CARLISLE, PA.,
Thvnuiii)r Moralug, Feb. 9, 1900.
j. B. BRATTON A W. KENNEDY
EDITORS AND PROPRIETORS.
Committee Jlcetln#.
Pursuant to the published call, the De
mocratic Standing Committee of Cumb.
County, mot at Shreiner’s Hotel on Sat
urday, Jan. 27th, at 10 o’clock p. m.
Tho following resolutions were unani
mously adopted:
Resolved, that tho Democrats of each
Ward, Borough and Township meet nt
their repectivc places of holding Elections
on Saturday Feb. 10th, the Borough of
Carlisle, between the hours of three and six
o’clock, Shippeusburg Borough, between
tho hours of six and nine o'clock, the other
Boroughs between the hours of six and
eight o'clock, the townships between the
hours' of three and five o’clock, then
and there to elect delegates to represent
them in County Convention to beheld in
Carlisle on Monday Feb - 12th, nt 11 o'clock
to nominate Delegates to state convention.
Resolved, that each Borough ward and
township be requested to organize clubs,
to immediately advance the interests of
the Democratic party.
Resolved, that the Delegate elections be
conducted the same ns all general elections
except swearing the officers.
JOSEPH C. THOMPSON.
Theo. Cornman Sec'y.
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rears.
A BACK DOWN.
Nearly the whole of last week was
occupied by the State Senate in a dis
cussion of Hr. Landau's resolutions ap
proving of the course of the Pennsylva
nia disunion members of Congress who
voted to give the negroes of the District
of Columbia the right of suffrage, and
instructing our Senators, Messrs Bucka
lew and Cowan, to vote the same way.
Some ten or twelve set speeches were
made by Bepublican Senators, all of
them favoring the resolutions, and ed
loglzing to the skies the dear negro.—
These were replied to most ably and
triumphantly by Messrs Clymer, Wal
lace, Hopkins, Donavin and other Dem
ocratic Senators. During the delivery
of the speeches on the Democratic side
of the House, it was evident that the
Bepublican majority felt a gradual soft
ening of the back-bone. The very Sen
ators who had advocated the passage of
the resolutions exhibited a strangejner
vousnees and weakness about the
knees. The meek Lowry turned pale,
and the red-faced Binham was seen to
pay frequent visits to the side-room or
“hole in the wall,” where a certain kind
of medldine is carefully kept in long
necked bottles, and which is swallowed
by Senators to stiffen up the nerves.—
The speeches of the Democratic Sena
tors in behalf of white men and a white
man’s government, had had a powerful
effect even upon the radical diaunion
isto who, unfortunately for our disgrac
ed State, compose the majority in the
Senate. Finally all the speeches had
been made, and the' Democratic Sena
tors, small in number, felt that they had
vanquished their insolent opponents.—
The Bepublican Senators, notwithstand
ing their bluster and friendship for the
negro, cowered like whipped spaniels
when they were asked to face the mu
sic, and to vote for the resolutions they
had offered. One of their number, there
fore, to get out of the scrape, moved
that the resolutions be recommitted to
the committee on Federal Delations !
This motion prevailed—yeaa 18, nays 14,
all the Democrats and Messrs Lowry
and Browne, (Republicans,) voting
“ nay.” This is virtually a defeat of the
resolutions, for no one ever expects to
see or even hear of them again. The
committee on Federal Relations will
keep them hid away in their pigeon
hole for all time to come.
Here then is an end, we suppose, to
the negro business in our State Senate.
The resolutions endorsing the votes of
the disunion members of Congress, have
been smothered and laid upon the shelf
by their friends! They were afraid to
show their hands to the people of Penn
sylvania—afraid to toe the mark when
called upon to do so. Even the author
of the resolutions, Senator Landan, ex
hibited the white feather, and voted
against his own bantling, which he had
defended in a two hours speech. Oh,
the cowards! Are they beginning to
feel that the people of Pennsylvania are
nol all fanatical fools, and that they will
no longer endorse the insane doings of
the men who advocate negro equality ?
Withjthe exception ofLowryand Brown,
not a mother’s son of them had the cour
age to vote as they spoke!
The people ol Pennsylvania are in
debted to the brave little band of Dem
ocrtic Senators for the defeat of this pet
Abolition measure. Their arguments
were powerful and unanswerable,, and
caused their fanatical opponents to cow
er and recede from their position, much
to their chagrin and mortification.
General Bherman has written a letter
stating that he only intended to locate the
'negroes on the Sea Islands temporarily.
