■£i® herican volunteer JSHED EVERY THURSDAY MORNING. pi BRATTON * KENNEDY. him:— Two Dollars per year If paid strictly (vance; Two Dollars and Fifty Cents if paid In three months; after which Three Dollars be charged. These terms will bo rigidly od bto in every Instance. No subscription dls- Inucd until all arrearages are paid, unless at Ipdon of the Editor. eneval fcnfovmaticm U. S. GOVERNMENT, Ldent—Andrew Johnson. Be President —L. S. Foster, fretary of Stato-Wm. H. Seward. K.tlirv of Interior-Jas. Harlan, feetnrvof Treasury—Hugh McCniloch. Kctnrv of war—Edwin M. Stanton, fc my of Navy-Gideon Wells, ft Master Genoral-Wm. Dennison. Snmev General —James S. Speed. Kf Justice of the United States—Salmon P. STATE GOVERNMENT. Icruor-Audrew G. Curtin. aretary of State —Ell Sllfor. Iveyor General—James 1 .Barr. Mitnr General —Isaac Slonkcr, Key Gencral-Wm. M. Meredith. Mutant General—A. L Hassell, tte Treasurer —Henry D. Moore. Jef Sustlce of the Supreme Court—George W . E)chues—James Thompson, William Strong, JM. Rend, Daniel Agnew. I COUNTY OFFICERS. Li.ipnt Judge—Hon. James H. Graham, loclftte Judges—Hon. Michael Cocklln, Hon. Kricl Attorney— I C. E. Mnglaughlln. ffithonotory—Samuel Shlremnn. Ku and Recorder—Ephraim Common. Mister— George W. North. mb sheriff—John Jacobs. Ifinty Treasurer—Levi Zelgler. aouer—David Smith. Snty Commissioners—John McCoy, Henry gs, Alex. F. Meek. &k—James Armstrong. Homey—M. C. Herman. ErHouse Directors—C.Hiirimnu, W. Wherry, Ithaii Snyder. Sward—Henry Snyder. tutors-D. U. Htevlck. J. A. Uebcrlig, Chris- KDletz b-slchm to Jail—Ur. S. P. Ziegler, jygk’lan to Poor House—Dr. b. P. Ziegler. [ BOROUGH OFFICERS. .iudacl Burgess—Jolm Campbell. ''Assistant Burgess—William J. Cameron. : f-T6wn Council—East Ward, J. W. D. Orillelen, v Andrew B. Ziegler, Geo. Wetzel, (Jims. U. Holler, f jSSiet Hoffman; West Ward, A. K. lleem, John s'SSb, Kobt. M. Black, S. D. Hillman ; Clerk, Jus. • itilasonhaininer. , , , IfrrarouKh Treasurer—David Cornman. !Hleh Constable— Emanuel Swartz; \\ ard Con itS>iPs—East Ward. Andrew Marlin ;N\ est V ard, frfftps Widner. fjSsessor—William Soaker. fifiidltor—A. K. Shcafer. „ 1(1 „ . JftxCollector—Andrew Kerr; Ward Collectors, SttTWard, Jacob Goodyear; West W ayl, H. R. Patrick Madden. of the Peace—A. L. Sponsler, David 6bhlli„ Abrm. Dehuff, Michael Holcomb. . Snip Lighters—Alex. F. Meek, Levi Albert. Ait Presbyterian Church, northwest angle of gre Square. Rev. Conway P. Wing, ( Pastor.— Ices every Sunday morning at II o clock, A. nd 7 o’clock, P. M. ~ I,‘Second Presbyterian Church, comer of south BSover and Pomfret streets. Hey. John C. Bliss, £U|or. Services commence at Ho clock, A, M., (ihurch, (rrot. Episcopal) northeast &of Centre Square. Rev. E. J. Clcrc. Hector. Mtlccs nt 11 o’clock, A. M., and 7 o’clock P. Jl. trffihehsh Lutheran Church, Bedford, between uX b ,„.,l Louther streets. Rev. Sami. Sprecher. 'factor. Services at 11 o’clock A. M., and OH Church, Louther between Bonover and Pitt streets. Rev. Samuel Philips, pJuJtor. Services at 11 o’clock A. M. f and 0 o clock • P, jfcthodlst E. Church, (first charge) corner of Vofrn an u put streets. Rev Thomas H. Sherlock, SSk>r. Services at 11 o’clock A. M., and 7 oclock '-Methodist E. Church, (second charge) Hey. S. L. Bdiinan, Pastor. Sciwices in Emory M. E. Church o’clock A. M. M. hoEurch of God Chapel, southwest cor. of West mfetand Chapel Alley. Rev. B. F. Beck, Pas ja| Services ut UA. M., and 0)4 1 • , . ftol Patrick’s Catholic Church, Pomfret, near Hatt street. Father Gerdeman. Services every SflferSabbath, at 10 o’clock. Vespers at 3 P. M. Puermau Lutheran Church, corner of Pomfret tod Bedford streets. Kev. Kuhn, Pastor,— MRlccs at II o clock A. M. SWhen changes in the above are necessary, roper persons are requested to notify us. DICKINSON COLLEGE. •. Herman M. Johnson, D. P., President and .CTmeKsor of Moral Science and Biblical Lilera- Mlmiel D. Hillman, A. M., Professor of Math- K. Stayman, A. M., Professor of the X-*atln *nd French Languages. _ James H. Graham, LL. D., Professor of fcEarlea F. Himes, A. M., Professor of Natural Bounce and Curator of the Museum. £Bfev. James A. McCauley, A. M. Professor of iMGreek and German Languages. - (®v. Bernard H. Fadall, D. D., Professor of PUi wiSpliy and the English Language. Jttv. Henry C. Cheston, A. M., Principal ol the Cwmmar School. , , M. Trimmer, Principal of the Commercial Department. AfS Watson McKeehan, Assistant in Grammar School, and Teacher of Penmanship, |'i| BOARD OP SCHOOL DIRECTORS. s)§Cornman, President: James Hamilton, H, fiOtou, R. C. Woodward, Henry Newsham, C. P. Htttnerich,Sect.y; J. W. Eby, Treasurer; John Bwhr, Messenger. Meet on the first Monday of (®tth month at 3 o’clock A. M., ut Education Hall. J CORPORATIONS. v.Clrllble Deposit Bank.—President, It. M. Hen aefton; Cashier, J. P. Hassler; Tellers, L. A. rßodtb.W'A. Cox, J no. L, Waggoner; Messenger, ,im. underwood; Directors, K. M. Henderson, c. Woodward, W» W. Dale, William lime, John Zug, John Stuart, Jr., Abm. Bosior, Henry Saxton, Sklles Woodburn. ; ‘-First National Bank.—President, Hon. Samuel • Hepburn; Cashier, Joseph Holier; Tellers, Messrs. Mtaetul Orr, and Brennemau; Directors, Samuel r'&Pburn, William Kerr, John S. Steritt, W, B. rJMilln, John B. Leidig, Isaac Brenneman, W. F iMller. Valley Railroad Company.—Pres- IWent, Frederick Watts; Secretary and Treaa tKer, Edward M. Biddle; Superintendent, 0. N. ffifllb Passenger trains three times a day, Car- JMe Accommodation, Eastward, leaves Carlisle [5#;A. M,, arriving at Carlisle 5.2 U P. M. Through fgina Eastward, 10.10 A. M., and 2;4O’P. M, West- KBfdat 0.27 A. M.. and 2.55 P. M. L Carlisle Gas and Water Company. —President, Fttmuel Todd; Treasurer, A. L. Sponsler; Super iglendent, George Wise; Directors, F. Watts, E. Saddle. Henry Saxton, R. C. Woodward, J. B. fwitton, Wm. M. Penrose, Peter. Spahr. ■J SOCIETIES. Cumberland Star Lodge No. 107, A. Y. M. t mees Clarion Hall on the 2d and 4th Tuesdays of ev- CHURCHES. I posters, I CIRCULARS, J PROGRAMMES, I BUSINESS CARDS, INVITATION CARDS Is BANK CHECKS, ; LEGAL BLANKS, | PAPER BOOKS, I „. B , ILI - SOP lading, i 1 al iphlets, r «•. ic. IN COLORS fL _ PLAIN PRINTING, j| Minting op every description, iL Notice and reasonable rates. r^era sent by mall, accompanied by the j ' 1)6 promptly attended to S ® BY BRATTON & KENNEDY.. 