm bonds of union and peace. Wlavcv.v AooiisSied v My lamented predecessor, in Ids proc lamation of the Ist of January, Jor dered and declared that all persons held as slaves within certain Slates ami parts of Slate-*, therein designated, were and thenceforward should be free ; and fur ther, tlint* the Executive (loverninent of the United Slates, including tin* military ami naval authorities thereof, would rec ognize and maintain the freedom of Mich persons. Tin-, gnaianty has been ren dered especially obligatory ami .-acred by the amendment of l lie (’on-l iI ut lon abol i.-hing shivery throughout the United Stales. 1 therefore fully recognize the obi i gal »n to pro; cm and defend that cl a-< ofmir people wliem-ver and wlmrewr it shall b I Mine iinv'-.iry, ;; nd Jo the bill e\ f t-n! ya ;n pai n )'e u, i h ii m (*■nta . i ■ I<■ 11 ii 1 ;11'ii!i- wr me m -'-iv that 1 wjp cheer fllily eo-operale will! (‘on:.; re--, in :i:iy in m-ii:v iii.it may i" 1 iu're.---.n \ nr the p.p'iuri i"!i of ihrri v; I ria!i l ••if t i.r ir. vd til”;;, ;s w r! 1 a- (In f a 1 i o: hi / < 1 i - of per-, m•• t h roll a lent (In* I'nited Mates by judicial prom-, imdrr 'Mpnd and Im partial law in <•, m iormi iy with Ihrpi o vi-i"n- » f Ihr 1 r ;*.i 1 ('•-a*: i i :l in; i. I now ninrn i!n hill to (lie .• ••natr. and ivgiel liial in coa-nUring the bill, and joim resolution", fon\-two in mnnhrr, winch have hren lhn*. bn ii unit 1 1. d tor my ap]»ro\ al, i am eompelled Jo with hold my :c• rnt fmm a *->•-•,,nd m -i-ure that bn-, reeei’.'rd tin* s'linl'Ni m bo;h I IhiiMs of ('ongrr--'. A m»i. i.*.\* .1»»n .n i «n, ' AI;; i**} i JA W.-whin .ton. l>. ( ■'ail*: [ir.js» ni'A-oy E'c:t 'C’-tMifoo 111 f nml if in,) <>/' U: I ’o’; !'l I ' /'• m 7V/. ‘ I-W h'r! a;..- o' ~, H, / , -It Mr. Conklin. ICan ilia joint ronmint •, nt' li !’i ri'll. I C‘j MU’! »•: Ii o tho i 1 oi'-o ol I .*f!uv somaiiw- yonorday, a hr j 1 amonm o a vidian oon ilnmoml i 1 io \ 'i • ■ >'\ i luti Slain-. Tin- (i Mai. ainia. (>n £-‘*/I»ruary 17, 1 --i >. t lon. l-o 1 .r'‘ \v;i- .-w-.ru riiul •.‘Xnmiiu-.l *,;.\. u.i:V ’! ixn m-- \ \ ]\y Si'iialcr limv;U'il N vmm lit iv-itlriic • V Ali-'Wrr. Li’Xiiu;t>m ( > IU-'i I 1 11 \V lnll'4 11. l Vi* Vi S : ! 11 VirL'iui;!, I UN'll ill 1 imp ( )’. . I: j. I 1) Oriahar In -t : naarlv haa mam h<y An vmi ariju.’iintfi! with lhe -i am at' mA;nu 1111111111!' wii.u u a <-ai 1 -'T” -mni.-N a! pra cnl in \ iroinia [award ii*t• ; cdcr.d (tav ornmani V A. 1 da im. k m-w l ii. n lam. I hava li'-cn living wry ivl ii\-rI, and have lavl Iml a« >ni ni n u iaa i i-. »a wil ti p.di t k ran l know naihina man- i nan !ro:ii my ah.-ervalkm’- ami Tram ,-imh i’:*■ •i - a liava rnlll'* la !iiV Umov!-. t':a. f'. V. hll your opinion, l‘;aijl ail i■i' > :il 1 ■!! i alnmi [!l(‘ >e;a - -inn paaph 1 of ik-ai '-•nile, , M I iii* laaliny lnwiink lid.- povarmnaui at ihm lima? A. So Tara- imihi* in my l-amwl edpa, I do not knov.nn'a .-inula penon who oil liar laaN or ami lam plan •• an \ iv-i-mm a !o ilia j'Vivi'ninH'lu (•<:' 11 1 a Cniiaii SI; i!. •-. or. imlaail. any nppn-ifion mh. ;.A won I ha- iva'diad nia m' **it i i • r pnrpa a. (.'. From what you Haw ok- vw i. i- !. yam* opinion that limy ai’a i.i' ii:.ly mward-i tin- ami ih,a ‘ley w j 1 a api rata [o an-min ami nphehi k ‘a tna lui'liv? A. J o-‘iiavo lih’V enim ,a -i |iiia-'.-a iii Iha yoV'-riiiii.'.:i. and >i > " 1 Imvo hv:i!'(i any am l an .a*] •••*:», liiay'an* Jar ei t-o*r, • 1 in;.'