SmmOT Whmtm. CARLISLE, PA., Tlmrsday .Homing, Fob, 15, 1800. ,i. it. lutvrrov a- w. tii'.wr.nv ,i;mrons and proprietors. EVPI.A.VATIO.V. One subscribers will timl the (lute to which (heir subscriptions uvo paid, im mediately alter their names on the ad dress of their papers. This represents ihe state of their accounts with the pres ent tirm, and has no reference to the ac counts of Mr. t'drnman.or of the Volun teer, prior to December Ist, IRGo. We desire to call attention to our lernis of subscription to he found at the head of the first column of the first page. We intend to adhere to these terms strictly in the. future, hut will make this modification: All those iu arrears, whose subscriptions date from the first of December last, who settle their ac counts during the present mouth of February, will be charged at the rate of JL’,ui) per annum, After the \ut of March an mrintion wifi be made from our pub lished terms, in any instance. Alt will hare /air notice, and ire intend to treat all alike. SCUSCIUBERS IS ARREARS WILL THEREFORE SAW. FIFTY CENTS BY FAYING FOB THEIR PAPERS BEFORE the Ist of march. We do not intend tins as a dan, but merely as a notice, for the benefit of subscribers who arc in ar- rea VO TIME TO TOOK AFTEB THIEVES. We have read most of the reports of the heads of Departments at Washing ton—civil and military ; wehavescann ed the proceedings of the Rump Con gress ; we have carefully read the lead ing Abolition disunion journals for some time; and yet we have not seen one syllable or one word in condemnation of the hundreds and thousandsof gigan tic frauds and thefts that have been per petrated in our country. When we consider the magnitude of these frauds the hundreds of millions of dollars that have been lost to the treasury, and Inch losses the people have to make up by taxation —is it not wonderful that not one official has made even a refer ence to them ? True, Gen. Grant, in his Report, did intimate that the man agers of the mammoth negro boarding house—called by its friends the “ Freed men’s Bureau”—were swindling the Government, hut no notice was taken of his hint, either by Congress or the Departments. On the contrary the hoarding house is to have additional powers given it, and more facilities af forded to the whelps who prowl about its kitchens and pick up the good things that art* bought with the money of the people. “Thou shall not steal,” is a divine injunction, hut the leaders of the negro disunion party appear to pay no atten tion to the laws of God or man, for -teal they will us often as opportuni ty affords. .So monstrous have been their defalcations, that even Horace Hreeiy, editor of the Tribune, was shock ed and confounded, and in speaking of the doings of these political pets and scoundrels, gave it as his opinion that, laid it not been for their defalcations, our national debt would not amount to half the sum it does—one half or more of the whole debt living stolen money. And yet, notwithstanding all this the Hump Congress puts in its time, day af ter day, on the subject of tlie negro, and no motion is made to investigate the monstrous frauds that have rifled the Treasury of hundreds of millions of dol lars. Truly the administration of Lin coln afforded a tine harvest to “loyal thieves.” No wonder so many corrupt villains, who formerly professed to be Democrats, found it convenient and “ loyal” to forsake the principles of their fathers. They were well paid for their apostacy, and nearly every mother’s son of them lias become immensely wealthy. So we go—stealing, perjury, fraud and deviltry go hand in hand, and yet we hear decent men and hon est men declaim In favor of the party that gives countenance to these “ loyal” transactions. Who are fotmd in the seats formerly oc cupied by Southern statesmen? Alas! nobody. They are empty—empty be cause such creatures as Sumner, Wado Wilson and other disunionists, prefer an aroliy and desolation to peace and union Volunteer, That the seats of traitors are empty and will remain so for some time isn't a great source of grief to any except those who need their assistance to ruin wind is left us of our country.— Herald, Then President Johnson is working for the ruin of our country, is he? It is well known Unit he is making every effort to secure to all the States imme diate representation in Congress and their full rights under tilt; Constitution ax Staten of the Union, He is a Republi can in politics, was elected by the Re publicans, but yet we now see th a Herald charging him with an attempt to “ ruVu our country.” This is “ opposition to the Government,” according to the teaching of the Herald not long since, and for which many scores of good men were incarcerated in dungeons by the “ divine” Stanton, ti&S“ Why don’t the Republican jour nalH give their candid views upon the bloody manifesto of Senator Sumner?— In his brutal speech he threatened “re sistance revenge”—“ blood”—and “all the horrors of Saint Domingo”— unless the negro was placed upon an equality with the white man. Some Republican journals have been bold ■enough to approve it—others have pre served an intense silence upon the sub ject—but none have denounced it, and held It up to scorn and reprobation.— They mmt toe the mark, and meet the issue frankly} tlei?* The Harrisburg 'Ash’ynqih says that at the beginning of the war the Re publican party made many pledges.— We have no doubt of It—the principal pledge being to steal as much as they possibly could, and call It “ loyalty.”— They have kept the pledge most fnlti,. 'idly. rn vnntrs stevenn. 