THE HERALD AND NEGRO SEF-
Whon, during tho last campaign,
Democrats charged that the Republican
party were at heart in favor of universal
and unqualified negro suffrage, disguise
and conceal the fact as they might in their
platforms, it was stoutly and indignant
ly denied by their leaders in this coun-
ty and elsewhere. They branded it as
“ a copperhead lieand the Chairman
of their State Central Committee went
so far as to assert in his published ad
dress that such was not the issue, where
upon Horace Greeley anxiously enquir-
ed “ if negro suffrage Is not the issue in
Pennsylvania, what is ?” Whether we
were right or wrong—whether our
charges wore really nothing more than
“ copperhead lies”—and whether this
virtuous party of “ great moral ideas”
did not then fully intend to violate this
its last pledge, as it had shamelessly
done a score of times before, the people
can infer from the recent action of the
Abolition Congress and State Legisla
tures in regard to negro suffrage in the
District of Columbia. Who-was dealing
honestly with the people, those who
told them the truth, or those who lied
to them ?
So much for the past. Fortunately
for the country, we are to be left in no
doubt as to the future policy of this
party. The ass has kicked itself clean
out of the lion’s skin. Having swept
Chairman.
almost the entire country at the last
elections, they have grown reckless in
their strength and bolder in their ini
quities ; have thrown off the mask and
declared through their journals and pub
lic men that negro suffrage is the issue in
the coming campaign. Forney in his
“ occasional” letter to the Press , after
the passage of the suffrage bill for the
District of Columbia, boldly avows:
“ The issue is now made up. Made a
party question (by the action of Con
gress) it must be met with equal unanimity
by the union party everywhere. Ido not
know a better time to meet the issue than
the present. It was blind folly to sup-
pose that we could stave it off.” Fol
lowing in the wake of the Press the
Carlisle Herald of last week comes out
flat-footed for negro suffrage, declaring
that “ the measure is one which has re
ceived the sanction of the leaders of the
Bepublican party, andon it almost solely
will they be sustained or condemned by
the people.” Our friends over the way
made very wry faces, for several weeks,
over the big dose of “ nigger” prescribed
for them by the -abolition leaders in
Congress. But there was no evading
the issue; the cup of “ loyalty,” with a
full blooded, grinning “ Guinea nigger”
bobbing up and down in it, was pressed
to their lips. The very smell of the
mixture nauseated our fastidious neigh
bors. But it must be swallowed, and
so holding their noses they gulped down
the dose, full blooded “nigger” and all.
Baugh 1 what a mixture for a white
1 man’s stomach—New England “ loyal
ty” and the unadulterated essence of
unwashed Sambo! And this is not the
worst of it; the prescription was accom
panied with the physician’s directions,
which read as follows: “ Should the pa
tient show symptoms of relapse, let the
dose be repeated until the head is affec
ted—T. Stevens, M. D.” When the
head is thus affected, we suppose the pa
tient may be said to have “ negro on the
brain.” From, present indications the
Herald will not require another dose for
some time to come. Its stomach has
proven strong enough to hold anything
put into it, and its political principles,
in consequence of the prescription of
Dr. Stevens, are black enough for old
Thad. himself. We will say to its cred
it that there is no amalgamation in its
opinions; for while the views of a cer
tain portion of its party are slightly
tinged—partaking of the hybrid nature
of the mulatto—the convictions of the
Herald savor of the full-blooded African.
It actually goes so far as to say that,
though a white man must possess cer
tain qualifications before he can vote, in
the case of the negro “no qualification
is insisted on.”
The Herald not only avows its convic
tions, but in a long and labored editori
al attempts to sustain them before the
people. With all its research, however,
it is able to produce but two arguments
in support of its position. These argu
ments axe, first that the negro should
have the ballot to protect himself from
the oppression of his former master;
and second that having fought to main
tain the nation against rebellion, he
should have a voice and vote in its gov
ernment. Of these in their order. We
quote the Herald’s first argument:
'* Whatever may bo the opinion with regard to
the effect of this measure on the fortunes of our
party, it is certain that Justice to those who have
been made free by the treason of slaveholders
requires that they should bo protected from the
oppression of men whoso crimes have forfeited
all claim to the consideration of the govern
ment.’'
To those whose opinions of Southern
men and Southern character have been
derived from sensational abolition nov
els, such as “ Uncle Tom’s Cabin and
from the correspondence of cotton
stealing agents and understrappers in
the Freedmen’s Bureau, whose pilfer
ings and whose places depend upon
their misrepresentation of the state of
'affairs in the South,.this argument may
seem to have some weight. But it is
astonishing that any full grown man of
sound mind should urge it in view of
the information which the country pos
sesses on this subject. It is fair to pre
sume that no three persons in the Union
are more correctly, informed as to the
real condition of affairs at the South
than the President of the United .States
and his two great captains, Grant and
Sherman—for no others have had equal
facilities for gaining information. At
least we may say, without fear of con
tradiction, that they are as well posted
as the editors of the Herald. President
Johnson informs Congress that,
“ In nearly all the States lately In Insurrection,
metuiunirt have been adopted, or are yet pending
to conforupon the freedmen oil (heprivileges which
are essential to thfir comfort, protection ami wcncUi/.'*
In,Gen. Grant's recent report on the
condition of the South, made (after a
tour of observation and inspection, he
informs us that not only are the negroes
not oppressed and compelled to work
by their former masters, but that they
are “indolent and thriftless;’.’ that “the
FKAGE.
freedman’s mind does not seem to be
disabused of the idea that the freedman
has the right to live without care or
provision for the future;” and that un
less some means are adopted to compel
them to work,“it will be found that
vice and disease will tend to the exter
mination of the colored race.” General
Sherman, after a similar tour, uses the
following remarkable language.