5- A GLANCE AT NEW YORK. A writer hi the New York Times of Thursday, gives an account of a visit he made through the lodging dons of the Sixth ward. Ho. was accompanied by M’Donnell, who has lived in this pre cinct all his days, and had been connect ed with the police several years. Yet he is as healthy a man as one.can meet in a day’s journey on Broadway. 'Now, what would you like to see first?’ said tlie roundsman. I expressed a, preference for underground lodging houses. ‘ All right,’ said the roundsman, ‘ 1 can show you enough to sicken you.’ AVp went around to tire corner of Lau rens and Baxter streets, and descended about a dozen of stairs to the door of a .cellar. It had a window, broken and dirty. The roundsman rapped at the dour with his club. ‘ Who’s there ?’ cried a woman’s voice. ‘A policeman.’ 1 What does the policeman want?’ the voice rejoined. ‘ Oil, let mo in and you’ll see,’ said the roundsman. A drunken male voice told the woman to open. There was the sound of striking a light. 1 Never mind a light,' said the rounds man, 1 open ; I’ve got one.’ The door opened. A boy nine or ten ?i entirely naked, stood before us. An un shaven, hard-featured, elderly laborer sat holt upright in bed —naked, too. A wo man lay by his side. This cellar, like all the rest, was less than eight feet 'high, and its floor was in bad order and extremely filthy, ft hail once been a noted underground lintel, kept by a negro, who lias since gone up to the island or to Sing Sing. It had an inner room, which once communicated with rooms still further along, which again were connected with a dark and foul alloy. I thought then that the at mosphere was deadly poisonous, but I re member it now as the best ventilated <jf those cellars that we visited. For it was a private residence, not a lodging house, now! ‘ 1 John Lane’s rum shop’—the police men call the place gin-mills—was next startled by our visit. It was jammed. White boys and prostitutes of both races —Celtic and negro—black men and white men, were in the closest fraternity. There was a rush out at the back door as soon ns M'Donncll’s bine eyes rested on the wo men. ‘Oh,’ ho cried, ‘you needn’t run; [ ain’t going to touch you.’ They all knew him and seemed to have full faith in his word. In fact, every body we met knew Charley. I mentioned the circumstance. 1 Yes,' said Charley, 1 most of them have good reason to know me. •I’ve sent lots of them up to the island!’ This gin-mill is one of the cheapest and most liberally patronized gates to ruin in the city. It is also one of the best fitted. Go into it in the day time, and you would report it to be clean ami respectable, if you would use the last word in relation to such a place in any circumstances. Most of the forty or fifty persons here are colored. Fitzgarland’s gin mill is on the corner of Baxter and White streets. Five or six brutal-looking, ■ bloated, blackencd-eyc prostitutes sat around the stove ; and one, dead drunk, lay at full length on a form near the door. - Four or five young wo men stood near the bar and near the stove. They all know Charley—the women. All had been ‘ up,’ some more than once. On the opposite corner is Tom Lane’s. It is much larger than cither of the other two. Tom is Jim’s brother. This is the place of which Capt. Jordan says in his report that it is the resort of thieves, beg gars and prostitutes of the lowest class. There were between twenty and thirty men and women in the room when we entered it. The prostitutes are of the lowest grade. Thoirfaccs are bloated and haggard, and oh! so drear;/ ! Thei r laugh is hard and forced. Still they excite lit tle pity. They seem to bo irrevocably gone. Gone! And these are of the sox of our mothers and our wives! There seems to be no hope for them in this life; and hopelessness is written on every lino of their faces. And yet there arc hardly any traces of vital wretchedness. It is negative mainly ; it is the utter absence of happiness rather than the presence of misery that impresses one. These women, so lost, so fallen, are called lofters in the police vocabulary. ‘ There !’ said the roundsman, pointing to a young woman who stood near the end of the bar, ‘ there’s the greatest shop lifter in the United States. And she’s come to this.’ This girl had an intelligent face, keen, black eyes, and her black hair hung down in one mass. She seemed to be delighted with the compliment. As we were going out, one of the young rowdies made a mocking sound at the roundsman. ‘ Charley’ whistled. A low whistle answered. A policeman emerged from the gloom of a neighboring house and came forward. 1 Clear them follows out,’ said the roundsman. The tall man in blue went into the bar room like a wolf on the fold, and there was a sudden scampering of the young rowdies. They made a simultaneous rush for the door, in their eagerness to escape they blocked each other’s way. Mean while the policeman laid on his club with a vigor which must have left marks on the lower region of their bodies. The women laughed. ‘Now let us go over to “Cow Bay,” said the roundsman, ‘and you will see how they live way up Jacob’s Ladder. That’s the name it goes by. Cow Bay used to be where the house of industry is now, but there’s one building still stand ing—where they keep lodgers.’ Jacob’s ladder is an outside stairway, high and steep, which ends at a lauding so ricketty, and in every way dilapidated that it excites one’s wonder that it should be suffered to remain standing. You land as high up s as the third story would have been. There were two doors. The ..roundsman..rapped at.both.oLtheux. j ‘Whose there?’ asked a female voice. ‘ Open the door, Suse,’ said the rounds man. ‘Ah! that’s Charley,’ returned a voice. A little room; throe women in it; a pan filled with coal cinders in the centre of the floor. One woman on her haunches, warming her hands over it. On a filthy mattress, with one filthy coverlet over lier, lay a woman asleep. No bedstead. No pillow. No other mattress. The room—how filthy, how cheerless, how ricketty, no pen can describe. The gas from the fire was enough to suffocate me. Next room ; a devilish looking little Gorman woman, half-dressed, opened the door. Two me it in one bed —her husband in the''other —perhaps her husband. Filthy, everything. Had I written about it then and there I would have said ex tremely filthy. But there was worse to come. We go up the narrow, worn-out wind ing stairs. We enter—no I didn’t, for I should have vomited had I done so—the roundsman entered, and I looked into three of the upper chambers. In one, under the eaves almost, small and low and slanting, a negro'woman had three or four boarders—she paid a dollar a week for rent. Next door there were live or six women huddled near a stove. Who is that man lying beside a woman under a heap of rags near by them? ‘ They are all prostitutes here,' said the roundsman. 1 All five?’ ‘ All in this building.' ‘ And men come here ?’ 1 Oh, yes—they have no sense of decen cy.’ One of those women was so frightfully diseased that the foul odors of her body were distinguishable above the other fetid odors of the room and its inmates and the fumes of the coal gas. For in all these caverns thei;o are no fire-places, A man had died ofTcvcr In the attic room opposite only that morning—and his willow and her children and lodg ers were still living there, as filthy and crowded together as over. ‘ We have lo cany corpses from those places sometimes, said the roundsman, ‘ and they arc crawling—!’ ‘ Are all those women—ail of them. —of had character?’ ‘ Fvory one,’ said the roundsman. We descended. 1 Over there,’ observed the roundsman, as lie pointed to a place near by, ‘ over there is where a nigger killed the'whito man some time since. They call it S Alloy. AVonld you like to go over?’ \Ve picked our way over the half frozen slush, and came to a stable door, as I. thought, for there was a heap of stable refuse near it. The roundsman rapped. By and by an old negro man appeared, with but one article of clothing on his body—a short, thick old mail, who made his liv ing by begging. A low, filthy room, miserably furnished, but with more in it than the"rooms up Jacob’s ladder. Ou the Horn - , lay a young man and a woman on a filthy mattress. They were man and wife—or, at least, the old man said so. They were colored. Near by, up one liight of rickety stairs, we saw a*sadder sight still. A stove —not a large open pot only—stood in the mid dle of the main room. Three little rooms led out of it, and one of them had been a china closet once. Four squalid ami debauched women were squatted down near JJio stove. A mattress lay on the floor close by the fire, and on if, clasped in each other’s arms—not a blanket nor rug nor coverlid, but only an overcoat over them —two persons were stretched out. ‘ Who’s that man?’ asked the rounds man. ‘ Dniino.' ‘ Who keeps this place’.” ‘ Me!’ said a debauched creature, in un womanly rags clad, looking up at the officer. ‘How came you here? said the officer to the man. ‘Coming homo’ — ‘ And this crow picked you up’.” ‘ Yes.’ There are men who arc as low in char acter as these women ; but they come out of- these alleys and dens and redeem themselves. Bffi, once there, a woman can escape in way only—in a coffin. At the corner Water street, where once a missionary lived, wo went through another house; this the abode of the bet tor, or, more-properly, the less wretched class. ‘ You may make comparisons,’ said the roundsman. ‘ Thin in the way down. They try to keep up a more decent ap pearance ; but they all go down to the collars on Cow Bay at last.’ ‘ And then’’’ ‘They soon drink themselves to death,' said the roundsman. mxit tug noon. Did you ever observe howstrongastreot door is? how thick the wood is? how heavy the chain is? what large bolts it has, and what a lock? If there was noth ing of value in the house, or no thieves outside, this would not bo needed; but as there are precious things within, and had men without, there is need that the door be strong, and we must mind the door. Wo have a house. Our heart and mind is in that house. Bad things are forever trying to come in and go out of our mind and heart. 1 will describe some of these bad things to you. Who isat that door? Ah, 1 know him; it is Anger. What a frown there is on his face! how his lips quiver! how fierce lie looks! I will hold the door, and not let him in, or he will do mo harm, and perhaps some one else. Who is that? It is Bride. How haugh ty he seems! he looks down on evorthing as if it wore too mean for his notice.' Ah, wicked Pride! I will hold the door fast, and try to keep him out. Here is some one else. lam sure from his sour look, his name is 111-temper. It will never do to let him in, for if lie can only sit down in the house, he makes ev ery one unhappy, and it will bo hard to get him out again. No sir; we shall nev er let you in, so you may go away. Who is this? ft must bo Vanity, with his Haunting spirit, and gay clothes, Ho is never so well pleased as when he has a lino dress to wear, and is admired. You will not come in, my fine fellow ; wo have to much to do to attend to such folks as you. Mind the door! Here comes a stranger. By his sleepy look and slow pace I think I know him. It is Sloth. He would like nothing bet ter thari to live in my house, sleep or yawn the hours away, and bring me to rags and 1 ruin. No, no, you idle drone; work is pleasure, and I have much to do. Go away, you shall not come in! But who is this? What a sweet smile! what a kind, lace! She looks like an an gel. It is Lova. How happy she will make us if we asl“hcr in! Come in; wo must open the door for you. Others are coming. Good and bad are crowding up. Oh! if men kept the door of their hearts bad thoughts and bad words would not come in and go out as they do. Welcome to all things good, war with all things bad. We must mark well who comes in ; wc must be watchful and in ear nest. Keep the guard! Mind the doorl mind the door! “ Keep thy heart with ail diligence; for out of it are the Issues* of life.” - And would y ou-k-now—how- to-keep-it?