'in® •,* No public man has heretofore appear ed upon the stage l of our national poli- tics whose character and disposition combined more intense bitterness and vindictiveness of feeling, more fiendish, cold-blooded malignity, than do the character and disposition of Thad Ste vens. His heart is as cold and hard as a block of marble and never knew' a genial, generous impulse. Is o man ever won from him words of sympathy or kindness. Sarcasm and insult are his fort, and he.never misses an opportuni ty to use them upon friend or foe, with an unsparing tongue. As is natural for such a character, lie has no respect for religion, law or the memories of the past—and as is also natural, lie is a mis erable coward. He would strike the fallen foe, whom he never dared to meet in open manly debate "in days gone by. He insults the memory of the dead with slander and vituperation as none but a coward would do. He casts reproaches upon those whose spotless purity of life shines all the more brightly in con trast with liis hideous moral defromity. We will not call him a brute, for lie has rare talents; we will not call him tv dem agogue, for he rules his party with a rod of iron; we know of no other term whieli so aptly indicates his true char acter ns that of fiend incarnate. He will go down into history as one of the worst men of this day and generation—beside whom Jefferson Davis and his rebel band will look like angels of light. Week before last Stevens made one of his characteristic speeches in the House of Representatives, declaring open war against the President, and threatening him with the fate of Charles the First. He avowed that the Fathers of the Be- public, in forming life Constitution, had “compromised their principles;” they had been false to the teachings of liber ty, and he (Stevens,) was an instrument iu the hands of Providence to rectify their mistakes. The idea that Provi dence would use such an old reprobate as Tliad Stevens as a means for accom plishing any good is so sublimely impu dent as to be absurd. He launched a tirade of unsparing invective against President Johnson, declaring: “This is the proclamation, the com mand of the President of the United States, made and put forth by authority in advance, and at a time when this Congress was legislating on this very question, made, iu my judgment, in violation of the privileges of tins House ; made in such a way that centuries ago, had H been made to Parliament by a British king, it would have cost him his head. But sir, we pass that by; we are tolerant of usurpation in this tolerant government of ours. Had sueli language been used by any Democratic Representative in regard to Abraham Lincoln, the intensely “ loy al” would have been for stringing him up to the ftrat lamp post. Then such lan guage was “ treason,” now it is the highest type of “ loyalty.” And not only does Thad Stevens speak in this way of the President, but this very in vective was immediately and almost unanimously endorsed by the Republi can party in the House of Representa tives. He asked the House to decide between him and the President. Ho offensively flouted his amendment to the Constitution in the face of the Presi dent, who had expressed the desire that there should be no more tinkering at the Constitution. He said to vote for tliis amendment is to defy “ the man at the other end of the avenue,” and to teach him not to interfere with Congress; and the Republican party, with but a voices, gave that vote and that defiance. He also distinctly avowed that the object of this amendment apportioning Representatives according to the mini, her of voters in each State, was to force tlie Southern States to give their negroes tlie right of suffrage. His language was: “ I say no more strong inducement could ever be held out to them, no more severe punishment could ever be inflicted upon them as States. If they exclude tlie colored population they will lose at least thirty-live Representatives in this hall.— If they adopt it they will have eighty three votes. Take it away from them and they will have only from forty-live to forty-eight votes, all told, in this hall; and then, sir, let them have all the cop perhead assistance they can get, and lib erty will he triumphant.” And with this avowal before them, the Republican party, almost to a man, voted for tills amendment. He also declares in favor of negro rep resentatives in Congress, which is hut a natural sequence of his first position, saying “ when they have said to all their freedmen, to their former slaves, you are men and you shall be. represen ted, then let them come here. I shall not he here to see them, ax I did (heir masters, who a few years since drew pis tols and daggers upon me when I was making such a speech as this, yet a free people will bo here represented, and will take care of themselves.” By some ill-starred fortune, tills man Thud Stevens seems to hold tlie desti nies of the nation in his hands. Ho ex ercises almost unlimited power in the lower House of Congress; and every revolutionary measure he introduces he forces through, without consideration or debate, under the crack of tlie radical lash. No man dare say him nay. He wields the scepter of a tyrant as merci lessly as the Czar of Russia. Verily, it would be well for the liberties of this country if the fate of Charles I, were moeted out to him, for there is no man whose death the country would less sin cerely mourn than that of Thaddeus Stevens. Way- Why don’t the abolition papers publish Senator Cowan’s speech in sup port of (he President's Restoration Policy? They are opposed to the President and Ins policy. Why don’t the abolition papers pub lish tire President’s Special Message to tha Senate in regard to the condition of the South ? They think it a “white-washing’ Message, and say so- Wby don’t the abolition papers pub lish Gen Grind’s report on the same .subject? They think it a while washing report, and say so. POOH WHITE MEN TO BE BIBFRAN- chiseb. Thc enfranchisement of negroes and the disfranchisement of poor white men, are about the only objects that claim the attention of our disunion law-makers, in both Congress and the State Legisla ture. They appear its anxious for the one as for the other, and seem deter mined to carry out both. 11l the House of Representatives at Harrisburg, a few days since, a hill was passed by a party vote, ordering the polls at all elections in the city of Philadelphia, to be closed at 6 o’clock, P. M., instead off, as here tofore. Nearly the entire working pop ulation of Philadelphia have been in the habit of voting