“ The negroes In Arkansas can all 11ml profita
ble and lucrative employment, and are protected
In all their rights and property by the civil au
thorities. I met no one citizen or soldier who mica-
Honed or doubted that their freedom tons as well as
sured in Arkansas as in Ohio. Governor Murphy
said tliat negroes could acquire title to real estate
or any kind of property, and the Courts, both
Federal and State, would protect them.”
These reports, coming from the
sources they do, are worth a volume of
loose and unsupported assertions of men
who know nothing about the South. —
They are the solemn and deliberate con-
victions of men who have examined the
question thoroughly, and they prove be-
yond the shadow of a doubt that the
negroes are guaStnteed all the rights of
life, liberty and property—guaranteed
in them too by the very men who
were their former masters. In view of
this overwhelming testimony, we ask
the Herald what greater protection can
any man have than the protection of
the law? Even if the negro were al
lowed to vote in every State of the
Union, he could do no more for himself,
in the protection of his civil rights, than
has already been done for him. But
the Herald is in favor of negro suffrage
everywhere—for it would scarcely be so
ungenerous as to force such a nauseous
dose down the throats of the people in
the District of Columbia and of the
South, and then refuse to let the negro
vote by its side here. We are justified
therefore in concluding that the Herald
is in favor of universal negro suffrage in
Pennsylvania and in Cumberland coun
ty, as soon as it can legally be brought
-about; and we ask it to tell us, and to
tell the white freemen of this county,
what protection the negro needs here in
addition to what he has now.
Has the black man earned a right to
the elective franchise by his services in
the war? He was driven into the ar
my by threats of conscription and by
starvation ; and he performed no great
service after he was there. It is true
his cowardice lost us the battle after the
Petersburg mine explosion; and it is
true he was-kept in reserve during the
terrible battles below the James River,
and after the rebel army was driven
back, broken and bleeding, by the hero
ic white troops of the Republic, was
slipped into Richmond by the back door
to make a little capital for him—so that
Wendell Phillips might declare that
“ in all the heroism of this war the negro
bears the palm" —but this is all the im-
portant service he ever rendered the na
tion. Grant, for the sake of the argu
ment, that the negro does “ bear the
palm,” yet on what ground does that
give him the right to vote? Is the
qualification to be a general one ? If so,
we must give the same privilege to the
foreigners who took up arms in defense
of the nation, to the young men under
age who so gallantly responded to their
country’s call, and to the heroic, self
sacrificing women who left the com
forts of' home and followed our victori
ous legions into the midst of scenes of
danger and death. If service in the
field is to be a qualification, how will it
be with those who never lifted a hand
in defense of the government; and
where will the gentlemen of the Herald
find themselves on election day? If
the principle is established and enforced
they will not even enjoy the poor privi
lege of voting alongside their colored'
brethren. To be consistent with their
own arguments, the “stay-at-home” ad
vocates of negro suffrage should modest
ly take aback seat in political affairs, and
give their privileges to the negro who
fought to save this government for
them.
The truth of the matter is—and here
is where the advocates of negro suffrage
make their great mistake—the elective
franchise is not a natural and absolute,
but a relative and legal right—that is a
right conferred by law, and arising out
of the construction of society. Franchise
is defined to be “ a particular privilege
or right granted by the sovereign power
in a Statedo an individual or a number
of persons.” Now no nation has the
right to bestow any franchise upon a
number of persons, when it is probable
that they will not make a proper use of
that privilege; and no man can claim
as a right from the nation that of which
he knows neither the use nor the value,
and which in his hands might result in
damage to others. The Constitution
guarantees to every man the right to
keep and bear fire-arms, but who ex
cept a fool would contend that a maniac
should be allowed the exercise of that
privilege. What may therefore be
granted to one man, cannot always be
allowed to another. Such restraints
should be thrown around the elective
franchise, as indeed around any other
franchise, as will prevent it from be
coming dangerous to the liberties of the
country. Let us then enquire whether
it would be safe or judicious to place the
ballot in the hands of the negro. Does
history furnish any precedent which
would justify such a step? Let the an
archy and degradation of Hayti, or the
shrieks of helpless, outraged women and
tortured children, and the burning
homes of the white residents of Jamaica
answer the question. There the negro
had all the privileges which his most
devoted friends could ask for him—ne
gro legislators made the laws and negro
judges sat upon the bench—and yet
these horrible atrocities by which he at
tempted to maintain his hold on power
speak in tones of warning too plainly
to be disregarded. There, if anywhere
on the face of the earth, we might have
expected the negro to develop the latent
faculties which his admirers claim that
he possesses; but there, grinning like a
maniac amidst the murder, ruin and
desolation he had W'rought, he demon
strated to the world his incapacity for
self government.
