CARLISLE, PA., Thvnuiii)r Moralug, Feb. 9, 1900. j. B. BRATTON A W. KENNEDY EDITORS AND PROPRIETORS. Committee Jlcetln#. Pursuant to the published call, the De mocratic Standing Committee of Cumb. County, mot at Shreiner’s Hotel on Sat urday, Jan. 27th, at 10 o’clock p. m. Tho following resolutions were unani mously adopted: Resolved, that tho Democrats of each Ward, Borough and Township meet nt their repectivc places of holding Elections on Saturday Feb. 10th, the Borough of Carlisle, between the hours of three and six o’clock, Shippeusburg Borough, between tho hours of six and nine o'clock, the other Boroughs between the hours of six and eight o'clock, the townships between the hours' of three and five o’clock, then and there to elect delegates to represent them in County Convention to beheld in Carlisle on Monday Feb - 12th, nt 11 o'clock to nominate Delegates to state convention. Resolved, that each Borough ward and township be requested to organize clubs, to immediately advance the interests of the Democratic party. Resolved, that the Delegate elections be conducted the same ns all general elections except swearing the officers. JOSEPH C. THOMPSON. Theo. Cornman Sec'y. EXPLANATION. Our subscribers will find the date to which their subscriptions are paid, im mediately after their names on the ad dress of their papers. This represents the state of their accounts with the pres ent firm, and has no reference to the ac counts of Mr. Cornman, or of the Volun teer, prior to December Ist, 1865. We desire to call attention to our terms of subscription to be found at the head of the first column of the first page. We intend to adhere to these terms strictly in the future, but will make this modification: All those in arrears, whose subscriptions date from the first of December last, who settle their ac counts during the present month of February, will be charged at the rate of $2,00 per annum. After the lit of March no variation will be made from our pub lished terms, in any instance. All will have fair notice, and we intend to treat all alike. Subscribers in arrears wile THEREFORE SAVE FIFTY CENTS BY PAYING FOR THEIR PAPERS BEFORE THE Ist op march. We do not Intend this as a dim, but merely as a notice for the benefit of subscribers who are in ar rears. A BACK DOWN. Nearly the whole of last week was occupied by the State Senate in a dis cussion of Hr. Landau's resolutions ap proving of the course of the Pennsylva nia disunion members of Congress who voted to give the negroes of the District of Columbia the right of suffrage, and instructing our Senators, Messrs Bucka lew and Cowan, to vote the same way. Some ten or twelve set speeches were made by Bepublican Senators, all of them favoring the resolutions, and ed loglzing to the skies the dear negro.— These were replied to most ably and triumphantly by Messrs Clymer, Wal lace, Hopkins, Donavin and other Dem ocratic Senators. During the delivery of the speeches on the Democratic side of the House, it was evident that the Bepublican majority felt a gradual soft ening of the back-bone. The very Sen ators who had advocated the passage of the resolutions exhibited a strangejner vousnees and weakness about the knees. The meek Lowry turned pale, and the red-faced Binham was seen to pay frequent visits to the side-room or “hole in the wall,” where a certain kind of medldine is carefully kept in long necked bottles, and which is swallowed by Senators to stiffen up the nerves.— The speeches of the Democratic Sena tors in behalf of white men and a white man’s government, had had a powerful effect even upon the radical diaunion isto who, unfortunately for our disgrac ed State, compose the majority in the Senate. Finally all the speeches had been made, and the' Democratic Sena tors, small in number, felt that they had vanquished their insolent opponents.— The Bepublican Senators, notwithstand ing their bluster and friendship for the negro, cowered like whipped spaniels when they were asked to face the mu sic, and to vote for the resolutions they had offered. One of their number, there fore, to get out of the scrape, moved that the resolutions be recommitted to the committee on Federal Delations ! This motion prevailed—yeaa 18, nays 14, all the Democrats and Messrs Lowry and Browne, (Republicans,) voting “ nay.” This is virtually a defeat of the resolutions, for no one ever expects to see or even hear of them again. The committee on Federal Relations will keep them hid away in their pigeon hole for all time to come. Here then is an end, we suppose, to the negro business in our State Senate. The resolutions endorsing the votes of the disunion members of Congress, have been smothered and laid upon the shelf by their friends! They were afraid to show their hands to the people of Penn sylvania—afraid to toe the mark when called upon to do so. Even the author of the resolutions, Senator Landan, ex hibited the white feather, and voted against his own bantling, which he had defended in a two hours speech. Oh, the cowards! Are they beginning to feel that the people of Pennsylvania are nol all fanatical fools, and that they will no longer endorse the insane doings of the men who advocate negro equality ? Withjthe exception ofLowryand Brown, not a mother’s son of them had the cour age to vote as they spoke! The people ol Pennsylvania are in debted to the brave little band of Dem ocrtic Senators for the defeat of this pet Abolition measure. Their arguments were powerful and unanswerable,, and caused their fanatical opponents to cow er and recede from their position, much to their chagrin and mortification. General Bherman has written a letter stating that he only intended to locate the 'negroes on the Sea Islands temporarily. THE HERALD AND NEGRO SEF- Whon, during tho last campaign, Democrats charged that the Republican party were at heart in favor of universal and unqualified negro suffrage, disguise and conceal the fact as they might in their platforms, it was stoutly and indignant ly denied by their leaders in this coun- ty and elsewhere. They branded it as “ a copperhead lieand the Chairman of their State Central Committee went so far as to assert in his published ad dress that such was not the issue, where upon Horace Greeley anxiously enquir- ed “ if negro suffrage Is not the issue in Pennsylvania, what is ?” Whether we were right or wrong—whether our charges wore really nothing more than “ copperhead lies”—and whether this virtuous party of “ great moral ideas” did not then fully intend to violate this its last pledge, as it had shamelessly done a score of times before, the people can infer from the recent action of the Abolition Congress and State Legisla tures in regard to negro suffrage in the District of Columbia. Who-was dealing honestly with the people, those who told them the truth, or those who lied to them ? So much for the past. Fortunately for the country, we are to be left in no doubt as to the future policy of this party. The ass has kicked itself clean out of the lion’s skin. Having swept Chairman. almost the entire country at the last elections, they have grown reckless in their strength and bolder in their ini quities ; have thrown off the mask and declared through their journals and pub lic men that negro suffrage is the issue in the coming campaign. Forney in his “ occasional” letter to the Press , after the passage of the suffrage bill for the District of Columbia, boldly avows: “ The issue is now made up. Made a party question (by the action of Con gress) it must be met with equal unanimity by the union party everywhere. Ido not know a better time to meet the issue than the present. It was blind folly to sup- pose that we could stave it off.” Fol lowing in the wake of the Press the Carlisle Herald of last week comes out flat-footed for negro suffrage, declaring that “ the measure is one which has re ceived the sanction of the leaders of the Bepublican party, andon it almost solely will they be sustained or condemned by the people.” Our friends over the way made very wry faces, for several weeks, over the big dose of “ nigger” prescribed for them by the -abolition leaders in Congress. But there was no evading the issue; the cup of “ loyalty,” with a full blooded, grinning “ Guinea nigger” bobbing up and down in it, was pressed to their lips. The very smell of the mixture nauseated our fastidious neigh bors. But it must be swallowed, and so holding their noses they gulped down the dose, full blooded “nigger” and all. Baugh 1 what a mixture for a white 1 man’s stomach—New England “ loyal ty” and the unadulterated essence of unwashed Sambo! And this is not the worst of it; the prescription was accom panied with the physician’s directions, which read as follows: “ Should the pa tient show symptoms of relapse, let the dose be repeated until the head is affec ted—T. Stevens, M. D.” When the head is thus affected, we suppose the pa tient may be said to have “ negro on the brain.” From, present indications the Herald will not require another dose for some time to come. Its stomach has proven strong enough to hold anything put into it, and its political principles, in consequence of the prescription of Dr. Stevens, are black enough for old Thad. himself. We will say to its cred it that there is no amalgamation in its opinions; for while the views of a cer tain portion of its party are slightly tinged—partaking of the hybrid nature of the mulatto—the convictions of the Herald savor of the full-blooded African. It actually goes so far as to say that, though a white man must possess cer tain qualifications before he can vote, in the case of the negro “no qualification is insisted on.” The Herald not only avows its convic tions, but in a long and labored editori al attempts to sustain them before the people. With all its research, however, it is able to produce but two arguments in support of its position. These argu ments axe, first that the negro should have the ballot to protect himself from the oppression of his former master; and second that having fought to main tain the nation against rebellion, he should have a voice and vote in its gov ernment. Of these in their order. We quote the Herald’s first argument: '* Whatever may bo the opinion with regard to the effect of this measure on the fortunes of our party, it is certain that Justice to those who have been made free by the treason of slaveholders requires