between the hours of 6 and 7, (after they had finished their daily labor,) but now, under the opera tion of this new negro-equality arrange - meat, the poor laborer of Philadelphia must either consent to lose a day’s wa ges or be deprived of his votb. The infamy of this attempt to deprive the poor men of Philadelphia of the right of suffrage is apparent to. the most casual observer. Nineteen out of every twenty of the working men of Philadel phia vote the Democratic ticket, and on the subject of negro-equality and negro voting, they are unanimous, in opposi tion. Hence it is that the effort is to be made to disfranchise these hard-fisted voters. Very few if any of them can afford to lose a day’s wages, and they must either do this or lose their vote. What a piece of scoundrelism is this! With the 'nfamous apportionment bill now in operation—by which one-fourth the Demodrats of this State are disfran chised, in the election of Congressmen and members of Assembly—it was sup posed our unprincipled and reckless op ponents would be satisfied, and not dare to suggest any additional outrage upon the people. But now wo have other propositions—one to give negroes the right of suffrage, because they will vote the Republican ticket, and one to de prive white laborers of the same right because most of them vote the Demo cratic ticket. Step by step are the men In power undermining the institutions of our country, and if not checked in their mad career, the right of suffrage, which our fathers gave us as a sacred boon, will be wrested from us, and fanatics and ne groes will rule in this State and in the nation. Let the people—we moan wh He people—think of these things before it is too late. The Lancaster Ejection—Demo cratic Triumph.— The Lancaster mu nicipal election took place on Tuesday of last week, and resulted in a glorious Democratic triumph. Capt. Sander son was re-elected Mayor by some 200 majority, notwithstanding the desper ate efforts that were resorted to by the tools of Thad Stevens to defeat him. The corruption fund at Washington fur nished 44,000, to be used in buying up the venalandunprincipled,hut all would not do—the Democrats and conserva tives rallied manfully, and defeated the disunionists, horse, foot and dragoons. The Lancaster Intelligencer, in speaking of this great victory, says: “It is in all respects, the greatest victory ever achieved by the Democracy of Lan caster, and will have a most salutary and beneficial effect upon the rest of the Btate. The arch demagogue, disunidnist, and traitor, Thaddeus Stevens, has been sig nally and terribly rebuked at his home, and white men everywhere have good reason to rejoice over the result.” A Dead Husband Turns Up.—An other ease of the dead coming to life has just been brought to light in the Regis ter’s Office of this county. A citizen of Reading, who enlisted in the early part of tlie war, and from whom no informa tion was had for some time, was given up for dead. His supposed widow, in order to draw a certain legacy which in the meantime became payable to the husband, took out Letters of Adminis tration on his estate, drew the legacy and was again married immediately thereupon. A few weeks afterwards the husband—not dead, but living called at the Register’s Office, where he was informed that Letters of Adminis tration on his estate, had been granted to his supposed widow; whereupon lie instituted legal proceedings against the Administratrix and her sureties in or der to recover back, not the wife, as he alleged, but tlie legacy. This is the sec ond case of a similar nature that lias oc curred in the Register’s Office of this county within the last three months. — Head in</_ Gazette. Abolition Stkategv.— Last winter the loyalists, through Senator.Bigham, of Pittsburg, reported a bill to abolish the office of Surveyor General, alledging that it was only an expense to the State, now the same Senator has introduced a bill doubling the salary of that officer.— The reason for this loyal trick is, that the incumbent heretofore has been a Democrat, but the gentleman elected for the next three years is an abolition ist. This accounts for the milk in the Cocoanut. What love those loyal hyp ocrites profess for the taxpayers when the Treasury doors are closed“iigainst them. —Simbury Democrat. The Hon. George Bancroft on Monday pronounced the funeral oration commemorative of President Lincoln, in the presence of the President, Cabinet, Congress, and a large concourse of spec tators, at Washington. Business was entirely suspended, and nothing was done in Congress. Simon Cameron presided at the recent Fish Convention at Harrisburg. As Simon hjis always beep considered a very slippery and “ fishy” politician he was certainly the right man for this po sition. inn.—We regret to learn that the Hon. S. K. Ancona, M.C., from Berks county, has been seriously ill at Washington for ome days past. We look with anxiety for his early recovery. gay-The Congressional Bounty Com mittceare in favor of giving lands instead of bounties, and probably so report . __xnAITOVS Jipsi “OF.T OFT." A delcgation/pf -members of the Leg islature of Virginia— all of them dis tinguished men—waited upon President .Johnson on Monday last, and deliver ed an address. The President replied at length, in a most significant and pow erful speech—a speech that will attract universal attention. We will publish both addresses in out next. In the mean time we give the following extract from the President’s remarks. Speaking of the “radicals” in both sections, houses this language: I do not intend to say anything person al ; but you know as well as I do, that at the begining of the recent gigantic strug gle between the different sections of the country, there were extreme men South and there were extreme men North. I might make use ofa homely figure, which is sometimes as good as any other, even i li the ilustration of great and important questions, and say that it has been a ham mer at one end of the lino and an anvil at the other. And this great government, the best the world ever saw, was kept