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Advertisements —Accompanied by tho cash, and #ot exceeding one square, will ho inserted throe times for One Dollar, and twenty-five cents for each additional insertion. Those of a greater length in proportion. Job-Printing —Such as Hand-bills, Posting-bills pAtnphlots, Blanks, Labels, Ac. Ac., executed with ,«curaoy and at tho shortest ndlicc. Radical. NOT NOW. BT ALICE CARET. Tlio path of duty I clearly traco, I stand with conscience face to face, And all her plans allow. Calling and'crying tliq while for grace, ' ♦'Some other time, and somo other place—* 0, not to-day—not now 1” f know fits a demon*boding ill, {know I have power to do if I will, And I pat my hand to tho plough; f have fair, swcot seeds in my barn, and lo ! When all tho furrows are ready to sow, Tho voice says, “ 0 not now I" My peace I cell <ifc tho price of woo— Id heart and spirit I suffer so, Tho anguish wrings my brow; But still I linger and cry for grace— Some ocher time, and somo other place— -0 not to-day — u not now !” I talk to my stubborn heart and say The work’d must X will do to-day ; I will make to tho Lord a vow; And I will not rest and I will not sleep • Till the vow I have vowed I rise and keep, And tho demon cries, " Not now !" And flO'tho days and the years go by,* And bo I rogistef lie upon lie. And break with Heaven my row, For wben I would boldly take my stand, This terrible demon stays my hand— “ 0, not to-day— not now !” MBullmmm. A Speculator in Trouble. Tho New Orleans correswmdont of tho Boston Journal says that cotton speculators in that department are treated by both Fed erate and rebels with great severity. A good story is going tho rounds in regard to a citi zen of New Orleans, one of those neutral in dividuals who are on tho fence ready to jump nn either side policy dictates to be for their interest. Uo left New Orleans about two months since, bound for the Confederate lines, with the intension of investing what money ho had in cotton. The friend who re lated the incident to me said that just boforo starting ho met him in the street, and after exchanging tho usual commonplace remarks inquired; ' Wliat arc you up to' now. Brown !’ . 'Oli, I’ve just made a good tiling; been into the Confederacy and brought out thirty holes of cotton. Bound up again to-morrow, nnd if nothing happens I’ll bring back four times that quantity.*' ' Be careful, Brown, or you’ll get gobbled up. They’ll have you in the rebel army.’ 'Oh, no fear of that. They all know me to he a good Confederate. Besides, X’-vo got British papers.” A.mouth later the two friends mot, Brown looking decidedly down cast and seedy.— Wallace accosted him with : 'Well, Brown, how about that cotton?’ ‘Don’t talk to mo about cotton. Lost eve rything.’ ■ t { 'How’s that!’ 'Well, you see, I got up to Bayou Sara the ranio night that th'o rebels made; their raid iWo the place. Iliad plenty of time to es cape, same ns good many others did, but I thought I was all right, and so, with a friend rat down to a game of, poker, just to show fiat wo didn’t feel at all alarmed. Presently in come some robs and began to search us.— On my partner they found a lot of Confeder ate money, so they just took it. Of course I was convinced now that I was all right—ray money was all greenbacks. ‘ What are you doing in the Confederacy with Federal mo ney ?’ they asked. So they took mine too.’ ‘ That was rough. Is that all they done to you?’ ■ ‘All! No. sir. They stripped mo of evo rything, and one hig fellow gave me such a kick as to take me off. my feet, with the re mark that if they ever caught mo in the Con federacy again with so little money they’d hang mo.’ Pat's Idea of Stock.—r Pat Donahue was #'broth of a boy,’ right from the ‘Gem of tlio Say,” and bo had a small contract on the conway Railroad, in Now Hampshire, in the Jear of grace, 1855, in which he agreed to mko his pay part in cash, part in bonds, nnd part in stock. The stock of this road, be it remembered, like, many others—was not *erth a ‘ Continental’ and has always kept up its value with remarkable uniformity. — In duo time Pat, having completed his job, presented himself at the treasurer’s office for "moment. The money, the bonds, and the certificate of stock wore soon in his posses-: sum. ■ ' - ■ 1 , And what is this now?’ said Pat flourish es hie certificate of stock, hearing the broad ,ei " of the corporation. fts lrc * 8 y ° Ur B ' lr '* ' )landl y ro P'i° d ■ ' is this what I’m to git for my la ,L Wasn’t me contract for stock.’ j.," “J certainly j that is your stock. What ol P aot J ’ , did! expect? said Pat excitedly; »l*t_ did I expect? '"by pigs, and shape, and horses sure !’ J* correspondent writing from Oar rnif.„?’- ne . ar Now Orleans, thus relates a co incident: .ijir 'WJ are droves of little French African p rcn^,° n hero. They talk Fronoh—English- They wctvra simple costume non ay ’s ~a ^l rc ly Of a very short skirt. ‘ Son 'ff'li 000 those cuffeo youngsters, Sn B( „i 0 Mo J °nr pantaloons V ‘ I don’t wear loons— I’m- a girl,’ was the ■ reply.” iSastow'Pi’® 6 here, Tofnmy,’ said,a sohpol tw v!' do'you' know your £i R OT’ ‘ Yes, *■ I know a boo sees.' 00U 1<1 have his wishes he ** w « hi* trmihlo. The Louisiana Battles—-Awfnl Scenes. A New York Tribune correspondent, who was at tho battle' of Pleasant Hill, thus de scribes some of tho awful scenes which mot tho eye of tho spectator, tho day after tho battle! On_ Sunday morning at daybreak, I took occasion to visit the scone of Saturday’s bloody confjiot, and a more ghastly spectacle I have never witnessed. Over tho field and upon tho Shreveport road wore scattered dead hor ses, broken muskets, and cartridge boxes stained with blood, while all around, as far as tho oyo could roach, were mingled the in animate forms of patriot and traitor side hv side. Hero were a groat many rebels badly wounded, unable to move, dying for want of water and not a drop within two miles, and no one to got it for them. Their groans and piteous appeals for “wa ter, water," wore heartrending, and sent a shudder to the most stony heart. Such hor rid expressions as dwelt upon each dcadliko countenance can neither ho described or im agined. Hero was a bravo sergeant his trus ty rifle grasped in his hand, while each eye hail glared from its glazed socket with fierce excitement. Tho dead were everywhere, and in every possible position, which could ren der tho scono the more appalling. 1 saw one sweet face, that of -ii young pa triot, and upon his icy features there linger ed a heavenly smile, speaking of calmness and resignation. Tho youth was probably not more than nineteen, with a full blue eye beaming even in death with meekness. The morning wind lifted his auburn looks from off his marble face, exposing to, view a noble forehead, which was bathed with the heavy dew of Saturday night, f dismounted for a moment, hoping to be able to find some trace of the hero's name, but the chivalry had stripped his body of every article of value.— Tho Altai ball pierced his heart. 'Not twenty feet from this dreary picture lay prostrate tho mutilated body of a man, apparently forty-five years of age. Ilis cap lay by the side of his head in a pool of blood, while his long, flowing grey heard was dyed with his blood. A shell had fearfully lacer ated his right leg, while his bolt was pierced in two places, both balls entering tho abdo minal region. In front of tho long bolt of woods which skirted the open field, and from which the rebels emerged so boldly, was a deep ditch, and at this point tho slaughter among the rebels was terrific. In many pla ces tho enemy’s dead wore piled up in groups, intermixed with our dead. I saw two or three of our men, whoso bodies had been bru tally violated by tho exasperated foe, too horrible to mention. Wonders of the Universe. —What -asser tion will make one believe that in one second of time—one beat of tho pendulum of a clock— a ray of light travels over 155,000 miles, and would, therefore, perform tho tour of tho world in about tho same time it requires to wink with your eyelids, and in much less time than a swift runner occupies in taking a single stride. What mortal can he made to believe— without demonstration—that the sun is over a million times larger than the earth? and although po remote from us, that a cannon ball shot directly townrds it and maintaining its full speed, would ho twenty years in reaching it, yet the sun affects tho earth ap preciably by its attractions in an instant of time. Who would not ask for demonstration when told that a gnat's wing, in its ordinary flight, beats many hundred times in a second ? Or that there exist animated and regularly organized beings, many thousands of whose bodies laid together would not cover the space of an inch. But what are these to the astonishing truths which modern optical inquiries have disclosed, and which tench that every point of a medium