that they should bo protected from the oppression of men whoso crimes have forfeited all claim to the consideration of the govern ment.’' To those whose opinions of Southern men and Southern character have been derived from sensational abolition nov els, such as “ Uncle Tom’s Cabin and from the correspondence of cotton stealing agents and understrappers in the Freedmen’s Bureau, whose pilfer ings and whose places depend upon their misrepresentation of the state of 'affairs in the South,.this argument may seem to have some weight. But it is astonishing that any full grown man of sound mind should urge it in view of the information which the country pos sesses on this subject. It is fair to pre sume that no three persons in the Union are more correctly, informed as to the real condition of affairs at the South than the President of the United .States and his two great captains, Grant and Sherman—for no others have had equal facilities for gaining information. At least we may say, without fear of con tradiction, that they are as well posted as the editors of the Herald. President Johnson informs Congress that, “ In nearly all the States lately In Insurrection, metuiunirt have been adopted, or are yet pending to conforupon the freedmen oil (heprivileges which are essential to thfir comfort, protection ami wcncUi/.'* In,Gen. Grant's recent report on the condition of the South, made (after a tour of observation and inspection, he informs us that not only are the negroes not oppressed and compelled to work by their former masters, but that they are “indolent and thriftless;’.’ that “the FKAGE. freedman’s mind does not seem to be disabused of the idea that the freedman has the right to live without care or provision for the future;” and that un less some means are adopted to compel them to work,“it will be found that vice and disease will tend to the exter mination of the colored race.” General Sherman, after a similar tour, uses the following remarkable language. “ The negroes In Arkansas can all 11ml profita ble and lucrative employment, and are protected In all their rights and property by the civil au thorities. I met no one citizen or soldier who mica- Honed or doubted that their freedom tons as well as sured in Arkansas as in Ohio. Governor Murphy said tliat negroes could acquire title to real estate or any kind of property, and the Courts, both Federal and State, would protect them.” These reports, coming from the sources they do, are worth a volume of loose and unsupported assertions of men who know nothing about the South. — They are the solemn and deliberate con- victions of men who have examined the question thoroughly, and they prove be- yond the shadow of a doubt that the negroes are guaStnteed all the rights of life, liberty and property—guaranteed in them too by the very men who were their former masters. In view of this overwhelming testimony, we ask the Herald what greater protection can any man have than the protection of the law? Even if the negro were al lowed to vote in every State of the Union, he could do no more for himself, in the protection of his civil rights, than has already been done for him. But the Herald is in favor of negro suffrage everywhere—for it would scarcely be so ungenerous as to force such a nauseous dose down the throats of the people in the District of Columbia and of the South, and then refuse to let the negro vote by its side here. We are justified therefore in concluding that the Herald is in favor of universal negro suffrage in Pennsylvania and in Cumberland coun ty, as soon as it can legally be brought -about; and we ask it to tell us, and to tell the white freemen of this county, what protection the negro needs here in addition to what he has now. Has the black man earned a right to the elective franchise by his services in the war? He was driven into the ar my by threats of conscription and by starvation ; and he performed no great service after he was there. It is true his cowardice lost us the battle after the Petersburg mine explosion; and it is true he was-kept in reserve during the terrible battles below the James River, and after the rebel army was driven back, broken and bleeding, by the hero ic white troops of the Republic, was slipped into Richmond by the back door to make a little capital for him—so that Wendell Phillips might declare that “ in all the heroism of this war the negro bears the palm" —but this is all the im- portant service he ever rendered the na tion. Grant, for the sake of the argu ment, that the negro does “ bear the palm,” yet on what ground does that give him the right to vote? Is the qualification to be a general one ? If so, we must give the same privilege to the foreigners who took up arms in defense of the nation, to the young men under age who so gallantly responded to their country’s call, and to the heroic, self sacrificing women who left the com forts of' home and followed our victori ous legions into the midst of scenes of danger and death. If service in the field is to be a qualification, how will it be with those who never lifted a hand in defense of the government; and where will the gentlemen of the Herald find themselves on election day? If