up on the anvil, and it has been hammered since the rebellion, and there seems to be a disposition to continue the hammering until the government shall be destroyed. I have opposed that system always, and I oppose it now. The government, in the assertion of its powers and the mainte nance of the principles of the Constitution, hasjtaken hold of one extreme, and, with the strong arm of physical power„has put down the rebellion. Now as, we swing around the circle of, the Union, with a fixed and unalterable determina tion to stand by it, if we find the counter part or the duplicate of the same spirit that played to this feeling and these per sons in the South, this other extreme, Which stands in the way, must get out of it, and the government must stand un shaken and unmoved on its basis. It is very evident that unless Stevens, Sumner, and the rest of the brood of obstructionists stop the “ hammering,” which is so distasteful to “that man at the other end of the avenue,” they will soon find themselves in an awkward po sition. THE ‘ COMING MAN" STOPPED A BIT The Colored Members of the Itnnip Have an Interview with the PrcNident. They Ash lltni to Use liis Power to Secure Nogro-Siiirrase. UK REFERS THEM TO Till? I>KOPLK-1N WHOM ALL POWER RESIDES, It' the Negroes ilon't Like to he Governed by' White Men They Can Go Elsewhere. They Go--to Get the People Right I The Negro branch of the Sump Con gress, which is supposed to control the “ National Republican” caucuses and sug gest the prominent features of Rump le gislation, had an interview with Presi dent Johnson on the'-Tth inst. The fol lowing are the members composing the Ebony branch: Frederick Douglass, of Now Vork; George T. Downing, representing tile Now England States: L. H. Douglass, and W. E. Matthews, of Maryland; J. Jones, of Illinois; John L. Cook, of the District of Columbia; A. J. Raynior, of South Carolina; Joseph Oats, of Florida; A. W. Ross, of Mississippi; Win. Ripper, Penn sylvania; John M. Brown and Alexan der Dunlap, of Virginia; and Calvin Pep per (white) of Virginia. DOWNING’S speech We present ourselves to your Excellen cy to make known with pleasure the re spect which we /ire glad to cherish for you ; a respect which is your duo ns our Chief Magistrate. It is our desire for you to know that we come feeling that we are friends, meeting,ns friends. We should, however, have manifested our friendship by not coming to further tax your already much burdened and valuable time. But we have another object in calling. We are in a passage to equality before the law. God hath made it by opening a red sea. We would have your assistance through the same. We come to you iu the name of the United States, and are delegated to come by some who have un- R r worn iron manacles on their bodies ; me whose minds have been tram meled by class legislation in States called free. The colored people of the States of Illi nois, Wisconsin, Alabama, Mississippi, Florida, South Carolina, North Carolina, Virginia, Maryland Pennsylvania, New York, Now Fngland States, and District of Columbia, have specially delegated us to come. Our coming is a marked cir cumstance noting determined hope: that we are not satisfied with an amendment prohibiting slavery, but that we wish it enforced with appropriate legislation. This is our desire. We ask for it intelli gently, with the knowledge and convic tion that the fathers of the revolution in tended freedom for every American, that they should be protected in their rights ns citizens and equal before the la w., Wo are Americans, native-born Ameri cans, We are citizeus, we are glad to have it known to the world, as bearing no doubtful record on this point. On this fact, and with confidence in the triumph of justice, wo base our hopes. Wo see no recognition of color or races in the organic law of the land. It knows no privileged class, and therefore we cherish the hope that we may be fully enfranchised, not only hero in this district, but throughout the laud. Wo respectfully submit that rendering anything loss than this will be rendering to us Jess than our just duos, that granting anything loss than our full rights will be a disregard of our just rights ot disrespect for.our feelings. If the power that be do so it will bo used as a license, us it were, of an apolo gy for any community, or for individuals, thus disposed to outrage our rights and leelings. It has been shown in the pres ent war that the Government may justly, reach the-strong arm into States and de mand from them, from those who owe it allegiance, their assistance and support. Miw it noe reach out a like arm to secure and protect its subjects upon whom it has a like claim ? Klii'in dobui.ass’ speech Air. President, -w e are not here to en lighten you, sir, as to your duties as the Chief Magistrate of the Republic, but to show our respect,-and to present in brief the claims of our race to your favorable consideration. By the order of Divine Providence you are placed in a position where you have the power to save or de stroy us—to bless or to blast us j I mean our whole race. Your noble and humane predecessor placed in our hands the pow er to assist in saving the nation, and we do hope that you, his able successor, will favorably regard the placing in our hands of the ballot, with which to save our selves. ' . . . Wo shall submit no argument on that point. The fact that wo are the subjects of government and subject to taxation, subject to volunteer,in the service of the country, subject to being drafted, subject to boar.the burdens of.tlio State, makes it not improper that we should ask to share in the privileges of this condition. 