. With iv-' >• 1 •:. I .loliuron in Jus policy. «>. In hi- p May in I’aira.’d id wh-mv A. ! id- policy in ra par*l lo ihorasioratlan n! {ii>• wm*k* coun try. 1 inn.-a hoard jav m- wiih w ham I in llicwi-dom hi: policy m ?e-lm*::;ian. and they s"em jo im (y i inw <;u ■ lie .• li -■! hope of le.-ioraiion in iViMl’ti 10 I hat J)'’]-! ioil < i ij'* c 4 tiu* l Stale- who lia\v :»«•••:! «• •,■ v/aI :m«] /eale-u in tin* pre-eei;: i-m M' ■e* war auain.-A rel'ellinnV A. Weil. i «i*>:n> 1 ,;!;uv 1 jiave Juan I n«»«»niy ;■ .-a w ••• :\\\y *.: 11 •< i in i<> i«. A- i > *■'. I»• • .ire. i ii.;\ net lia-l imu'h cannnnnie i<«n wall ]->i lieiaiH in flie enin-ry. a' ih ! '.very o;e• -eeln •l- > ' »«• eiia uliiiirN :i:n 1 :u cmi civil u..v.-r:u u-;u hoard no.'vuiv aiv j iv lea h. r i l-iv. r do Ju! ; i" lac ji'iynu'iil f *i liie have never Ic ;t”d any niic imn-c limy mu-I : ]) iy > lie m.\c> md i >y 1 he y a, :i: ■ , 1 have heard them hi vc.'.-ivac* t», . Uic payment m’ laae*, ami of their ehhrt ■ I to raise money therefor, whieh i suppose | is for their share of the debt; 1 have never hoanl any nm* spe \k in <>ppn>ition to the payment of taxes or ot’ iv-Duuuv to their paNinrnt: their whole eilort has l»een to try ami raNe money to pay the taxes. (J, Kiom \ mir opinion atnl knowhstire of (he pi'opicoi’ Vi ruin ia. wt >uh! t hey, if the <pi**s- I Ikai w.is ieh to ilicm, i eniuiiale am! rejeel ■!iat ilei‘i A. I M'*ver lu-anl any one sp-ak on : !ia( ijl*j* * i • i. hnt from my kimwl «‘<l;:e "f the people, I believe that (hey would he in favor of the payment of ail j e-'! del a-, ‘j. Do they, in yonr opinion, I’euard that in ;i j Uj-i del a ? A. I do not know wind tludr opinion i - on that Mih- Jeet : I liave never heard any opinion ex pressed contrary toil ; indeed, as I said m the he.ainnimr, I have had very little di-cushion or intercoms-e with tlu* jicople; I believe the people would pay the debts t hey are called on to pay ; I say that from my Unowle.da” of tlu* people:generally. CJ. Won Id tiles - pay l nat «leht, or l heir portion i»! it. with a- mueh alaerily a> people or dinarily pay their taxes to tludr govern ment? A. Ido not know (hat they would make any distinction between the two. The taxes laid by the government, so far as I know, they are prepared to pay to the bed of theirahiliiy. I never heard them make any di linction. Q. What is the feeling oi the people of Virginia towards the payment of the m> called Con federate debt ? A. I believe, so far as my opinions go —and 1 have no facts to go upon—they would he willing' to pay that, too. (j. .Voa think they w</uM V A. I think they woaid if i hey iiadl the power and ability io do so. I have never heard any one in tin* Stale with whom 1 have conversed speak of repudiating deht. (>. 1 suppose tin* ('onfederale deht is valueless, even in the market in Virginia? A. Entirely,>o far a- I know. 1 believe the people look upon it i\< in-t entirely. I never hoard any qmM ion on I in* subject. Q. Do you recollect when t he ('onfederate bonds wore made payable*.' A. 1 have a general ro <-oll< <-iion that ihey were made payable six 111 nn; h * after a declaration oi peace. <). Six moiiili* aftor a ral ilieat ion of poaeo belwoon the United Stales and the Con federate government? A. I think they ran that wav. (>. So that tin 1 bonds are not due yet by their terms? A. 1 appose, miles* ii A considered that there is peace now. they are not due. (J. Mow d > the people of the Slate of Virginia—these ee--iolliss, particularly—feel towards the* (V. ednien ? A. livery one with whom I have associated expresses kind