- Lct Jesus in, and he will give you daily and hourly of his spirit. “Behold,” he says, I stand at the door and knock; if any’ man hear my voice, and open the door, I will come in to him, and will sup with him, and he with me.” —Jlami of Hope. Review, A newly arrived John Chinaman in California purchased some ice, and finding it very wot, laid it out to dry jn the sun. On going to look for it again ho found it had disappeared, and forthwith accused the whole Chinese neighborhood with larceny, A general riot was the eon secpience. A well-known lawyer had a horse that always stopped and refused to cross the mill-tlam bridge leading out of the city. No whipping, no urging, would carry him over without stopping. So he advertised him, “ To be sold for no other reason than the owner wants to go nut of town.” Cc2f" “1 am passionately fond of paint ings,” as the young man said when lie kissed the rouged cheek of his sweet heart. CARLISLE, PA., THURSDAY, MARCH 15,1866. NEGRO SUFFRAGE IN THE SENATE OF PENNSYLVANIA. [COMPILED FROM THE OFFICIAL RECORD.] Air. Landon, Republican Senator from Bradford county, offered the following joint resolutions, which were rend ; Whereas, A hill enfranchising the colored citizens of the District ot Colum bia lately passed in the lower House of Congress, receiving the earnest support of our Republican members; therefore bo it Resolved by the Senate and House of Representatives , etc., That wo approve and commend the action of our members in their support of this measure, and our Senators are requested, and hereby in structed to vote for the same. Resolved, That tire Governor bo request ed to forward to each of our members and Senators in Congress a copy of this pre amble and resolution. On motion of Air. Nichols, the Senate proceeded to a second reading and consid eration of the resolution. On the question, will the Senate agree to the first resolution ? The yeas and nays were required by Air. Crlatz and Air. Latta, and were as fol lows, viz: YEAS,—Messrs. Blgham, of Allegheny: Browne of Lawrence: Champneys, of Lancaster ; Connell, of Philadelphia: Dunlap, of Lancaster; Graham, of Allegheny: Haines, ol Perry: ifoge, of Venan go: Landon, of Bradford: Lowry, of Erie: M’Con angliy, of Adams : Nichols, of Philadelphia: Boy er. of Montgomery: Shoemaker, of Luzerne: ll— all Republicans, NAYS.—Messrs. Bcnrd.slce, of Wayne: Glatz, of York : James, of Bucks; Latta, of Westmoreland: Montgomery, of Northumberland: Randall, of Schuylkill; Wallace of Cloarticld: 7—all Demo crats. During the foregoing proceedings, Ales srs. Hopkins, Walls, Donovan and Heir all, Democratic Senators were absent at homo on leave. On Wednesday, January 31, IWiO, tiro discussion of these resolutions commen ced. Alessrs. Landon, White, Lowry, Bin ham, Browne and Hall all spoke in favor of Negro Suffrage, and Alessrs. Donovan, Clymf.r, Wallace, Latta, Beardslef. and Hopkins spoke against it; and after a lengthy discussion the resolutions were recommitted to the Com mittee on Federal Relations by the ma jority, because they lacked the courage to place upon the record their votes upon the final passage of a measure they advo cated for two days, and which is, in truth, a cardinal doctrine with these gentlemen. K.XTHACTS FUOM SI’KKCiIBS' 31AU13 FOR AND AfiAINST TUB MKASUIU3 Dl’lilXO TUB DISCUSSION, Senator LiANDON, «j f Bradford, said: Mr. Speaker, not nuiny days since the following bill was before'the lower House of Congress: "Jit: it enacted, dc., That from all laws and parts of laws prescribing the (inalilicntions of electors lor any office in the District of Columbia, the word ‘white’ be and the same is hereby stricken out, and that from and after the passage of this act, no person shall bo disqualified from voting at any election held in said District on account of color.” In looking over the records of the House, 1 find that the bill passed by one hundred and sixteen yeas to fifty nays, mid it gave me personally great satisfaction to find that every Mepublicanmcmbcrfroni Penn sylvania voted aye, with a single excep tion, and he was absent —he was non cut in body, but csl in spirit, and would have voted aye had lie been present. This ac tion, in my judgment, is honorable to the men themselves, and reflects credit upon the great Commonwealth which they re present. To meet heroically the duties of tlie hour, and bear manfully the respon sibilities of the occasion, is the highest attainment of mortals, and ever deserves praise. Believing this, it occurred to me that the very least we could consistently do, was to say to our Representatives, in words of cheer, “Well done, good and faithful servants;” you acted rigid, and we endorse you in that act. J. B. A WAU OF BACKS. (Senator Landon also said How will you have peace in the South? Hero are four millions of colored people, just disenthralled and emancipated, and twice ns many millions of whites The colored people have snufi'ed tlie breath of liberty—some have fought in your battles, some have begun to read, some have road the speeches of Patrick Henry, they have tire right to take the Tribune, and they do. As they have road their minds have expanded, their impulses toward liberty and the privileges of liberty are becoming stronger every hour. Here are those two antagonisms of life running on side by side, the colored man learning more and more, a? his mind ex pands, of the rights that belong to him as a man ; the white man, on the other hand, abridging his privileges by un friendly legislation: and we know that hi/ and by these two antagonists must conic into coltison. It will conic, infallibly as fate. Tlie colored man will begin to feel that Ire that would be free must himself strikeo tli blow, and ho may strike it, and then will come the war of races in the Southern States; then will it ho the black against the white and the white against the black. Each clutching at the throat of the other, there will come a renewal of the fierce scenes of St, Domingo, tires ■stipon the hills and blood In the vales.