The controlling motive of the Repub
lican party on this question is not the
benefit of the negro, but the mainte
-1 nance of their own hold upon power.—
Thaddeua Stevens candidly avowed this
in ids recent speech in Congress, in
which he declared that if the elective
franchise \yere not conferred upon the
negroes of the South, “ they (the South’s)
eighty three votes, with the representa
tives from the Five Points and other
dark corners, would be sufficient to
overrule the friends of progress here,
and the nation would be in the hands of
secessionists at the very next congres
sional election.” Here is a confession
that the Bepublican party cannot sur
vive the restoration of the Union, unless
the negroes are allowed to vote, and
hence the anxiety to secure them that
privilege. If these men have any
friendship at all for the negro, we warn
them that they are leading him down
into the valley of destruction. They
are not only digging his political grave,
but the grave of his race. Andrew
Johnson is a close observer of men and
things, and he earnestly implores the
country to halt in its Triad career, be
lieving, as he says, that “the agitation
of the negro franchise question is ill
timed, uncalled for, and calculated to do
great harm”—that it “will engender
enmity, contention and strife between
the two races, and lead to a war between
’ them which will result in great injury
to both and the certain extermination
of the negro population.”
Igy“ Taxation without representa
tion” was what our liberty-loving an
cestors of the Revolution resisted in a
seven years’ heroic strife with the gi
gantic power of England. “ Taxation
without representation” was what the
British tories in England and heresought
to imposeupon the'American Colonies. —
This was the prime cause of the Revo
lution. The radicals of to-day have
placed our Government in precisely the
position towards the South that England
held towards America in1770-’76; and
the South in precisely the position to
wards the Government that the Colo
nies held toward England at that time.
They deny representation in Congress
to the South while insisting upon the
payment of taxes by her people. They
thus occupy the ground of the British
tories; and the South, in demanding
representation while willing to resume
their just share of the burthens of Gov
ernment, is placed by the radicals on
the ground held by the patriots of the
Revolution. In this phase of our inter
nal contest, it is not strange thatthought
ful and patriotic people should sympa
thize with the South and seek to aid
them in securing their just rights.
More Burthens fob the Poor.—
There is a bill before the legislature of
this State, proposing to raise the legal
rate of interest from six to seven per
cent, and to allow sharpers and misers
to get eight per cent, by special agree
ment. To talk plainly, this is a move
of the capitalists to grab all the poor
man has got and grind him to poverty.
A man now in moderate means, who
owes a mortgage on his property at G
per cent, would have to submit to a bar
gain at 7 or 8 or lose hie property by
sale; and this to enable the non-produ
cer to live sumptuously on his per cent
age. And just in proportion as the in
terest is increased just,so much would
the value of property decrease, by re
ducing the number and capacity of pur
chasers.
The Feeed Negbo.— lt was gener
ally supposed that when the negro was
freed, the discussions In Congress con
cerning his condition would cease; but,
on the contrary, it is kept up with more
virulence than ever. It is insisted by
the radicals that the negroes are nation
al wards, whose interests are to be pe
culiarly looked after, and the conse
quence is nearly every bill in Congress
has reference to the bestowing of some
franchise or endowment upon them.—
Under this state of things, with the ne
gro a ward and the country his guardian,
we may cease to hope that the discus
sion about him will discontinue, or that
it will be remembered in Congress that
any white men are their constituents.
“Pub. Docs.” last year cost $2,183,
010 78. Poor old Uncle Sam! Poor,
dear, devoted tax payers!—iV. Y. Tribune.
Of that enormous outlay, says the
Reading Gazette , not less than $1,259,000
went into the pockets of paper makers,
who, by some means best known to
themselves, have succeeded in running
up the prices of their manufactures two
hundred per. cent, above the prices of
1860-61—and keeping them up, too, even
down to the present time. And yet,
there are men in and out of Congress
who argue in favor of further protection
to this and similar species of monopoly
and extortion, by another heavy in
crease of the tariff! Rather talk about
protection to the consumer, say we, with
prices held at such figures.
The Rump joint Committee of Fif
teen on Reconstruction have already
made a demand for an appropriation of
ten thousand dollars to help defray ex
penses ! Good Lord! Have those pa
triotic (!) fifteen already gone to plun
dering? At this rate they’ll swallow a
million before the Union is reconstruct
ed. And then it will take from a quar
ter to half a million to set a “ smelling
committee” in full cry after them; and,
after that, there is no telling how much
it won’t take to start Stanton’s “detect
ives” after that committee; and, after
all, nobody will know how much “ black
mail and “hush money” these latter
chaps will have gobbled up.
*®“ We see by Monday’s Philadelphia
Age that that journal has undergone a
partial change of proprietorship, Mr.