through which a ray of light passes, is affected with a succession of peri odical movements, regularly recurring at equal intervals, no less than five hundred millions of millions of times in a single sec ond That it is by such movements com municated to the nerves of tho eye, that wo are enabled to sec ; nay, more, that it is the difference in the frequency of their recur rence, which affects us with tho sense of tho diversity of color? That, for instance, in acquiring the sensation o( redness our eyes arc affected four hundred and eighty-two mil-, lions of millions of times; of yellowness five hundred, and forty millions of times—and of violet, seven hundred and seven millions of millions of times—per second ? Bo not such things sound more like the ravings of madmen than 5 the sober conclu sions of people in their waking,sense ? They arc, nevertheless, conclusions to which any one may certainly arrive, who will only be at the trouble of examining tho chain of rea soning by which they have boon obtained. _ Romances op the Needi.e.— Tlio Chris tian Intelligencer- thus discourses about the exploits of the needle. What n wonderful thing is this matter of sewing! It began in paradise, and was the earliest fruit of the fall. Amid the odor of flowers, and by the side 0/ meandering streams and under the shade of the dark green foliage tlio cowering forms of Hie guil ty progenitors of our race bowed in anguish and -shame, us they took thoir first lessons in tlio art which has over since been the mark of servitude or sorrow.’ And yet the curse has not been without its blessing. The needle with the thimble has done more for man than the needle of the compass. Tho needle work of tbo Tabernacle is’ the most ancient record of the art. Early used to adorn tho vestments of tho priests, it was honored by God himself, and became a type 6f beauty nnd holiness, “ Tho King’s daugh ter is all glorious within; her clothing is of wrought gold, She shall bo brought unto tho King in raiment of needlework." Tho mag nificence of kingly pomp, the imposing spec tacle of religion or wealth, tho tribute of honor to the great, the charm of dignified so ciety, tbo refined attractions of beauty are dependent upon the needle. '#©“ The following is a specimen of a sohool-boy's composition: The Dorg. —The dorg is a very useful ani mal. Tho dorg watches things ; he watches crows and sheeps and men’s coats, when they are at work. Ho is good at watching things. You should not strike the dorg, for if you do he will bite you. If you don’t strike him he will wag his tail and won’t bite you. K!7” When tho .butcher brought in some sausages, the oat bristled up, spit, and flow into a terrible fury, evidently having recog nized some old onomy. ‘ What trees are those wlxioh, when fire is applied to them', ars exactly what they were before ?-—Ashes.- Taue. —The only fame worth possessing is tho good opinion of the good and wise. "OUU COUNTRY—MAY IT ALWAYS BE RIGHT—BUT RIGHT OR WRONG OUR COUNTRY/' RE MA RE S O F AON. JOHN L, DAWSON, In reply to Mr. Moorhead, of Pa., in Co: gross, April 20,' 1864. pMr, Dawson. Mr. Speaker, .this is tho ear liest moment that I have been able to get the floor, to say that tho gentleman who repre sents the district of Pittsburg [Mr. Moorhead] has seen proper to make my speech of tho 24th of February the subject of one delivered by himself on tho 20th ultimo. I regret that I cannot characterize tho.gentleman's effort as an argument. There is, indeed, very lit tle in it that rises to that level. I hai scarce ly supposed it necessary to notice it on this floor." It is profuse in denunciations of dis loyalty and of alleged sympathizers with tho rebellion. They constitute, indeed, the sta ple of his speech. While to mo he disavows ony intention of giving them a personal bear ing. yet by implication they'aro regarded as personal, and his friends, at least, have made the application. In his opening remark, in tho declaration that I had started with great frankness and clearness the grounds of my opposition to the war, ho Ims been guilty of a gross miatato mont. In common with fho party with, which I have the honor to act, from its first outbreak I accepted the war us a necessity, and, while I have fearlessly condemned the policy which governs it, have never hesitated to support it within what I deemed the con- stitutional limits. .The Democratic party have acted throughout these trying troubles with a magnanimity and