the principle is established and enforced they will not even enjoy the poor privi lege of voting alongside their colored' brethren. To be consistent with their own arguments, the “stay-at-home” ad vocates of negro suffrage should modest ly take aback seat in political affairs, and give their privileges to the negro who fought to save this government for them. The truth of the matter is—and here is where the advocates of negro suffrage make their great mistake—the elective franchise is not a natural and absolute, but a relative and legal right—that is a right conferred by law, and arising out of the construction of society. Franchise is defined to be “ a particular privilege or right granted by the sovereign power in a Statedo an individual or a number of persons.” Now no nation has the right to bestow any franchise upon a number of persons, when it is probable that they will not make a proper use of that privilege; and no man can claim as a right from the nation that of which he knows neither the use nor the value, and which in his hands might result in damage to others. The Constitution guarantees to every man the right to keep and bear fire-arms, but who ex cept a fool would contend that a maniac should be allowed the exercise of that privilege. What may therefore be granted to one man, cannot always be allowed to another. Such restraints should be thrown around the elective franchise, as indeed around any other franchise, as will prevent it from be coming dangerous to the liberties of the country. Let us then enquire whether it would be safe or judicious to place the ballot in the hands of the negro. Does history furnish any precedent which would justify such a step? Let the an archy and degradation of Hayti, or the shrieks of helpless, outraged women and tortured children, and the burning homes of the white residents of Jamaica answer the question. There the negro had all the privileges which his most devoted friends could ask for him—ne gro legislators made the laws and negro judges sat upon the bench—and yet these horrible atrocities by which he at tempted to maintain his hold on power speak in tones of warning too plainly to be disregarded. There, if anywhere on the face of the earth, we might have expected the negro to develop the latent faculties which his admirers claim that he possesses; but there, grinning like a maniac amidst the murder, ruin and desolation he had W'rought, he demon strated to the world his incapacity for self government. The controlling motive of the Repub lican party on this question is not the benefit of the negro, but the mainte -1 nance of their own hold upon power.— Thaddeua Stevens candidly avowed this in ids recent speech in Congress, in which he declared that if the elective franchise \yere not conferred upon the negroes of the South, “ they (the South’s) eighty three votes, with the representa tives from the Five Points and other dark corners, would be sufficient to overrule the friends of progress here, and the nation would be in the hands of secessionists at the very next congres sional election.” Here is a confession that the Bepublican party cannot sur vive the restoration of the Union, unless the negroes are allowed to vote, and hence the anxiety to secure them that privilege. If these men have any friendship at all for the negro, we warn them that they are leading him down into the valley of destruction. They are not only digging his political grave, but the grave of his race. Andrew Johnson is a close observer of men and things, and he earnestly implores the country to halt in its Triad career, be lieving, as he says, that “the agitation of the negro franchise question is ill timed, uncalled for, and calculated to do great harm”—that it “will engender enmity, contention and strife between the two races, and lead to a war between ’ them which will result in great injury to both and the certain extermination of the negro population.” Igy“ Taxation without representa tion” was what our liberty-loving an cestors of the Revolution resisted in a seven years’ heroic strife with the gi gantic power of England. “ Taxation without representation” was what the British tories in England and heresought to imposeupon the'American Colonies. — This was the prime cause of the Revo lution. The radicals of to-day have placed our Government in precisely the position towards the South that England held towards America in1770-’76; and the South in precisely the position to wards the Government that the Colo nies held toward England at that time. They deny representation in Congress to the South while insisting upon the payment of taxes by her people. They thus occupy the ground of the British tories; and the South, in demanding representation while willing to resume their just share of the burthens of Gov ernment, is placed by the radicals on the ground held by the patriots of the Revolution. In this phase of our inter nal contest, it is not strange thatthought ful and patriotic people should sympa thize with the South and seek to aid them in securing their just rights. More Burthens fob the Poor.