Glossbrenner having disposed of his in
terest to James M. Bobb. Esq. Mr. Glos
brenner, in retiring, bespeaks for the
Age the generous support of the Democ
racy of Pennsylvania, and the new firm
pledge themselves to deserve the con
fidence of the public. We wish them
abundant success financially and politi
cally.
In view of the salt pork rations
provided for our whole colored popula
tion by the “ Freedmen’s Bureau Bill,”
it seems very appropriate that they
should be called “ the children of Ham.''
more “ RECONSTRUCTION.”
In both the Senate and House, a few
days since, the so-called Beconstruction
Committee reported a highly important
Constitutional amendment, which, if
adopted, will dispose entirely of the
question of Southern representation in
Congress, for the present year at least.
The proposition was totally unexpected
in either branch, and in the House cre
ated profound surprise on both sides,
especially when Thad. Stevens urged
its immediate passage without debate.
But Bepublicans and Democrats object
ed to that, and some debate was allow
ed. It will be noticed that the brief
amendment proposes to force the South
ern States to adopt negro suffrage or
else lose one-half their representation
in Congress. The following is a correct
copy of the proposed amendment:
“Resolved, By the Senate and House
of Bepresentatives of the United States of
America, in Congress assembled, two-,
thirds of both Houses concurring, that
the following Article be proposed to the
Legislatures of the several States as an
amendment to the Constitution of the
United States, which, when ratified by
three fourths of the said. Legislature s; shall
be valid as a part of said Constitution:
“ABTicnE— Eepresentation and direct
taxes shall be apportioned among the sev
eral States which may be included within
this Union, according to their respective
numbers, counting the whole number of
persons in each State, excluding Indians
not taxed, provided, that whenever the
elective franchise shall be denied or
abridged in any State on account of race
or color, all persons of such race or color
shall be excluded from the basis of the
representation.”
Mr. Bodgers, of New Jersey—the only
Democrat upon the Committee—made
a minority report against the proposed
amendment, contending that it was
against the fundamental principle of
our Government—that taxation and
representation must go together. He
endorsed the President in the course of
his remarks and declared that he would
welcome the Southern delegations on
the floor of the House. He advocated
the joining of hands, North and South,
and, forgetting past troubles, unite to
drive Maximilian from Mexico. This
sentiment created great applause. Bos
coe Conklin, of New York, replied, ad
vocating the amendment and showing
that New England would not lose any
representation, but that all of the South
ern States, and most of the Northern
States would lose on the basis of the
census of 1860.
No—New England (the father of the I
Slave trade) that has no negroes of her
own to troublejher, but persists in troub
ling herself about the negroes of other
States—will lose nothing by this meas
ure ; and hence her eagerness to force it
upon those that will lose.
As soon as the vote upon it is reached,
the amendment will pass Congress, of
course. But it must have the assent of
three-fourths of the States to make it
valid; and we hardly think that the
States most deeply interested will allow
Congress to force them into the adop
, tion of negro suffrage by any such arbi
| trary stretch of power as this.
State Tax on Beal Estate— Hon.
Wm. H. Kemble, the State Treasurer,
makes a most important recommenda
tion in his report recently submitted to
the Legislature, viz: that the tax on
Beal Estate be entirely abolished or at
least suspended for a year or two. He
estimates that the receipts for the cur
rent fiscal year will be
Expenses,
Leaving a balance of $2,126,000
From which deduct tax on real
estate,
And we still have,
He desires, however, uuthority to lay
tax on the Stock of National Banks,
which he estimated will produce $470,000
making nearly a million dollars to be
appropriated yearly to the payment of
the State debt. Mr. Kemble concludes;
“From this statement, it seems clear
to me that we could get along without
levying one dollar of tax on the Real 'Es
tate of the Commonwealth. We can at
least suspend its collection for a year or
two, until wo try experiment.”
Let it be tried, by all means. Any
thing to relieve the people of a portion
of the numberless taxes that are now
eating out their substance, would be a
blessing. There is not much prospect
of relief from the burdens of Federal
taxation. Therefore, let us look to the
State, and if she has the power to help
us, we hope she will not hesitate to ex
ercise it, for her suffering people’s good.
More Blasphemy.— A repulican co
temporary quotes, with approbation,
the following sentence from one of Par
son Brownlow’s recent speeeehes:
If Jesus Christ comes down from Heav
en to-morrow with any number of glitter
ing stars on his shoulder-straps, and the
twelve Apostles for his staff, they would
all, bag and baggage, be expelled by the
rebels of Davidson county.
Is it any wonder that crime abounds
and sin grows bold in a day when blas
phemy like this finds admirers among
people who call themselves Christians?
Two of the most prominent men
in Lincoln’s cabinet—Hon. Edward
Bates, and Hon. Montgomery Blair—
are now acting with the Democracy and
against the disunion radicals. Had Mr,
Lincoln lived, he too, it is-probable,
would now be. against the party that
elected him.