greatness of pur pose that no other political organization ever exhibited. They did try to avoid tho war. War is the greatest of all national misfor tunes; a civil war is tho worst of wars, and this promised to be the most gigantic of civil wars. They opposed abolitionism because they knew it would bring war and desolation in its train. They tried their utmost to bring all difficulties between tho North and the .South to a peaceful and nn honorable settle ment; and they failed not for want of will but want of power. ’When the war came, when tho vindictive stubhorness of abolition ists and secessionists left no choice bpfc sup port of the Government by arms or submis sion to a rupture of the Union, tho Democra cy offered their blood and money for tho Union freely, without stint, without reserva tion, without measure. All they asked in return was that tho party in power should conduct it honestly and fairly, for* tho pur pose of restoring tho Union and saving tho Constitution. My colleague falls readily into tho trite and woll-worn style of reply which his party leaders have taught him. If any Democrat objects- to an act of the Administration, he raises tho cry of disloyalty, and insists that we should employ our time solely in denoun cing secession. If we see the money of tho nation squandered, the Constitution trampled upon, tho laws disregarded, public liberty endangered, the right of suffrage taken away, the freedom of speech and of tho press re stricted and punished, the Union for which we are bleeding laughed at as a thing of the past, we must, according to my colleague's code of political morals, find no fault with those who do these wrongs, ask for no reform, seek no change. Tho respect I have for my colleague forbids-mo to say that this is the mere twaddle of tho demagogue. Such ab ject submission is only fit for a slave, wholly unfit for a freeman. lie pronounces a eulogy upon General Cass. That great old man will ho filled with grief if ho hears that an avowed and open abolitionist has spoken of him in such terms. It was heartless cruelty to vex the evening of that venerable patriot's life by praise which implies that his whole public career has been a false one. What has General Cass dono to deserve such a eulogy from him? He claims tho right to speak of him because “ he and I orlce and again, but vain ly, labored” to make him President. It is true that while my colleague professed to b.e a Democrat ho also professed to ho a Cass man. After tho battle of Buena Vista, how ever, ho deserted his friend Cass and went over to General Taylor. Tho Whigs of that day were not willing that “Rough and Ready” should bo so unceremoniously ap propriated, and my colleague early in 1848 came back to General Cass with professions of loud devotion, quite as loud as they are now for Abraham Lincoln. After the Octo ber elections of that year which indicated that General Taylor was to be the lucky can didate, my colleague’s zeal suddenly* evapo rated, and at tho presidential election which followed ho failed to vote for General Cass. My colleague has repeated what be alleges was said to him by General Cass. It is not in good tasto, nor is it liy any means a safe practice, to repeat private conversations.— Tho old-fashioned notions of society which regulated intercourse between well-bred peo ple always discountenanced the practice. I know my colleague with a manly bearing condemned the Stone-breakers for their pri vate revelations in tho memorable contest in 1838, when he nnd I joined hands for the el evation of David B-. Porter to tho chief mag istracy of Pennsylvania. But having as sumed the responsibility to repeat, ho has no right to report him in a way which would make tho Gerioral seem false to the faith of his fathers. X my colleague that that groat man for more than twenty years had warned the country that tho Union would bo destroyed if a sectional President should he elected upon a platform which ignored the Constitution. After tho election of 1860 had shown that all his efforts to avoid such a re sult had failed, well might we have said, "Wo are lost and destroyed." And my col league quotes tho language in which the pa triot mourned over tho triumph of abolition ism ns evidence that the patriot himself was an apostate to.the unsullied record and no ble example of his life. If the retirement of General Cass from of fice in the winter of 1861 bs construed asjust condemnation, how shall wo construe that of