1 have no speech to make on this occasion. I simply submit those observations as a lim ited expression of tiro views and feelings of tlie delegation with which 1 have come. liKPi.v or tiik I'lu.sinr.VT Tiie following is substantially 'the re sponse of the President: In reply to some of your inquiries, not to make a speech about this matter, for It is always best to talk plainly and distinctly about such cpiest ions, X will say that if I haS T e not flvcn evidence in my former course that am a friend of humanity', and to that portion of it which constitutes the colored population, I can give no evidence here after. Everything that I have had, both as regards, life and property,, has been periled in this cause, and I feel and think that I understand, (not to lie egotistic,) what should ho the true direction of tins question, and what course of policy would result in the amelioration and ultimate elevation not only of the colored, but the great mass of tire people of the United States. I say that if I have not given evidence that I am a friend of humanity, and es pecially the friend of the colored man, in my past conduct, there is nothing that I can now do that would. I repeat, all that I possessed, life, liberty, and property, have been put up in connection with that question,’when I had every inducement held out to take the other course, by adopting which I would have accomplish ed, perhaps, all that the most ambitious might have desired. If I know myself and the feelings of my own heart, they have been for the colored man. I have owned slaves, and bought slaves, but I never sold one. I might say, however, that practically, so far as my connection with slaves has gone, I have been their slave instead of their being mine, Some have even fol lowed hero, while others are occupying and enjoying my property with my con sent. Tor the colored race my means, my time, my all has been periled, and now, at this "late day, after giving evi dence that is tangible, that is practical, I am free to toll you that I do not like to be arraigned by some who can get up hand somely-rounded periods, deal in rhetoric and talk about abstract ideas of liberty, who never periled life, liberty or prop erty. This kind of theoretical, hollow, un practical friendship amounts to but very. little. While I say that lam a friend of the colored man, I do not want to adopt a policy that I belive will end iu a contest between the races, which, if persisted iu, will result in the extermination of one or the other. God forbid that I should be en gaged in such a work now. It is always nest to talk practically and in a common sense way. Yes, 1 have said, and I re peat it here, that if the colored man in the United .States could find no other Moses or any Moses that would be more able and efficient than myself, X would l>o his Moses to lead him from bondage to freedom; that I would pass him from a land whore he had lived in slavery to .a land (if it were in our reach) of freedom. Yes, I would bo willing to pass with him through the Red Sea to the land of prom ise, to the laud of liberty ; but I am not willing, under either circumstances, to adopt a policy which I believe will only result in the sacrifice of his life, and the shedding of his blood. I think I know what I say ; I feel what I say, and I feel assured that if the policy urged by some be persisted in, it will result in great in jury to the white as well as to the colored man. There is a great deal of talk about the sword in one hand accomplishing one end, and the ballot accomplishing another at the baffot-hox. Those tilings all do very well, and sometimes have a forcible application. We talk about justice, we talk about right. We say that the white man has been iu the wrong in keeping the black man in slavery as long us he has.. That is all true. Again, we talk about the Declaration of Independence, and equality before the law. You under stand all that, and know how to appreci ate it. But now let us look each other in the face. Let us go to the great mass of colored men throughout the slave States. Let us take the condition in which they are at the present time (and it is bad enough we all know,) and suppose by some magic you could say to every one, “You shall vote to-morrow. How much would that ameliorate their condition at this time? Now, let’us get closer up to this subject and talk about it. What relation baa the colored man and white man heretofore occupied iu the South? I opposed slavery upon two grounds. First, itwasagreatmonopoly,en abling those who controlled and owned it to constitute an aristocracy, enabling the few to derive great profits and rule the many with an iron rod, as it were; and that in one great objection to it in argu ment, it being a monopoly. I was op posed to it, secondly, upon the abstract principle of slavery. Hence in getting clear of a monopoly we were getting clear of slavery at the same time. So, you see, there were two right ends accomplished in the accomplishment of the one. -Mr. Douglass—Mr. President, do you wish— The President—l am not quite through yet. Slavery lias been abolished. A great national guarantee lias been given, one that cannot be Revoked. I was get ting at the relation that subsisted between the white man and the colored man. A very small proportion of white persons, compared with the whole number of such, owned the colored people of the South. I might instance the State of Tennessee in illustration. There were twenty-seven non-slaveholders to one slaveholder, and yet that slave power controlled the State. Lot us tall; about the matter as It is. Although the colored man was in sla very there, and owned as property in the sense and in the language of that lo cality and of that community, yet in com paring his condition and his position there with the non-slaveholder, he usual ly estimated his importance just in pro portion to the number of slaves that his master owned with the non-slaveholder. Have you never lived upon a plantation? Mr. Douglass—l have, your Excel lency. The President—When you could look over and see a man, who had a large fami ly, struggling hard upon a poor piece of land, you thought a great deal less of him than you did of your own master. Mr. Douglass—Not I. The President. Well, I know such was the ease with a large majority of you in those sections; where suck is the case, we know- there is an enmity; we know there is a hate. The poor white man, on the other hand, was opposed' to the slave and his master, for the colored man and his master combined kept him in slavery * by depriving him of a fair participation in the labor and productions of the rich iinios of tlic country. Don ? t you know that a colored man in going to hunt a master (as they call it) for the next year preferred hiring to a man who owned slaves rather than one who did not. I know the fact, at all events. IVfr. Douglass—Because they treated him better, The President—They did not consider it quite as respectable to hire to a man who did not own negroes as to hire to one who did. .. _ Mr. Douglass—Because he wouldn’t bo treated ns well. The. President—Then that is another argument in lavor of what I am going to say. _ It si lows that the colored man ap preciated the slave owner more highly than lie did the man who didn’t own slaves. Hence the enmity between the colored man and the non-slaveholders.