— This will bo called a negro insurrection, and the Government will be summoned to the pleasant task of suppressing it. You will be called upon to butcher off those to whom you appealed in your hour of danger, and who helped you fight your battles of deliverance. Senator White, of Indiana, said : 1 know there are those who always grow nervous and timid on this question. If they arc Republicans, 1 hope they will strengthen their faith and be timid no more. Wo hoar them say, “ there is nev er to be an end of this negro agitation; we have heard of it from earliest boy hood.” So you have and may hear of it till your latest manhood.. It is cowardice to deny the negro has a place in the poli tics of the country, and will have until ho enjoys complete emancipation—until his late task-master agrees in spirit and fact, the negro has rights he is bound to respect—until he agrees all men shall be equal before the law. Those emancipa ted negroes arc the wards of the nation,, and wo cannot desert them now. Rut, I trust in Heaven, this nation will not soon forget the long, weary years of oppression it gave to this unfortunate race and will make proper atonement in the future.— The flag we all love so much has ever been an emblem of liberty to the white man ; let it be henceforth an emblem of freedom for all men. Senator Lowry, of Erie, said ; That Senator is in favor of continuing the control of the District of Columbia exclusively in the hands of the white re bels, who reside there. I am opposed to tills, and in favor of restoring to tho black loyal men the rights, which wrong and oppression so unjustly deprived him of. We must have the loyal votes of all men on this continent, white or black, or with him wc perish. Our country —her currency, religion, law, order, justice, humanity— will go down in blood if we refuse to en franchise tlie black. Spare us, O, God! from “ Bull Run” defeats at tho polls! Without tho enfranchisement of those who helped in war we cannot prosper in peace. Oppression cannot live in a soil warmed only by tho sun of freedom. Tlie 11 irrepressible conflict” is fairly upon us. “ This Government cannot exist half slave and half free,” were tho words of one who, when hegave them utterance, lit tle realized that lie was the first public mar tyr, whose blood is the seed of the freed meu’s church. Allow the African to vote in the Dis trict of Columbia, and it is a bow of pro mise sot in, Heaven, a covenant made with God, that the truths of the fathers shall bo revered. Voting in that district will be hailed as the star of Bethlehem, as a Saviour’s birthplace to a redeemed race. The negro born upon this soil has as just a title of life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness, as an Irishman, or any countryman whatever, who emigrated from foreign lands. If lie lias a right to life here, he lias tiro right to make life tolerable. Docs not the colored man pay taxes, and was not the “ On to Richmond'” of the Revolution “ Taxation without re presentation ?” AVe went to war with the most powerful nation upon earth to obtain a boon which we deny to others.— Shall we shut out from the ballot box, the jury box, or witness box, a race near ly twice ns largo as Now England? Mr. Browne, Senator of Lawrence, saia: The proposition before the Senate is to sustain the action of our Representatives in Congress, extending suffrage to the colored population of the District of Co lumbia, That action I heartily endorse. Among tlie terrible consequences char ged upon the proposed measure of enfran chising tlie black men of the District of Columbia, with the right of suffrage, if it shall receive endorsement here and be finally enacted and receive the endorse ment of the Presidcutof the United States, we are told will be tlie election of colored men to office, and that before long, we may expect to see them represent us in tlie councils, of the nation. And what of that? If the principle is right in itself, and constitutional, and tlie people of any portion of the country' choose to select a colored gentleman to represent them, 1 should like to know how it contravenes any Republican or any Democratic prin ciple that the people should exercise their own choice in tlie matter. Sir,suffrage, is a natural right. I choose to assert that the, right of government is in the governed. It is simply the rigid of the people to govern themselves—in the healthful conditions of society—an inali enable right, belonging to every individ ual by the same just principles as those by which it belongs to any. On no other ground can the theory of a popular gov ernment, as against governments by pro scription or force bo maintained. According to that, principle, suffrage resides in every individual of the people, who has not forfeited it by crimes, inclu ding the crime of seeking the overthrow of I lie Government by treason or rebel lion. It cannot but be so. If otherwise, let it be shown where this power resides. Senator Hah., of Blair, said Whilst I am not (lie special advocate of the negro, I deem it due to truth to say that a race which numbers among its re presentatives such men as Frederick Douglass mid Howard Day, cannot bo ut terly incapable of elevation or of civiliza tion. Those men, in spite of the preju dice that opposed their progress, in spite of the degradation to which their race had long been doomed by slavery, have, by the force of their native talents, won their way through adverse circumstances to distinction. Why have the negroes, as a race, never been elevated, never at tained to a higher order of civilization and intelligence ? It is because they have never had an opportunity—because the state of slavery was incompatible with their elevation, and the policy of slavery required them to be kept in a s.tatc ofig'- nornnee and degradation. Ido not say that I would he in favor of denying the, right of suffrage to any man sinijj/y on account of his color. But I hold that the right of suffrage is not a natural rigid; that it has never •been considered a natural right in Penn sylvania nor anywhere else, nor do I un derstand it to bo so Held by any .Senator here, excepting the Senator from Law rence [Mr. Bhowne.] It is a convention al rigid, regulated by law—by arbitrary law. The lower House of Congress have declared that they are in favor of unqual ified negro suffrage in fhc District. The Senator from Bradford, [Mr. Landon,] in his argument in favor of endorsing tho action of Congress, takes tire position Unit if he held the power he would extend the rigid of suffrage to all negroes who can read and write, to