feelings toward- the freedn.ien. They wish to see them M t 'i on in the world, and particularly to lake up -onie occupation fora living, ami to turn Dmir hands to some work. 1 know that eilorls have been made among the farmers near where 1 live, to induce them to engage for the year at regular wages. Q. Do you think thoreds a wil lingness on the pari of their old masters to give them fair wages for their labor? — A. I believe it is so. The farmers gener ally prefer those servants who have boon living with them Indore, f have heard them expre-* l heir pro Terence for th * men whom limy knew, who had lived with them before, and their wish to get them to return to work. I am not aware of any combination among tin* whiles to keep down the wages of the blacks. 1 have heard that in several countie- land owners have met in order to establish a uniform rate of wages, hut I never hoard of any combination to keep down wages, <*;• c-tabl'mli a rate which they did not think fair. 'The mean- of paying wages in Virginia are very limited now, and ihe.v i- a diHeivnee of opinion as to how much each pw-on i- able to pay. t|. How d » limy feel in repaid to the education of Ihe h’uck- ? D there a general willing nt— or unw i! 1 im. lie-;* io have them edu cated ?A. NVin re ! baV“ been. the people have exhibited a willingness that Dm black- -inmid be educated, and they cx- p,• a u cpj ii ii oi t li,c 1 Iml would be better mr i!i" black ; and better for the white-. «>. (D:i"i’nl, yon arc v»*ry competent to judue of the capacity of a black man to acquire knowledge. 1 wantyour opinion on that capacity a- compared with the e ipacily of while m -m. A. Idonotknow Dial I am • ■*pa r( ien larly«piali (h d to speak on that .-abject a-you seem to in t imate, 1 111 > Ido lei think lie i-> a- capable of :m -quiilng know leduc a- Dm while man i-. There arc -nine more apt than others. I In vc known r-ouic to am in 1; now I edge and skill in their trade or profe-Don. I have bad mv\ ants nf my nw n who learned to ri ,;. 1 and write very well. CD Do they -how a capacity to obtain a knowledge of me! licinatm-and the exact science*? A. I have no knowledge on that mibjcr-i. 1 am merely acquainted with tho-c who have learn d tin* common rudiment- o' cdU'-afon. o. (Jener.d, arc you aware of any «• mdunaDon exi-Umg among the i .laDm of V irgin ia, any where in the St ••; •. havin-.v in view Dm di-tnrbanee oi the p-’-ice. nr any i m proper and* nn la wfid act-? A. lam not. I haw-ecu no evidence of it, an I have ivmid of none. Wherever I iiave I'i-i‘ii, limy have been quiet and oi itcrly : not dbp-m'd to work, or ral Imr no di-po-cd i'i any conlinnou* cnmigcmmi 1 ( i work, bat Jim’ very short joh- to p - 1 »;■>. 7«3. C’.)M , i ■ '' ,'l- - . 1 //(ii i) i \ • /■ Me tln-ni whh Dm immediate mean- -<! d‘-i-tc!mc. »». Ila -1 he c-dore 1 rare gmi- !!v a- much im.m for money ami prop- i.. .• a■lhe v. ’ii t • ra'-.-■? A. Ido not Ihi nk I: ji ;i-. ; !i• ■ b.ack- whom I know look more to iln M i.oi to the future. -- t>. Doc-D'cah 'in-■ of t hat lu-l of money a 'i-i* imiiv i ;i• * i):i•are *»i* ilmmarro 1 1 tan from h\< Maw: le eons Ili inn? A. Wed, ii may in *iti-‘ nma-i e attributed to hi former » ondhion. Tlmy are :m amia i,ir, r-o'-ial race. They like I hoir ea-e ami c aii ;‘(»rl. a m!, ! Ihi n k. 1 >ok i iimv lo t heir |i,v-i'!ii 111;111 tin Ir ihi nro condition. » n [ ii• * own: ■>:* a war imm wwn lho l’n itch .'