Thanks.— Hon. C. K. Buckalew of
the TJ. S. Senate, Hon. A. J. Glossbren
ner of the House of Representatives,
Hon. A. H. Glatz and Mr. Long of the
Pennsylvania Legislature, have our
thanks for valuable public documents.
On our first page will be found
the annual message of Gov. Cuktin.—
It is a business-like document, and has
little to say on national politics, except
to heartily endorse the position and pol
icy of President Johnson. For this all
men, except disuniouists, will commend
the Governor. The' negro, for once, is
entirely ignored, much to the chagrin
of the disunion radicals. All in all, the
message is an unexceptionable, plain
and sensible State paper, and -we be
speak for it a careful perusal by all our
readers,
BKiiiEFOF Chamhehsiutro.— The Com
mittee of Ways and Means have reported I
favorably an act for the relief of certain
citizens of Chambersburg and vicinity,
whoso property was destroyed by the reb
els, This act recites theserious loss which
was sustained by a peaceful community,
and claims for such community the gen
erous consideration of the State. It then
appropriates $500,000 to the people, to bo
paid to the shffercrs pro rata upon the )
valuation of their losses. This valuation
is to be made by three disinterested ap
praisers, not residents of Franklin
county, to bo appointed by the Court of
Common Pleas of Dauphin county. The
remainder of the bill provides for the
manner of punishing frauds, and throws
such safegards around the disbursement as
will insure a just and fair division of the
money. A clause is also Inserted which
authorizes the State to obtain the amount
($500,000), from the General Government,
should Congress pass any bill to compen
sate the people for losses sustained. ■
jOgy The Delegate elections, be it re
membered, take place on Saturday.—
Tire County Convention, to elect Dele
gates to the sth of March State Conven
tion, will assemble at the Court-House,
on Monday at 11 o’clock.
Little Johnny Cessna has brought
suit against the editors of the Bedford
Gazette for libel 1 We never supposed ■
it possible for any one to be able to libel
Cessna, and if our friends of the Gazette
have succeeded in so herculian a task,
they must have resorted to a trick, and
characterized John an honest man and
conscientious politician. That would
be a lie, and if the Gazette has published
such a misrepresentation, it should suf
fer the consequences.
Opinion of His Honor Judge King.
In the Matter of the Contested Election for
District Attorney for the County of
Franklin. D. Wasfon Rowe vs. Wm.
S. Stenger.
This case comes before us ou the peti
tion of twenty or more of the qualified
electors of the county of Franklin, com
plaining that Wm. 8. Stenger was not
duly elected to the office of District At
torney ; that the election was undue, and
D. Wnston Bowe was duly elected to said
office.
The respondent has filed a motion to
quash this petition for the following reas
ons:
Ist. Because said petition was not filed I
within ten days after the election for said
office of District Attorney, held on the 10th
day of October, 1865.
2nd. Because said petition was not filed I
until after the time of swearing the said
Wm. 8. Stenger into office had expired,
nor until he was in fact sworn into said
office without any objection being made.
3d. Because the said petition is too va
gue, indefinite and imprecise to entitle it
to a hearing.
4th. Because it does not appear that, if
all that is stated upon the face of the peti
tion was proved, the result of the election
would be changed, or that the Court would
be compelled to declare the election an
undue election.
sth. Because, even, if it be true that
the alleged persons named in the petition,
were deserters from the military service
of the United States, and that they did
vote for the said Wm. 8. Stenger, still
said persons were qualified electors of
Franklin County and this Commonwealth,
notwithstanding any thing in the Act of
Congress of March 3d, 1865; entitled “An
Act to amend the several acts heretofore
passed to provide for enroling and calling
out the National forces and other purpo
ses.”
The first reason assigned has not been
pressed, and but little stress has been laid
on the second, by the counsel for the re
spondent; and the views we are about to
submit on the principle question in the
case, as presented by the fourth and fifth
reasons, render it unnecessary to express
any opinion upon the third reason assign
ed.
$5,426,000
3,300,000
We come, therefore to consider whether
the votes of Curtis Dulabon, George Miller,
John Tallhelm and Abraham Sheely were
illegal, on the ground that these voters,
had been drafted into the military service
of the United States, and had failed to re
port to the provost marshal of the 16th
District Pennsylvania, composed, in part,
of the county of Franklin.
The counsel for the respondent make
these points:
Ist. That the election laws of this Com
monwealth are exclusively within the
complete and absolute control of the State
authorities and cannot be modified or
changed by Congress.
2nd. That the act of Congress of March
3d, 1865, so far as relates to all persons
drafted into the military service of the
United, States prior to the passage thereof,
ex post facto law and therefore uncon is an
stifutional and void.
3d. That even, if the act be Constitu
tional, the voters referred to. in the peti
tion, could not be disfranchised, without
hearing and trial according to the law of
the land.