all who fought in the late war, and to nil who pay taxes. I hope for the time when all the negroes will be qualified for at! the rights and privi leges of citizenship. If I were in Congress anil the question were, submitted to me as to giving them the right of suffrage in the District, with the qualifications mentioned by the Senator from Bradford, I think I would vote for it. The foregoing extracts arc all taken from the speeches of tho Republican Sen ators, who voted for tho negro-suffrage resolution offered by Senator Landon. In order that the reader may bo enabled to judge of tlie arguments upon both sides of this suffrage question, tho follow ing extracts from speeches made by Dem ocratic Senators are published in this cahncption. Senator Donovan said : Now, sir, you ask me, in tlie simple res olution which you have here proposed, to vote fin - —what? To vote for what ap pears to mo to be tho greatest political wrong, the severest act of political (yrrau ny, tho grossest act of Injustice that ever was perpetrated on God’s green earth up on tho rights of any people. If tlie (Sena tor who offered the resolution would so change its phraseology, or allow a substi tute, so as to return our thanks to the loyal men of Congress who have shown respect for the white men of the District of Columbia, I would vote for it. But tills resolution contemplates an endorse ment of that which I, .it least, conceive to bo inconsistent with, and in open hos tility to, every wise policy or humane consideration. Why, sir, is there ii Sena tor upon tills floor, who, if a proposition were submitted to him to which lie know that tho people of his district were unani mously opposed, would cast his vote in the-Senate of-l-enniylvaiiia-hi favor of-i t-?- I say that if any such man is here, lie is false to his people and false to his trust; and I honor the men in Congress, I hon or of tho Democratic party, who have stood up, like men, wil ling io pay respect to the wishes of (lie white people .of that District. The Senator made an Ingenious speech to-day. Nine-tenths of his speech was devoted to tlie negro, mid one-tenth to the white man ; and the white man’s one tenth was entirely made up of allusions to traitors, whose names the Senator lug ged in, in order to bring out applause. It was, indeed, a very ingenious speech.— But, sir, I say to that Senator, lie lias not fairly met tlie question. An attempt lias been made here for weeks and weeks to bog tlie question; and the Senator from Indiana, to-day, tried to evade it. It is, whether (lie people of this country are to bo placed upon an equality with tlie black man. Tip: Senator labored hard and earnestly to prove to this .Senate, that this rebellion was chrushed by the blackmail. That is an assertion that I deny. It was crushed by my people; tlie liag of the country was uphold by my race—tlie white race of tlie United Stales. Sir, lie has no sympathy, perhaps, with tlie principles of tho Constitution and tho 1 doctrines which the flag is ever destined YOL. 52.—N0. 38. to defend. The race that he is to-day try ing to elevate and place in power,-had no part in the formation of that Constitution and the preservation of that flag. This is a white man’s government. It belongs to the white man ; and I trust in God it will continue in ins possession until the last syllable of recorded time. Senator Clymer said Sir, lor myself anu for the people of this State, I thank the Senator from Bradford that he, first of all, has had the hardihood, the boldness, aye, sir, I may call it the daring courage , here and now to distinct ly avow, and glory in the avowal, that all the blood and treasure spent, that all the ills untold which have befallen our land, that all the debt, and the calamity and misery, the carnage and harvest of'death through which wo have just passed, was, sir, not to preserve a Constitution and re store a broken Union, but was to keep the party to which the Senator adheres, in power, through the co-operation and by the votes of an inferior and debased race, whom they already proudly call their allies. Oh, sir, I confess to you, it does require nerve and courage to do it. But 1 thank God the Senator has made the deliberate avowal, right here, where it may be met by the indignant scorn of the people of this State, and that the member of con gress from the Lancaster district [Mr. Stevens,] has made a similar avowal upon the floor of Congress. He alone, of all his party, dared make it there. The. Re publican party of this State may not here after deny its position on this question.— It has long denied the issue. Would, sir, that it could have been fairly made years ago. How much of sorrow and of blood would it have spared this land ? But, sir, the mask is thrown aside, the hideous purpose is at last disclosed ; the hour of trial has come. The people shall sit in judgment, and woe be to those who have so long deceived them, thereby drenching the land with blood and mortgaging the present and future generations with end loss debt. How does the fact as to the views, wish es and interests of tire people of that dis trict stand ? This could best be deter mined by a vote of that people. It was taken, and the Senator [Air. Landon] well knows the result. Nearly seven thousand against and but sixty odd in favor of the proposition. Seven thousand white men nave deliberately said, “ Wo wish no admixture of races ; we wish to meet no man here, on either social or po litical equality, other than those whom, under our time-honored usages, we have been accustomed to meet; it is against our views, our wishes, and we conceive, against our best interests.” And yet, sir, in defiance of this clear and explicit dec laration, the Republican majority of the present Congress, elected from States, a large majority of whom have persistently anil ever denied this “ right,” this “priv ilege,” as the Senator [Air. Landon] calls it, to the colored citizens within their borders, have forced this measure upon them. It lias been done, as is boldly proclaimed here and there, for the pur pose of testing public sentiment, to know how far they may.go, without danger of being hurled from power. It has been done as an “entering