— The white man was permitted to vote be fore government was derived from him He is a part and parcel of the political machinery, not by rebellion or revolution And when you.come back to the objects of this war you find that the abolition of slavery was not one of the objects. ’ Con gress, and tlie President himself, declared that it was waged on our part in order to suppress the rebellion. The abolition of slavery lias come as an incident to the suppression of a great rebellion—as an in cident, and as an incident we should give it the proper direction. The colored man went into this rebellion a slave. By the operation of the rebellion he came out a froodman, equal to freedmen in other por tions of the country. 1 hen there is a great deal done for him on tins point. The non-slaveholder Svlio lorced into the rebellion, and was as loy a‘“s thps u who lived beyond the limits oi the btate, was carried into it, and his property, and in a number of instances the lives of such wore sacrificed, and he who has survived has come out of it with nothing gained, but a great deal lost. Now, upon a principle of justice, should thov be placed in a condition dillcrent from what they were [before? On the one hand one lias gained a great deal.— On the other hand one has lost a great deal, and, in political point of view, scarcely stands whore he did before. Now wo are'talking about where we are going to begin. “We have got at the hate Hint existed between the two races. The emery comes up whether these two races, situated as they were,before, with out preparation, without time for passion and excitement to bo appeased, and with out time for the slightest improvement, whether the one should be turned loose upon the other and be thrown together at the Ballot-box with this enmity and hate existing between them ? The question comes up, will wo not then commence a war of races ? I think I understand this thing; and especially is this the case when you force it upon a people without their consent. You have spoken about government.— Where is power derived from? Wo say it is derived from the people. Let us take it so, and refer to' the District of Colum bia by way of illustration. Supposfe, for instance, here, in this political communi ty, which to a certain extent must have government, must have law; and putting it now upon the broadest basis you can put it, take into consideration the relation which the white has hitherto borne to the colored race, is it proper to force upon this community,-, without their consent, the elective franchise without regard to color, making it universal? Now, whero-do you begin? Govern ment must have a controlling power; must have a lodgment. For instance, suppose Congress should pass a law au thorizing an election to be hold, at which all over twenty-one years of age, without regard to color, should be allowed to vote, and a majority should decide at such eloo- tiou that the elective franchise should not be universal, what would you do about it ? Who would settle it ? Do you deny that first great principle of the right of the people to govern themselves ? Will you resort to an arbitrary power, and say a majority of this people shall receive a state of things they are" opposed to? Mr. Douglas—That was said before the war. The President —I am now talking about a principle, and not what somebody else said. Mr. Downing—Apply what you have said, Mr, President, to South Carolina, for instance. The President —Suppose you go to South Carolina, suppose you go to Ohio, that does not change tlie principle at all. The query to which I have referred still comes up when the Government is undergoing a fundamental change. The Government commenced upon this principle; it has existed uiisw, it, and you propose now to incorporate into it an element that did not exist before. I say the query comes uj), in underta king this thing, whether wo have a right to make a change in regard to the elect ive franchise iu Ohio, for instance; wheth er we shall not let the people in that State decide the matter for themselves. Each community is better prepared to determine the depository of its political power than anybody else, and it is for the Legislature, for the people of Ohio, to say who shall vote, and not for tlie Congress of the United States. I might go down here to the ballot-box to-morrow and vote directly for universal suffrage, hut if a great majority of this people said no, I should consider it would he tyrannical and arbitrary in me to at tempt to force it upon them without their will. It is a fundamental text iu my creed that tlie will of the people must be obeyed when fairly expressed. Is there anything wrong or unfair in that? Mr. Douglas, smiling—A great deal of wrong, Mr. President, with all respect. The President—lt is the people of the States that must for themselves determine tills question. I do not want to be enga ged in a work that will commence a war ot races. I want to begin the work of re paration. If a man demeans himself well, and shows evidence that this new state of affairs will operate, he will be protected in all his rights and given every possible advantage by the State or community in which lie lives, when they become recon ciled socially and politically