— There is a bill before the legislature of this State, proposing to raise the legal rate of interest from six to seven per cent, and to allow sharpers and misers to get eight per cent, by special agree ment. To talk plainly, this is a move of the capitalists to grab all the poor man has got and grind him to poverty. A man now in moderate means, who owes a mortgage on his property at G per cent, would have to submit to a bar gain at 7 or 8 or lose hie property by sale; and this to enable the non-produ cer to live sumptuously on his per cent age. And just in proportion as the in terest is increased just,so much would the value of property decrease, by re ducing the number and capacity of pur chasers. The Feeed Negbo.— lt was gener ally supposed that when the negro was freed, the discussions In Congress con cerning his condition would cease; but, on the contrary, it is kept up with more virulence than ever. It is insisted by the radicals that the negroes are nation al wards, whose interests are to be pe culiarly looked after, and the conse quence is nearly every bill in Congress has reference to the bestowing of some franchise or endowment upon them.— Under this state of things, with the ne gro a ward and the country his guardian, we may cease to hope that the discus sion about him will discontinue, or that it will be remembered in Congress that any white men are their constituents. “Pub. Docs.” last year cost $2,183, 010 78. Poor old Uncle Sam! Poor, dear, devoted tax payers!—iV. Y. Tribune. Of that enormous outlay, says the Reading Gazette , not less than $1,259,000 went into the pockets of paper makers, who, by some means best known to themselves, have succeeded in running up the prices of their manufactures two hundred per. cent, above the prices of 1860-61—and keeping them up, too, even down to the present time. And yet, there are men in and out of Congress who argue in favor of further protection to this and similar species of monopoly and extortion, by another heavy in crease of the tariff! Rather talk about protection to the consumer, say we, with prices held at such figures. The Rump joint Committee of Fif teen on Reconstruction have already made a demand for an appropriation of ten thousand dollars to help defray ex penses ! Good Lord! Have those pa triotic (!) fifteen already gone to plun dering? At this rate they’ll swallow a million before the Union is reconstruct ed. And then it will take from a quar ter to half a million to set a “ smelling committee” in full cry after them; and, after that, there is no telling how much it won’t take to start Stanton’s “detect ives” after that committee; and, after all, nobody will know how much “ black mail and “hush money” these latter chaps will have gobbled up. *®“ We see by Monday’s Philadelphia Age that that journal has undergone a partial change of proprietorship, Mr. Glossbrenner having disposed of his in terest to James M. Bobb. Esq. Mr. Glos brenner, in retiring, bespeaks for the Age the generous support of the Democ racy of Pennsylvania, and the new firm pledge themselves to deserve the con fidence of the public. We wish them abundant success financially and politi cally. In view of the salt pork rations provided for our whole colored popula tion by the “ Freedmen’s Bureau Bill,” it seems very appropriate that they should be called “ the children of Ham.'' more “ RECONSTRUCTION.” In both the Senate and House, a few days since, the so-called Beconstruction Committee reported a highly important Constitutional amendment, which, if adopted, will dispose entirely of the question of Southern representation in Congress, for the present year at least. The proposition was totally unexpected in either branch, and in the House cre ated profound surprise on both sides, especially when Thad. Stevens urged its immediate passage without debate. But Bepublicans and Democrats object ed to that, and some debate was allow ed. It will be noticed that the brief amendment proposes to force the South ern States to adopt negro suffrage or else lose one-half their representation in Congress. The following is a correct copy of the proposed amendment: “Resolved, By the Senate and House of Bepresentatives of the United States of America, in Congress assembled, two-, thirds of both Houses concurring, that the following Article be proposed to the Legislatures of the several States as an amendment to the Constitution of the United States, which, when ratified by three fourths of the said. Legislature s; shall be valid as a part of said Constitution: “ABTicnE— Eepresentation and direct taxes shall be apportioned among the sev eral States which may be included within this Union, according to their respective numbers, counting the whole number of persons in each State, excluding Indians not taxed, provided, that whenever the elective franchise shall be denied or abridged in any State on account of race or color, all persons of such race or color shall be excluded from the basis of the representation.” Mr. Bodgers, of New Jersey—the only Democrat upon the Committee—made a minority report against the proposed amendment, contending that it was against the fundamental principle of our Government—that taxation and representation must go together. He endorsed the President in the course of his remarks and declared