•kali-' ami any Imvmu powprMich Kin;- laiai or France, if thcc -Imuld lu* hold on: lo (in’ .ion ponlon of llm people m' Virginia, *>r lie* oilier reeentiy rohej S.aics, a fair propped of *rainine: their iu • I ‘p ’inleime ami shaking oil* the govern ment of (lie United State-. i- it or m ii not your opinion that they would avail iheni -elve- of ilia. opportunity? A. I eannot -peal; with any certaimy on that point, i do mu know how far they might i»e ae tua-ed by their 1 liave nothing wlcr.wer loha-e an 'd'huon ii]ion. So mr a-. I know (lew eoiii/nnplalo nothing ■ fUm kind imw. happen in the lutuvo 1 (Miuiui <ay > T’* *(,». J)oyou not fremtemly hear in vonr intereonr-e wiih lii Virginia exjuv-mon** of a >•!;* 1 1 I ;if :-:t• *ii a wormier I>;a«nk mi; ? A. j iTniiin: any ilia!. I •have heard it. On ,h: null rory, 1 ’nave he ird ]M*r-«»n-(! do me lain vr wlwliei* v< i ll void e;df ihem •1. IMli]• -1 - mi- in J; i.i \'iryiula. with wliu.a I a —aalaiei e\- je-. -■ a iayie iim’ ihe e I'inli'y may uni S>e :■ al Inh■ a war. n. In -aah an availi. do ym ik»l think iiia.! ihai i>T pnijiir v/iioiil ii■ i’ i a 'va-Mi nii••!s wo;i 1 1 1 |'Hn ihe iurward l<> h a- i,n:n<'ll e.i'inyV A. U I- i>m-nh!e. ll < le: >vmu - n jam i lea ! eel ini: of I he i ndi vidu •y.‘ m. li’if U a lair mie-lion (you may mi-w-t ii er J el. a-- ymi elmo-e. > wlml in n-ii an i‘Vr;il. 11 1. i• 111 if yon rown '•h<d«v ? A. I ii:iW ll«» id- |u». lllnii lu.iW 1 1 > do it, l*i > I \ lie w:’ hav<*h:.d, •>. AndVi »a r.ui • . ; u;i' ;*.* ihat -m.-h V'-in-l h_> y.»ui' ineli !. i: .11 f I lilr-ui;h ;'.n -Mi V A. X-'. 1 cull .;-i . j'j.l.Lo iVonuhe ]»■; 1 do not kimw v. . , •. ri■■(.•inn-uinr ♦ may landm-e. I ran i • i.f 1 1''11'I l(• •■ >i ■ e■ \■ 111 ', mi I'.irib i : . 11 Iho Vv'i - !i •-i t l l-• 0.-a.do of V nin pear *. >]. I» Jin l wav wa-i h c.i in ih- -I\y)i o «-;u t * * 1111' 1 ; ••■thy 1 i i < * eowynment of • • '(MU'.lfi'.iic to In.’in an allianeo ■Him' i*<.; i.n nation, If p-. ioloV A. . I>. h-v.* i; w..* t!udr wi-li to do so. It •. ,■ ’-.'A' v;hh !n have the (Amhdoraie v M'li-'M-. reaa mixed a< an independ- A. 1 • ’,i : .hvriiuivU. I have no douhl if it c Mid haw made favorable treat iw it would have done so. But i knew noth- A nvKRTisKMKNTS will he Inserted at Ten Canto per line for the first insertion, and five cents per lino for each subsequent insertion. Quar terly, half-yearly, and yearly advertisement* In serted at a liberal reduction on the above rates. Advertisements should bo accompanied by the Cash. When .sent without any length of time specified for publication, they will bo continued until nidered nuhuiul charged accordingly. <s■ Carps, Hanuhill-s, Circulars, and every other description of Job and Card Printing executed In the neatest style at low prices. AO. 41 iiilc of the policy of the government. I hail no liaml or part in it. I merely ex press my own opinion. Q. The question I am about to put to you you may answer or not, us yon elioosc. “Did you take an oalli of fidelity or allegiance to the ('onfederalegovernment?” A. Idonotre enlK'cl having done so, hut it is possible when I was commissioned I did. Ido not recollect whether it was required. If it was required, I took it, or if it had been required 1 would have taken it; but I do not recollect whether it was or not. 15y Air. Blow.