to certain things. Then will this new order of af fairs work harmoniously; but forced up on the people before they are prepared tor it it will be resisted aud work inharmo niously. I feel, too, a conviction that forcing tills matter upon the people, up on the community, will result in the in jury of both races, and the rum of one or the other. God knows I have no desire but the good of the whole human race. I would it were so that all you advocate could be done in the twinkling of an eye, but it is not in the nature of things and I do not assume or pretend to be wiser than Providence, or stronger than the laws of nature. Let us now seekito discover the law governing this question. There is a great law controlling it; let us endeavor to find out what the law is, and conform our action to it; all the details will then properly adjust themselves and work out well in tlie end. God knows that any thing I can do, I will do in the mighty process by which the great end is to be reached. Anything I can do to elevate the races, to soften or ameliorate their condition, I will do, and to be able to do so is the sincere desire of my heart. lam glad to have met you, and thank you for tlie compliment you have paid me. Mr. Douglas—l have to return you our thanks, Mr. President, for so kindly grant ing this interview. We did not come here expecting to argue this question with your Excellency, but simply to state what wore our views and wishes in the premis es. If we were disposed to argue the question, and you would grant us per mission, of course 'wo would endeavor to controvert some of the positions you have assumed. Hr. Downing—Mr. Douglas, I take it that the President, by his kind expres sions and his very full treatment of the subject, must have contemplated some re ply to the views which ho has advanced, and in which we certainly do not oncur, and I say this with due respect. The Presidentr—l thought you expected me to indicate, to some extent what my views were on the subjects touched upon in your statement. Mr. Downing—We are very happy in deed, to have hoard them. Mr. Douglas—lf the President will al low me, I would like to say one or two words in reply. The President—All I have done is sim ply to indicate what my views are, as I suppose you expected me to do from your address. Mr. Douglas—My own impression is that the very thing that your Excellency would avoid in the Southern States can only be avoided by the very measure that we propose, and I would state to my broth er delegates that because I perceive the President has taken strong ground in fa vor of a given policy, and, distrusting my own ability to remove any of those im pressions which he has expressed, I thought we had better end the interview with the expression of thanks. [Ad dressing the President] but, if your Ex cellency will be pleased to hear, I would like to say a word or two in regard to that one matter of the enfranchisement of the blacks, as a means of preventing the very thing which your Excellency seems to apprehend—that is, a conflict of races. The President—l repeat, I merely want ed to indicate my views In reply to your address, and not to enter into any gener al controversy, as I could not well do so under the circumstances. Your statement was a very frank one, and I thought it was duo to you to meet it in the same spirit. Mr. Downing— I Thank you, sir. The President—l think you will lind,. so far as the South is concerned, that if you will all inculcate there the idea in connection with the one you urge, that the colored people can live and advance in civilisation, to better advantage else- whore than crowded togetheHiDuTfc~'~' ‘ it would be better for tlicm be feont >'. Mr. Douglas-But the masters have n making of the laws, and we caniw ll,f away from the plantations. nnt Rft The President—What prevents v,.,. > • Mr. Douglas We have not , , [ right of locomotion through the Sn , c orn States now. i The President—lf the master who <■„ I : ; l'w trols him or his action, would he nni 01- trot him in his vote? uu * ««>»t Mr. Douglas-Let the negro once Ull derstand that ho has an organic right -f., vote, and he will raise up a party inn 1 Southern States among the poor who’ll rally with him. There is this conflu IffßtDftl that you speak of between the wcnluf kww slaveholder and the poor man. th >' ?' *' ' The President—You touch, riirhf ~h the point there. There is tins eouifu b hence I suggest emigration. If he enn,, ! get enjoyment in the South, he has’u! Bis power to go where he can get it n In parting, the President stated thn they were both desirous of nccomnlislii,,™ wafeton the same end, but proposed to do Sorsest following different routes. ob - v msehoh Mr. Douglass, on turning to leave W°hday marked 1 to his fellow-delegates • ° ! £ President sends us to the people, am) „■! will have to go and get the people rfe i JZS The President-Yes, sir; 1-have S rhu SS faith in the people. ± believe they 8 wiU do what is just, and have no doubt thm will settle this question' right, and S ffl that it will be submitted to them for foj| The'delegates then bowed and with, d,ew ■■ ■■ torses, < OUR WASHINGTON LETTER . “■ ISatuiSj Open War Between the Executive and a, forth B Krcc.-.-Andy Jfoli.i.on Don’t Dike to be r!' old ant united—life Speech to the DaPklpt! Guillotine Gcltlnc Beady»oa 005 S& I BeOS a ton** Head-A Kemorkoblc Grcam.-Troubi.’ iureatMf j In th© Colored Camp. u#l< f ftfofyify Washington, Feb. 12, un n Mlddl Messrs.