wedge” for the en franchisement of negroes, there and else where throughout the laud, They have done that to the District of Columbia, which, as yet they would not dare attempt in their States. Yet, sir, negro suffrage is to lie forced upon the District of Colum bia by the votes of Congressmen repre senting States which, saving Maine, Ver mont, New Hampshire, Massachusetts, Rhode Island and New York, do not per mit negroes to vote. New York admits them on a freehold qualification of two hundred and 1 fifty dollars, so there the property votes, not the negro. I say, sir, that every Congressman who voted for this iniquity, save those from the States which 1 have named, voted for that to which their own people will not submit. They did it, too, in flat opposition to the almost unanimous wish of tire people of the District. Is this just? Is it right? Is it fair? Will it bo submitted to? Will not the hour come when the judgment entered against the views, the wishes and the interests of the people of the District of Columbia, by an irresponsible body, by a Congress organized anil existing on such revolutionary principles, that doubts may well arise as to the legality of any of its acts? Will not the hour come when that judgment, if it bo concurred in by the Senate, will bo reversed? These, sir, are my views in regard to the question, bo far as it relates to the District of Columbia. And he tells you that unless you give them political rights there will be slaugh ter; that there will boa war of races. —■ Aiid, sir, 1 ask the Senator now, when that hour comes, which side will ho be on ? Will he be with his own brethren ? or will he be with those whom ho, and and those who are with him, have taught to do that very thing ? Will you be found lighting against blood of your own blood —against your little ones ? or will you rightfully stand, where you and otliors who teach your doctrines ought to stand —behind those whom you and your dam nable doctrines have driven on to their own destruction ? There is where you ought to stand and where you belong.— But I tell you that against you will bo the great heart, white though it may be, of this nation. And when that war of races comes, woo ho to those who brought it about. I shall regret it; but before God, and before the country, you and all others who preach those doctrines will be held responsible for it. History will point you out, and history will be but repeating it self, when those deeds are done. Air. Speaker, I have always considered, and, I believe, every writer on thesubject has hitherto adjudged, that the natural rights of men are protection to life, to liberty, ! to reputation, to property. If the right to vote is one of the natural rights, it should be exercised by all man kind, without limitation as to age or sex, race or color, at all times, everywhere and under all circumstances; because all governments profess, at least, to furnish protection to life, liberty, reputation and and property. But, sir, has any government anywhere, at any time, granted unlimited, unconditional, sutt rage? To state the proposition is to show jt-s-absurdity,-because-if-it-be a -natural right it should be exercised by all men, of every age, by both sexes, and at all times. Has this ever been done? I ask the Sena tor if it has ever been permitted any where? Is it not, on the contrary, a right which belongs to and is vested in the whole body politic, whose exclusive right it is to determine when, where and by whom it shall be exorcised, and under what restrictions? It is, therefore, not a natural right, but purely a conventional or political right, to be exercised by those only who are adjudged worthy of it by the whole body of the people. I have said, Sir. Speaker, that ho gov ernment, in any ago, or at any lime, has granted this conventional or political right to all men of all ages, regardless of sex and color. The history of our own State is illustrative of the position I as sume. And further to illustrate my argument, and for the information of those who have failed to understand the reasons which led to the adoption of the clause of our constitution which i have just read, I propose, at this lime, to cite the opin ion of one of the ablest of our lawyers and statesmen, whose virtues, learning and eloquence will obtain for him the ad miration of after times, in reference to the policy and necessity of inserting the ADVERTISING TERMS. AnvKimsKMKxrs will bo inserted at Ton Tonis per lino for the first insertion, and five cents per line for each subsequent insertion. Quar terly, half-yearly, aud yearly advertisements in serted at a liberal reduction on the above rules. Advertisements should be accompanied by the Cash. When sent without any I rough of time specified for publication, they will bo continued until ordered out and charged accordingly. JOB PRINTING. Cards, Handho.is, Cuu:i;i.ap.s, and every other description of Job and Card Printing executed In the neatest style at low prices. word “white” iu the lirst section of the third article. X refer to tire Attorney General, Air. Aleredith. He was a mem ber of the convention which framed the existing constitution of the Common wealth. Another distinguished member of Unit convention, one renowned for his ability as a judge, and one. who added all the graces of a high literary culture to his character as a man, was the late Judge. Joseph Hopkinson, of Philadelphia; he who wrote one of our national hymns— “ Hail Columbia;” he, too, has left on re cord the reasons why ho voted with Air. Aleredith in favor of inserting the word “white” in our constitution. If possible, ho stated his views in stronger and more emphatic utterances than did Air. Atere dith. Now, Air. Speaker, I propose to inquire a little further as to the object of this pro posed amendment to the Constitution of the United States. AVe arc told, to-day, in language glowingly eloquent, of the natural rights of men and of elevating them to a condition which is to be happi ness and prosperity to all of them. Is there nothing selfish, nothing of a per sonal or partisan character in all this? Sir, if this right to vote is a natural right, if every man should have it, and if that, doctrine was over