—tj. In reference to the effect of President Johnson's policy, if it were adopted, would there be anything like a return of the old feeling? I ask that because you used the expression, “acquiescingin the result.” A. I believe it would take time for the feelings of the jicople to be of that cordial nature to the government that they were formerly. Q. Do you think that their prefereneefor that policy arises from a desire to have good feeling and jieace in the country, or from the probability of their regaining po litical power? A. So far as I know the desire of the people of the South, it is for the restoration of their civil government, and they look upon the policy of Presi dent Johnson as the one winch would most dearly and most surely re-establish it. Q. Do you see any change in refer ence to the poorer people of Virginia as re gards industry? Are they as much, or more interested in developing their ma terial interests than they were? A. X have not observed any change. Every one now inis to attend to his business for his support. (). The poorer classes are gener ally hard at work, are they? A. So farns 1 know, they are ; I know nothing to the contrary ; I have noticed no change in their relations to the colored people ; so far as I know, the feelings of all of the„ people of Virginia arc kind to the colored people; I have never heard any blame at tributed to them as to the present condi tion of tilings or any responsibility. Q. (,'an capitalists and working men from the North go into Virginia and go to work among the people?’ A. I do not know anything to prevent them; their peace and pleasure there would depend very much on there conduct; if they confined themselves to their own business, and did n it interfere to provoke controversies with ttfeir neighbors, 1 do not believe they would bo molested; there is no desire to keep out labor and capital : on the con trary, they are very anxious to get labor and capital into the State; the manner in which they would be received (as I said before) would depend entirely on the individuals; they might make themselves obnoxious, as we can understand. l!y Mr. Howard.—ls there not a gener al dislike of Northern men among seces sionists? A. I suppose they would prefer not to associate with them. I do not know that they would select them as as sociates. Q. Do they avoid aud ostracise them socially? A. They might avoid them. They would not select them as as sociates unless there was some reason. I do not know that they would associate until they became acquainted. I think it probable that they would not admit them into their social circles. l’>y Mr. Blow. —Do you think the color ed persons would rather work for uNorth ern than a Southern man? A. I think it very probable that they would prefer the Northern man, although I have no facts. 1 know numbers of the blacks engaging with their old masters, and I know of a good many who prefer to go otf and look for new homes. Whether it is from any d'-like to their former masters, or from a de-ire to change, or that they feel more five and independent, Ido not know. Q. What N your opinion in regard tothema t ‘rial interests of Virginia—do you think I ,icy will be equal to what they were le tbretlie rebellion undorthechaiigcdaspect ofatlhirs? A. U will take a longtime for them to reach their former standard. I think that after the lapse of some years they will reach it. I hope they- will ex ceed it —hut it can’t be immediately, in my opinion. It will take a number of years. Q. On the whole, the condition of things in Virginia is hopeful, both in re ran! to its material interests and the fit lure peace of the country? A. I have heard great hope expressed, and great '■beerfulncss and willingness to labor. Q. :• uppo-c that tins policy of President Johnson should he all you anticipated, and that you should also realize all that you expect in the improvement of your material interests, do you think that the result of that will bo the gradual restora tion oft ho old feeling? A. That would he the natural result, i think; aud I can sec no other way in which that result can he brought about. Q. There is a fear in the public mind that the friends of the pdi.