that he would welcome the Southern delegations on the floor of the House. He advocated the joining of hands, North and South, and, forgetting past troubles, unite to drive Maximilian from Mexico. This sentiment created great applause. Bos coe Conklin, of New York, replied, ad vocating the amendment and showing that New England would not lose any representation, but that all of the South ern States, and most of the Northern States would lose on the basis of the census of 1860. No—New England (the father of the I Slave trade) that has no negroes of her own to troublejher, but persists in troub ling herself about the negroes of other States—will lose nothing by this meas ure ; and hence her eagerness to force it upon those that will lose. As soon as the vote upon it is reached, the amendment will pass Congress, of course. But it must have the assent of three-fourths of the States to make it valid; and we hardly think that the States most deeply interested will allow Congress to force them into the adop , tion of negro suffrage by any such arbi | trary stretch of power as this. State Tax on Beal Estate— Hon. Wm. H. Kemble, the State Treasurer, makes a most important recommenda tion in his report recently submitted to the Legislature, viz: that the tax on Beal Estate be entirely abolished or at least suspended for a year or two. He estimates that the receipts for the cur rent fiscal year will be Expenses, Leaving a balance of $2,126,000 From which deduct tax on real estate, And we still have, He desires, however, uuthority to lay tax on the Stock of National Banks, which he estimated will produce $470,000 making nearly a million dollars to be appropriated yearly to the payment of the State debt. Mr. Kemble concludes; “From this statement, it seems clear to me that we could get along without levying one dollar of tax on the Real 'Es tate of the Commonwealth. We can at least suspend its collection for a year or two, until wo try experiment.” Let it be tried, by all means. Any thing to relieve the people of a portion of the numberless taxes that are now eating out their substance, would be a blessing. There is not much prospect of relief from the burdens of Federal taxation. Therefore, let us look to the State, and if she has the power to help us, we hope she will not hesitate to ex ercise it, for her suffering people’s good. More Blasphemy.— A repulican co temporary quotes, with approbation, the following sentence from one of Par son Brownlow’s recent speeeehes: If Jesus Christ comes down from Heav en to-morrow with any number of glitter ing stars on his shoulder-straps, and the twelve Apostles for his staff, they would all, bag and baggage, be expelled by the rebels of Davidson county. Is it any wonder that crime abounds and sin grows bold in a day when blas phemy like this finds admirers among people who call themselves Christians? Two of the most prominent men in Lincoln’s cabinet—Hon. Edward Bates, and Hon. Montgomery Blair— are now acting with the Democracy and against the disunion radicals. Had Mr, Lincoln lived, he too, it is-probable, would now be. against the party that elected him. Thanks.— Hon. C. K. Buckalew of the TJ. S. Senate, Hon. A. J. Glossbren ner of the House of Representatives, Hon. A. H. Glatz and Mr. Long of the Pennsylvania Legislature, have our thanks for valuable public documents. On our first page will be found the annual message of Gov. Cuktin.— It is a business-like document, and has little to say on national politics, except to heartily endorse the position and pol icy of President Johnson. For this all men, except disuniouists, will commend the Governor. The' negro, for once, is entirely ignored, much to the chagrin of the disunion radicals. All in all, the message is an unexceptionable, plain and sensible State paper, and -we be speak for it a careful perusal by all our readers, BKiiiEFOF Chamhehsiutro.— The Com mittee of Ways and Means have reported I favorably an act for the relief of certain citizens of Chambersburg and vicinity, whoso property was destroyed by the reb els, This act recites theserious loss which was sustained by a peaceful community, and claims for such community the gen erous consideration of the State. It then appropriates $500,000 to the people, to bo paid to the shffercrs pro rata upon the ) valuation of their losses. This valuation is to be made by three disinterested ap praisers, not residents of Franklin county, to bo appointed by the Court of Common Pleas of Dauphin county. The remainder of the bill provides for the manner of punishing frauds, and throws such safegards around the disbursement as will insure a just and fair division of the money. A clause is also Inserted which authorizes the State to obtain the amount ($500,000), from the General Government, should Congress pass any bill to compen sate the people for losses sustained. ■ jOgy The Delegate elections, be it re membered, take place on Saturday.