truly and honestly held by those who are asking us to-day to vote for it, is it not a most astounding* re flection that but twelve short years ago a great political party was organized in this State, and elsewhere throughout the Union, who denied this great natural right, not to negroes, not to men of a low er caste, but to men who happened to serve God in a manner different from themselves; to men who happened to be born under another sun and in other climes? Did you not rear a party—Know Nothing by name—that went into power in this Commonwealth on that issue, which would, could it have retained its power, have excluded every race except the native born, and would have exclud ed those from the elective franchise from whoso loins you yourselves had sprung? What was your object then? Answer me, you Senators? Was it not that you feared if they voted they would put you out of power? Now, with like hypocrisy, do you not wisli to get the negroes’ vote lo keep you in after you have got there? Is not that the reason ? Is it any high or generous motive to do good for the coun try’s good by which you are actuated? Is it any other than to save your Republi can party from going to destruction, where it should have gone long ago? Senator Wau.ace said The Senator from Bradford affirms that God’s law is the elevation of humanity. Granted. ' He asserts that tiro law of pro gress is the law of the world. Admitted. Do I understand his first proposition to be that ho who is elevated is to remain sta tionary, whilst ho who is below is to he elevated to the higher standard. I will not do him so great injustice. His first proposition is, and of right ought to be, consistent with the second, and if it be, we agree in practice as well as in senti ment. The elevation of humanity as well as the law of progress requires that each should move onward and upward from the stand point he before occupied, so that he who before was civilized may now become enlightened, whilst ho who before was barbarous may now become civilized. Let us now take the bearings of these propositions upon the practical question before us. Has not the elevation of humanity niton this continent, in the past seventy years, been such as was never before witnessed upon the earth ? Has not your progress been unexampled in the history of the world? None will gainsay these propositions. The story of your' nation is the romance of progress; the history of your Republic, the holiday of man's ele vation. Are these evidences of triumph, arc these evidences of capacity for progress, are these recorded indications of what is yet to come, evidences of our triumphs or evidences of another race? Sirs, these arc evidences of our triumphs. Shall we sur render these, the insignia of our race? Shall we surrender these, the trophies that we have won in a war with matter ? Shall W'C basely bow our neck and sub missively yield these trophies to a weak er race,?. Shall these be the badges of our weakness, the trophies of a mixed and mongrel race? Sir, shall we surrender the ballot, the emblem of sovereignty, that which makes us men ? Shall tills be yielded to the hand ofanolher race ? These are tlie questions that confront us. “ It is necessary to develop the labor er,” the Senator says : I admit it is neces sary to develop the laborer, but you must not develop him to the injury of the race that lives side by side with him. No, sir; raise them from their degraded con dition, lift them up, but do not attempt to place them on the same platform with the whites. I accord to them all their natural rights,; [ am willing to raise them from their degradation ; I am will ing to fit them to learn the greattruthsof the Gospel, to do business, to become in telligent, so that they may make con tracts and preserve tire fruits of their la bor. lam willing to do all this; but lam unwilling to bring them to an equality with a race that is far above them, and thus aid in lowering both. Vour nicely rounded periods of sympathetic and elo quent diction about the improvement of races, and the triumphs of humanity, are but too palpably proven to be myths—ldle as the vapor, empty as the wind, wnen you go to examine the practical workings of your theory. Bet us then bo warned by the experi ence of the past, taught bv the lessons of history. If God’s law bo'the elevation of humanity, lot us continue to elevate our selves and with Christian charity aid those below, us to climb the ascending grade. If the law of the world be the law of progress, lot us bo satisfied with' the proud position we enjoy, trying no new path, but energetically moving upward in our yet bright career. Let us not fet ter ourselves, by halting midway to ena ble the African to reach us. Let us be wise and preserve the sovereignty of our race. Let us estimate it at its true"value and re-, fuse to share it with those of whom his tory is silent, whose land is —voiceless, whom your own experience teaches are your inferiors, upon whom privileges are lost, and whom the mournful lessons of a century have but served to demonstrate their inertness and stolidity, (’bain us not to “ the body of this death. ” Now, remember that Massachusetts gave the negro the right to vote when ho was able to read and write, and in New York he has the right to vole when he is in posession of a certain amount of prop erty. The statistics of ISoOshow that in the State of Massachusetts there was one negro convict to every two hundred and sixty-two. Tlie proportion in New York is about thesame. Pennsylvania has one black convict to every five hundred black men within her borders. This 'demons trates that under our policy, which makes them not our equals, which docs not vest them with thepowerofsovereignty, much less- crime is committed than in those sec tions in which they have greater privil eges and are permitted to vote . 1 have more statistics. On page ICll of the census of IS.jU, under the headofpris ous and Penitentiaries for ISott, we ■ find that of every ten thousand colored people of the State of Maryland there were seven and about a quarter in prison, in every thousand colored people in the State of (.Continued on the fourth page.)
Significant historical Pennsylvania newspapers