-y in the South adopt it because they —■e in it tlie means of regaining political pMiinn which they lost in the recent cniic-t. Do you think that that is the main idea with (hem, or that they merely look to it. a- you say, astho best means of i mring the civil government ami the peace and prosperity of their respective s.aic-? A. As to the first point you mike, 1 do not think that 1 ever heard .my person speak upon it. J never heard the point-separated. I have heard them -peak generally as to the ellect of the policy of President Johnson. The feeling, uiras I know, now is that there is not that equality extended to the iSouthqru mate-a- it is enjoyed by the North. <l. Von do mu feel down there that while \u i accept the result, we are as generous a- we ought to be under the circum- ‘-.■l nees ? A. They think I hat the North n:i .. hard to he generous. Q. Thatisthe t\e in. 1 , down there? A. Vos, and they Ibi.-k n N the best policy — those who ro de.a (in the subject and are able to judge. O. 1 understand it lo beyouropiniou that LO',' .o-dty and liherality towards the on- r. u;.iillilllir their goo 1 opinion? A. Yes, ami 1 lie speediest. tj. 1 understood you to say generally that you liuCl no uppreheu .-i.ju iif any combination among the lead ins -<vcssionisis to renew the war or any-, tin lei of the kindA. 1 have no reason in ihe world to think so. Q. Have you heard that subject talked over among the politicians? A. No, sir, I have not. I have not he ard that matter.suggested. Q. I.e! me put another hypothetical case: .'■|||i|>.i-i‘ die Executive of the United liould lie tilled by a President who ivj. i o il die right of coercion, so called, ad suppose a Congress should exist here e h -; i;iiiiiii ”■ the same political opinions, i iim- present leg to the once rebel States do■ opportunity to again secede from the 1a 1 . 111; would they or not, in your opiu i.ui, avail dientsel ves of that opportunity, .. -ane of them’.’ A; I suppose it would if.pend upon die circumstances existing a I iim lime. If their feelings should re main embittered and their alleetious ali eiiated from the rest of the Blates, I think il v. ry probable they might do so, pro vided they thought il was to their inter est I neain tiin-e }-i«.p!*. ! 1 do not know that thorn is u deep scaled feeling of dislike towards the gov ernment. I think it probable some ani mo-ity may exist among sotneof llte peo ple. t tliink at the same time that they were disappointed as to the resuitiof the war. X know of no eondititm of discon tent against the government among the secessionists. 1 believe the people will perform towards the government nil of tiie duties they are required to perform. X tliink that is tile general fooling. Q. I)o yon think it would be practicable to con vict a man in Virginia of treason for hav ing taken part in this rcXieUion against the government by a Virginia jury, with out packing it with direct reference to u verdict of guilty'. 1 A. Ou that point X ADVERTISING TERMS. JOIt PRINTING -dmlii would be the surest means of Concluded on fourth page.
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