The first and second of these points in
volve questions of very grave importance
and require time for their investigation :
and having arrived at the conclusion that
the provisions of the act of Congress can
not be enforced in this case, for the reas
ons we shall presently note, we express
no opinion in regard to them.
That Congress has the power to punish
desertion, or refusal to report when draft
ed, or for evading the draft by leaving the
jurisdiction of the United States, we enter
tain no doubt; and no punishment that
can lawfuly be inflicted for such oflenses
can be too severe. These are crimes ag
ainst the country of the most dangerous
tendency, and admit of no palliation or
excuses; and it is on account of their very
enormity, that we hold that no man can
justly and lawfully be deemed guilty of
them, until such guilt has been judicially
established. No man can be deprived of
life, liberty or property unless by the judg
ment of his-peers or the law of the land.
Both the federal and State constitution
guarantee this fundamental right to every
citizen. Have these safeguards been pro
vided in the oraganic law of the federal
and State Governments, for no purpose’
Is there any dearer right than the elec
tive franchise, and is that left entirely
without protection? We can best answer
these pregnant questions by quoting the
eloquent language of Justice Coulter, in
the ease of Brown vs. Hummel, 6 Barr 61—
“The talismanic words, I am a citizen of
Pennsylvania, secures to the individual
hxs private rights, unless they are taken
away by a trial, where lie has an opportu
nity of being heard, by himself, his coun
sol and Ins testimony, ac
cording to the laws and customs of 'our
fathers, and the securities and safeguards
of the Constitution. Sir Edward Coke
defines the meaning of the words, by the
laiva of the land— for they were used in
maaiia charta, and have been sprinkled
with the tears and blood of many patriots
-to he a trial by due course and process
la w- **** It is against the princi
ples of liberty and common right to de
pnye a man of his property or franchise ,
while he is within the pale of the Consti
tution and with his hand on the altar
without hearing and trial by due course
and process of law.” In another part of
the same opinion he speaks of the right of
suffrage as the most important of all a
man’s franchises and asks: “Whodoes
not feel its value; and who but would turn
pale if he thought he oould bo deprived of
it without heating or trial.” These fun
damental principles of civil liberty can
not be overlooked or disregarded bv the
courts, to which we all look for protection
1,600,000
$526,000
without seriously imperiling
the people. It is u thousand tin, ‘
therefore, that Mr. Rowe ahouffi'i
office ho claims than that his 'Jit
to should he declared by trumnii'
foot the sacred right, to whu I
just adverted, that no num ahniu - ''
demned without an opportunity
heard in his own defense. 3 1 », g
For the reasons we havethmi
and imperfectly presented, wesilt -
motion to quash the petition 1511
•fafc* OttJ
TERRIBLE REBUKE TO lUtu,
ISM. Afi:
Mr. JoUu'hou Pronounces <i
gro Suffrage Agitation A
ions and Uncalled P^,
A AVAR OF RACES AND THE EXtpJ«£p!s«
TION OF ’.THE NEGROES THI'JS? 018 ***?
RESULT Olf RADICAL SUa»;»manfc«
—i ' ; thedeAt
Washington, Jau u «n i * l *““‘ M
The folloAving ia the substance
munication. which took places,
tween the President and a dUthS* ta “ B W c
Senator;
The President said that he doubii™ 0013
propriety at this time of making was
ther amendmentto the constitution t u ® pewt
great amendment had already been,'
by which slavery had forever
ished AVithin the limits of the r!
States, and a national guarantee th ;
en that that institution should neve,
exist in the land. Propositions toe SSiSl 1
the Constitution were becomim-ash “Syr
ous as perambles and resolutions is
meetings, called to consider the
dinary questions connected with it M ““i
ministration of local affairs. AH “on™
his opinion, had a tendency to dk
the dignity and prestege attachS
Constitntlon of the Country and(«l U }SJSS
the respect and confidence of the I®
their great character of freedom, if
ever, amendments are to be
Constitution changing the basis oh Stf an
sentation and taxation {and feirfdSydt
deem them all neoessaiy at th op,
time), he kneiv of none better t had'dvi
simple proposition embraced in,
lines making in each State the muff Srtlbn
qualified voters the basis of M ntva
and the value of property the bast- vSeli
rect taxation. Such a proposition/ mtwoe
be embraced in the folloAving ter®- gdokai
“Representatives shall be animv’
among the several States which q" nVjted
included Avithin this Union, accoali aifedG
the number of qualified voters In Mam
State. Direct taxes shall bo
among the several States which tn 1
included Avithin this Union, at® .Staax
to the A r alue of all taxable props'
each State.” '"wiiM
An amendment of this kind wot! «
his opinion, place the basis of rejaignili
tation and direct taxation up®V death
principles. The qualified voten i opm t
for the most part, men who wens IfShiti
to draft and enlistment, when itwiat
sary to repel invasion, suppress nti
and quell domestic violence andhs invest
tion. They risk their lives, shell tutorr
and peril their all to uphold the p Jjjjit,' l
ment, and give protection, securiti! land •
value to property. It seemed It 1
that property should compensate fi ‘jga v,
benefits thus confered by defrsp >lß|t
expense incident to Ite protections idem
joyment. Such an amendment tki! noilaj
dent also suggested would remon 'Aifig
Congress all issues in reference toil nidi'
litical equality of races. It would ■ ; vLe«v.'