— Tire County Convention, to elect Dele gates to the sth of March State Conven tion, will assemble at the Court-House, on Monday at 11 o’clock. Little Johnny Cessna has brought suit against the editors of the Bedford Gazette for libel 1 We never supposed ■ it possible for any one to be able to libel Cessna, and if our friends of the Gazette have succeeded in so herculian a task, they must have resorted to a trick, and characterized John an honest man and conscientious politician. That would be a lie, and if the Gazette has published such a misrepresentation, it should suf fer the consequences. Opinion of His Honor Judge King. In the Matter of the Contested Election for District Attorney for the County of Franklin. D. Wasfon Rowe vs. Wm. S. Stenger. This case comes before us ou the peti tion of twenty or more of the qualified electors of the county of Franklin, com plaining that Wm. 8. Stenger was not duly elected to the office of District At torney ; that the election was undue, and D. Wnston Bowe was duly elected to said office. The respondent has filed a motion to quash this petition for the following reas ons: Ist. Because said petition was not filed I within ten days after the election for said office of District Attorney, held on the 10th day of October, 1865. 2nd. Because said petition was not filed I until after the time of swearing the said Wm. 8. Stenger into office had expired, nor until he was in fact sworn into said office without any objection being made. 3d. Because the said petition is too va gue, indefinite and imprecise to entitle it to a hearing. 4th. Because it does not appear that, if all that is stated upon the face of the peti tion was proved, the result of the election would be changed, or that the Court would be compelled to declare the election an undue election. sth. Because, even, if it be true that the alleged persons named in the petition, were deserters from the military service of the United States, and that they did vote for the said Wm. 8. Stenger, still said persons were qualified electors of Franklin County and this Commonwealth, notwithstanding any thing in the Act of Congress of March 3d, 1865; entitled “An Act to amend the several acts heretofore passed to provide for enroling and calling out the National forces and other purpo ses.” The first reason assigned has not been pressed, and but little stress has been laid on the second, by the counsel for the re spondent; and the views we are about to submit on the principle question in the case, as presented by the fourth and fifth reasons, render it unnecessary to express any opinion upon the third reason assign ed. $5,426,000 3,300,000 We come, therefore to consider whether the votes of Curtis Dulabon, George Miller, John Tallhelm and Abraham Sheely were illegal, on the ground that these voters, had been drafted into the military service of the United States, and had failed to re port to the provost marshal of the 16th District Pennsylvania, composed, in part, of the county of Franklin. The counsel for the respondent make these points: Ist. That the election laws of this Com monwealth are exclusively within the complete and absolute control of the State authorities and cannot be modified or changed by Congress. 2nd. That the act of Congress of March 3d, 1865, so far as relates to all persons drafted into the military service of the United, States prior to the passage thereof, ex post facto law and therefore uncon is an stifutional and void. 3d. That even, if the act be Constitu tional, the voters referred to. in the peti tion, could not be disfranchised, without hearing and trial according to the law of the land. The first and second of these points in volve questions of very grave importance and require time for their investigation : and having arrived at the conclusion that the provisions of the act of Congress can not be enforced in this case, for the reas ons we shall presently note, we express no opinion in regard to them. That Congress has the power to punish desertion, or refusal to report when draft ed, or for evading the draft by leaving the jurisdiction of the United States, we enter tain no doubt; and no punishment that can lawfuly be inflicted for such oflenses can be too severe. These are crimes ag ainst the country of the most dangerous tendency, and admit of no palliation or excuses; and it is on account of their very enormity, that we hold that no man can justly and lawfully be deemed guilty of them, until such guilt has been judicially established. No man can be deprived of life, liberty or property unless by the judg ment of his-peers or the law of the land. Both the federal and State constitution guarantee this fundamental right to every citizen. Have these safeguards been pro vided in the oraganic law of the federal and State Governments, for no purpose’ Is there any dearer right than the elec tive franchise, and is that left entirely without protection? We can best answer these pregnant questions by quoting the eloquent language of Justice Coulter, in the ease of Brown vs. Hummel, 6 Barr 61— “The talismanic words, I am a citizen of Pennsylvania, secures to the individual hxs private rights, unless they are taken away by a trial, where lie has an opportu nity of being heard, by himself, his coun sol and Ins testimony, ac cording to the laws and customs of 'our fathers, and the securities and safeguards of the Constitution. Sir Edward Coke defines the meaning of the words, by the laiva of the