- Editors Voduntbkb :—Let nil g B) jarllsle, - people, as they bend the knee In prayer, u, atti Ungstoi the Lord that such a man Uvea ns Andrew John, [hreshll son—a man whoMtas patriotism enough i u bli titohi. i* heart, strength enough of nerve, and hone* ' Tiie&dl enough of purpose to throw himself in the mj htld hpl of the advancing tide of radical revolution, ajj »ad leal any to the mad waves “ Thus far and no fartherr ytCIWn- Let all the people say “ Amen” to the burith; words our President haaspoken In behalf of pen, yofbtl and Union and the white race. Sumner ran, Devehhi rave, and Wilson may howl, and Stephens nuj: Thurs blaspheme, and Kelly may pharisaically than! his God that he is not ns other men are; hut)f Plain word has been spoken—a word for constltutionil ETottSeh government and legal liberty—n word for pt<n [Fflda’ and Union—a word for the white man—only a If;, hevl Zh tie word it may be, but It is for the white man, jlt-IStA and that is glory enough for one day. Wlm, lost week, a Democratic member of the Hoia Bftpil® proposed thaUouo day In seven should be stl Fanhih apart for the legitimate business of thescssto, u nitUtfs be culled “ white men’s day,” it was Indignantly SaUIT laid on the table by the negro-worshipping ma- Mid -Df Jorlty. Not even the poor pittance of |)!U jr Sheafej could be given to the Interests of the while mn ceflsedj But thank fortune Andrew Jolmsou iuus miIGSO two days to the white man, and be lias doin': n,::. COWS,- in those two days than old Stevens and his tat torous crew will be able to uudo for a month Ur-;Sfttui come. He Fred. Douglass arid ills brotlijjß “ nigs” away with very largo fleas in Tills has raised a very bitter feeling. against on the part of the radicals, and they, swear geanco In all sorts of ways. They will rejMi; fufjufr Jolinson’s appointments; they will refuse npp»‘ •' Moil prlations for carrying on tire Government; thefl revolutionize the Government; they even per of blood and violence. You can scarcely aginewliata rage they are In—arid all becatr President Johnson has seen flt to cleelnreth* 1 . this is a White man’s Government and is such a thing In existence us the Coustituli^'YOuu| which must be obeyed; and that his highest bitlou is to have the old Union of the fathers ft stored at once and completely. Of course will give your readers his speech t 6 the delegation, also that to the negroes and that the Virginia delegation, delivered on Saturday.; me tell you’ Jiore, and once for tlierc is no back-down in Andy Johnson. Helif made of sterner stuff than that. Ho has tak« his position, and by that he will stand or fall' And let me tell you, too, that he is gotthytif guillotine ready; and every ofiiee-lvoldcr does not support his Administration UioroughljiStOYiei and enthusiastlcftlly, “ off goes his hcadotT." will have no half-way measures. He has tUreaJ/j, - ; declared that *• he that is not for him is ngalns him.” Have a little patience, and you vdl! the first chapter in our new Bartholomew’s day-*' / ; u the slaughter of the innocents.” The “ d(v(Qf’^. J ■?** .9 Stanton’s head will bo the first to drop Into tfc; basket, and then will come such a wholesale it' capitation as will soar old Thad’s eye-balls won '■ «'|J than that vision of “ the sheeted dead” he the house the other day, and (to complete ... finished quotation) “ make each particular liaF • of that old brown wig of his “ to stand one-, Esq.j like quills upon the fretted porcupine.” tftryi in this interesting predicament, he will sit fork, aud : . ; ' picture, to bo hung iu the rogue's gallery. theil Speaking of old Thad, your readers may doc> . f*rt less be interested in a remarkable dream so 2 ..; individual recently had in the west. Hodrtf he was in the infernal regions; and while tbs'. Tlmd came to the door, asking admittance. E. . jy* “Satanic majesty” politely Informed iz\£t there was no room there for him; but In cons# ation of his services, ho would furnish him# 1 , j-g small supply of Are and brimstone, and lie * “go off by himself and start a little hell own.” 'Whether Thaddeus went or not, 15 tj j dreamer does not Inform us. This visit of the negroes to President IA was gotten up by Sumner and - Stevens to the President “to the wall.” They would quail before the issue; and dreamed of the terrible rebuff in reserve . JU they never would have risked the Yei( As it was, their game failed utterly, and o« ®' jjl ored friends came away with very dark - 3j nances. Oh, there is high old trouble -- A colored camp. It may ho true, as some oil* ,; A rural BepubUcan cotemporaries say, that' b>A is no conllict between the Executive nad ® . - A grosshut If It be true, why Is it that thok* Q,u] men’s Bureau Bill which passed both He» LrJ some days ago, has never yet reached the rJ '- 'Kb of the President? What causes the delay;i the District Negro Suffrage Bill In the SctuS- Why not pass that also and send it to the B. dent? AVhat has become with Stevem'J 1 ’ jS colored amendment to the Constitution! Q<x what one of the Senate's pigeon hold ** £ “sleep Its last sleep” ? Tlie President lias v Kl' and candidly expressed his views about V , “ tinkerings” , are the radicals afraid to R, tlieirs? They threw down the gauntlet no* . - & man at the other end of the Avenue" M 5 Jo] it up. Time will show who has the best nit-. I but your lipmble servant takes this ocenst’k ICt “ bet his pile” on Andy Johnson, lie i-’ : *ko known wliat defeat was in nil his life, i- u ' ! £ , Stl himself says, lie is now “too old to i CIirII, . ” has declared his conlidenee in the virtue nn* L - telligence of the people; let them rally 'tA might and their majesty to the “ WTi*' I ', Y® ffovernnumi and the day of radical . p€t: will soon he at an end. cAUf*** Ingenious.— The following is a * >'s'<. method for solving the puzzle wbdt' •*** given mouth be a short or a lo " S ,! “ Close the hand and touch the font knuckles and the hollows between, ular rotation, from the forejto the Anger, then back to the fore Anger and repeat till the twelve men® named; the knuckles will reprove ll i ii,-? long mouths, and the hollows J “ the short ones.” _ ItEPunuiuAN Convention.— I’ 1 "' , publican County Convention Rheem’s Hall, on Monday lust, i' u ‘ L „, < y Win. B. Mulliu, Esq., to repress l . . j faithful 1 ' of this county in the Con' to bo held in Harrisburg, on tin' 1 ,f March next. f Frequent and sudden change* ' ; state of the weather continue to * v : n Sunday morning the sun shone r» p iantly for a few hours, in the , , v was obscured by heavy clouds, nU . jjij:' early hour in the evening raln ~ >■ . fall, and continued during the n f Monday,
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