the States to detrmine absoluldi eimji
qualification of their own vote wbi tnrtb
gard to color: and thus the numtai --lin-tafe
resentatives to which they would I ajii&ftj
titled in Congress would depending ysa,
number upon which they conteis : jtoalr :
right of suffrage. The President,!;;®*
connection, expressed the opidoi>Sfljja
the agitation of the negro franchiui -jja&t
iioa tn the District of Columbia ail!{. .‘hfjfi
was the mere entring wedge to Hit ;
tion of the question throughout the S
and was ill-timed, uncalled for, aid 1 wW
culated, to do great harm. HIM yffiafj
that it would engender enmity, ca:.' any'
and strife between the two races,
to a war between them, which woulJ’kSAi]
in great injury to both and the cw?|Hgj
termination of the negropopulatm]
cedence, he thought, should be gin> thol
more importance and urgent
legislation upon which Avas esseoii -Atac
the restoration of the Union, thew tkei
the country, and the prosperity ollt
P'e- treat
i ..otttt
NEWS ITEMS.
A General Coolbaugh has beeiui ;
for swindling at St. Louis. you
The Fenians, it is said, haveatt P’f,
got an order for $300,000 worth of tf S? “
mei
Last week the internal revenue! noi
were $8,890,539,38. slid'
Rents in New York this year 5 W
cent, higher than last year.
It is confidently stated at Waste .tiio
that the French are to be withdraw 'l'ibe
Mexico. "aglii:
All armed persons lurking newt ->K
Grande are to be arrested. Btrlclt* '
Ity is to be maintained.' Qye
On Saturday evening a large stall the
longing to one of the Hew
roads was burned and 70 bona paw*. " -w
The loss was $40,000. wa
Salk List.— The following is s' l
Sale Bills printed and engaged at fc ri»
flee: ■ oof
Friday, February 9th. EphralmJJ ’
the farm of Geo. Getter, inNortW .'if*
ton township, on the road leadlnj- *•“]
Carlisle to Ziegler’s Mill— Horses,! ,™
Cows, Heifers, Farming IraplemO “
Household Furniture. N. B. S ~
Auctioneer.
Thursday, Feb. 15th. JohnG.E. ;, „ f
son, in Penn township, 1} mite’
east of Palmstown—Horses, ColLv ’■
Cattle, Sheep, Hogs and. Farmin g» i,a
ments. N. B. Moore, Auctioneer.
Friday, Feb. 23. Wm. Kuisely.j"' *o
Middleton township, on Long's i Gs; : Cc
—Horses, Colts, Cows, Young Caw ty
Household Furniture. io '
Monday, Feb. 26th. “Joshua M)\ •
Monroe township, Si miles east a,
lisle—Horses, Colts, Cows, Youuj l
and Farming implements. v ”
Thursday, March 1. D. FinkenUß:
Penn Township, one mile sou»* .sja
Rock, Horses, Cows, Young * , Cj
Threshing Machine, Farming W®
and Household and Kitchen F® . 5
John Thomas, Auctioneer. * . ,tt
Thursday, March 1. Wm.
North Middleton Township, <®! a «
Gap Road, 2J miles, north of W/Jm
Horses, Cows, Young Cattle anil
hold Furniture. John Kitch, AW*;
Saturday, March 3. Elizabeth 'ii-ssS
North Hanover street, Carhsle. 4
hold and Kitchen Furniture,
of Beds and Bedding, Sofa, Tables,
Bureaus, &c. . cwHSli
Tuesday March 6. Jacob H.
mile north-west of Churchtown,
road leading from Churchtown 1°
rytown—Horses, Bulls, ’fM
Hogs, Wagons, Reaper' and a lajb |Uif®
ty of other Farming Implement* -
Devenney, Auctioneer.
Thursday, March 8. Wm. »!“?,, .«va
in Frankford township, i of “
of Plainfield—Mare, Cows, W
Household Furniture. • it
Friday, Narch 9.
Levi Ziegler, Executors of Daw“ j
at late residence of deceased,
Middleton township, near tn«' .as
Gap Road —Horses, Cattki
Farming Implements and nous'-
niture. «
Saturday, March 10. James r-
and Daniel Sheafer, Exeeu tors.
Sheafer, at the late residence • jjtgwjjj
ceased, in South Middleton
mile south of Boiling Spring ■ jVr
Cows, Colts, and Household k~.-
Wm. Devenney, Auctioneer- jliWif-i
Tuesday, March 13. l iV„ or e, Sp®
Esq. Assignee of Alfred
Middleton township—Hors e3 i
and Household Furniture,
's?■
&