land— for they were used in maaiia charta, and have been sprinkled with the tears and blood of many patriots -to he a trial by due course and process la w- **** It is against the princi ples of liberty and common right to de pnye a man of his property or franchise , while he is within the pale of the Consti tution and with his hand on the altar without hearing and trial by due course and process of law.” In another part of the same opinion he speaks of the right of suffrage as the most important of all a man’s franchises and asks: “Whodoes not feel its value; and who but would turn pale if he thought he oould bo deprived of it without heating or trial.” These fun damental principles of civil liberty can not be overlooked or disregarded bv the courts, to which we all look for protection 1,600,000 $526,000 without seriously imperiling the people. It is u thousand tin, ‘ therefore, that Mr. Rowe ahouffi'i office ho claims than that his 'Jit to should he declared by trumnii' foot the sacred right, to whu I just adverted, that no num ahniu - '' demned without an opportunity heard in his own defense. 3 1 », g For the reasons we havethmi and imperfectly presented, wesilt - motion to quash the petition 1511 •fafc* OttJ TERRIBLE REBUKE TO lUtu, ISM. Afi: Mr. JoUu'hou Pronounces lß|t expense incident to Ite protections idem joyment. Such an amendment tki! noilaj dent also suggested would remon 'Aifig Congress all issues in reference toil nidi' litical equality of races. It would ■ ; vLe«v.' the States to detrmine absoluldi eimji qualification of their own vote wbi tnrtb gard to color: and thus the numtai --lin-tafe resentatives to which they would I ajii&ftj titled in Congress would depending ysa, number upon which they conteis : jtoalr : right of suffrage. The President,!;;®* connection, expressed the opidoi>Sfljja the agitation of the negro franchiui -jja&t iioa tn the District of Columbia ail!{. .‘hfjfi was the mere entring wedge to Hit ; tion of the question throughout the S and was ill-timed, uncalled for, aid 1 wW culated, to do great harm. HIM yffiafj that it would engender enmity, ca:.' any' and strife between the two races, to a war between them, which woulJ’kSAi] in great injury to both and the cw?|Hgj termination of the negropopulatm] cedence, he thought, should be gin> thol more importance and urgent legislation upon which Avas esseoii -Atac the restoration of the Union, thew tkei the country, and the prosperity ollt P'e- treat i ..otttt NEWS ITEMS. A General Coolbaugh has beeiui ; for swindling at St. Louis. you The Fenians, it is said, haveatt P’f, got an order for $300,000 worth of tf S? “ mei Last week the internal revenue! noi were $8,890,539,38. slid' Rents in New York this year 5 W cent, higher than last year. It is confidently stated at Waste .tiio that the French are to be withdraw 'l'ibe Mexico. "aglii: All armed persons lurking newt ->K Grande are to be arrested. Btrlclt* ' Ity is to be maintained.' Qye On Saturday evening a large stall the longing to one of the Hew roads was burned and 70 bona paw*. " -w The loss was $40,000. wa Salk List.— The following is s' l Sale Bills printed and engaged at fc ri» flee: ■ oof Friday, February 9th. EphralmJJ ’ the farm of Geo. Getter, inNortW .'if* ton township, on the road leadlnj- *•“] Carlisle to Ziegler’s Mill— Horses,! ,™ Cows, Heifers, Farming IraplemO “ Household Furniture. N. B. S ~ Auctioneer. Thursday, Feb. 15th. JohnG.E. ;, „ f son, in Penn township, 1} mite’ east of Palmstown—Horses, ColLv ’■ Cattle, Sheep, Hogs and. Farmin g» i,a ments. N. B. Moore, Auctioneer. Friday, Feb. 23. Wm. Kuisely.j"' *o Middleton township, on Long's i Gs; : Cc —Horses, Colts, Cows, Young Caw ty Household Furniture. io ' Monday, Feb. 26th. “Joshua M)\ • Monroe township, Si miles east a, lisle—Horses, Colts, Cows, Youuj l and Farming implements. v ” Thursday, March 1. D. FinkenUß: Penn Township, one mile sou»* .sja Rock, Horses, Cows, Young * , Cj Threshing Machine, Farming W® and Household and Kitchen F® . 5 John Thomas, Auctioneer. * . ,tt Thursday, March 1. Wm. North Middleton Township, <®! a « Gap Road, 2J miles, north of W/Jm Horses, Cows, Young Cattle anil hold Furniture. John Kitch, AW*; Saturday, March 3. Elizabeth 'ii-ssS North Hanover street, Carhsle. 4 hold and Kitchen Furniture, of Beds and Bedding, Sofa, Tables, Bureaus, &c. . cwHSli Tuesday March 6. Jacob H. mile north-west of Churchtown, road leading from Churchtown 1° rytown—Horses, Bulls, ’fM Hogs, Wagons, Reaper' and a lajb |Uif® ty of other Farming Implement* - Devenney, Auctioneer. Thursday, March 8. Wm. »!“?,, .«va in Frankford township, i of “ of Plainfield—Mare, Cows, W Household Furniture. • it Friday, Narch 9. Levi Ziegler, Executors of Daw“ j at late residence of deceased, Middleton township, near tn«' .as Gap Road —Horses, Cattki Farming Implements and nous'- niture. « Saturday, March 10. James r- and Daniel Sheafer, Exeeu tors. Sheafer, at the late residence • jjtgwjjj ceased, in South Middleton mile south of Boiling Spring ■ jVr Cows, Colts, and Household k~.- Wm. Devenney, Auctioneer- jliWif-i Tuesday, March 13. l iV„ or e, Sp® Esq. Assignee of Alfred Middleton township—Hors e3 i and Household Furniture, 's?■ &