Mr. Holt, who remained in his place oa Sec retary of War, until the 4th of March, and gave his most earnest support to the Buchan an Administration, and at the close of it ex pressed his most cordial approbation of all ’the President had done, as well as all ho had forborne to do. In- his letter of the 2nd March, 1801, filed in the State Department, resigning the office of Secretary of War at the close of Mr. Buchanan’s Administration, Mr. Holt boars attestation “ to the enlight ened statesmanship and unsullied patriotism of tho President.” Mr. Holt has the confi dence of President Lincoln, and holds by his appointment at this time tho responsible of fice of Judge Advocate General. General Dix, Secretary of the Treasury in the Cabi net of.Mr, Buchanan, how a Major General in the Array, appointed by Mr. Lincoln, in his address on retiring from the Cabinet and referring to Mr. Bhohahan, declared himself “ impressed with tho purity of his motives, his conscientiousness, his thorough acquaint ance with tho business of tho Government in CARLISLE, PA., THURSDAY, MAY 26,1864. its most complex details, and his anxious de sire that tho unhappy questions which dis tract tho country may have a peaceful solu tion." It is surprising that my colleague, in Jiia assault upon tho Administration of Mr. Buchanan, repeats hero in his place the stale charge that Floyd, the Secretary of War, stole a largo portion of the public arms and transferred them to southern arsenals. Tho allegation is of little importance, except as far as it misrepresents a Democratic Admin istration. My colleague was a member of the ihirty-Sixth Congress, and-should have known that a committee constituted by the House, of which Mr, Stanton, a leading Re publican, was chairman, and of which a ma jority wore Republicans, reported on tho 18th day. of February, 1801, that the Southern States received in 1860 loss, instead of more, than tho quota of arms to which they wore entitled by jaw; and that throe of them, North Carolina, Mississippi and Kentucky, received no arms whatever, and this simply because .they did not ask for them. I refer my colleague to the report, which will bo found in the second volume of Reports of Committees of the House for 1860—01. / It is stranger still that my colleague lias repeated that the Administration •were dere lict in not arresting the progress of the re bellion in its early stages. I re-assert what I stated in ray remarks of the 24th of Febru ary, that the law of the 28th of February, 1795, did not confer upon the President suf ficient power to employ military force to ex ecute the laws and protect the public proper ty, and that Mr. Buchanan, in his message to Congress on the Bth of January, 1801, asked for such authority. Congress failed to grant it. My colleague was a member of that Congress. It is a sad commentary on , the degeneracy of the times that ho should stand up hero in the broad light of the heav ens to revile the then President for omitting to do what he among others who constituted a majority in Congress, failed to grant him the power to do. This is a gross abuse of our patience, to which tbo boldness of Cata line would scarcely have been equal, and if lie had been blessed with Cataline’s sagacity ho would have seen that it was useless. The gentleman assorts that our financial success has become the wonder of the world. I agree with him that it ia a wonder. On the Ist of January, 1861, prior to the com riicnoemont of hostilities, the entire circula tion of all the banks, North and South, was but a fraction over 15202,000,000, while on the Ist of January, 1803, in the States known aa the: loyal States, the circulation exceeded 5238,500.000. Add to this the United States Treasury notes, interest-bearing Treasury notes, fractional currency, and certificates of indebtedness, all of which circulate as fiiir rency, and it amounts to over $779,000,00.0. Put to that the issue of the new national banks, which in £ho aggregate swell the vol ume of circulation to more thart $1,000,000,- 000, and ho will learn the magnitude of the Government issues. The legitimate business of the entire country before the war could bo transacted upon a circulation of a fraction over $202,000,000, Now, with a divided country and with commercial intercourse comparatively restricted, the circulation is increased to more than $1,000,000,000, de ranging the measure of all values, ond dol lar in gold, the constitutional currency, com- mnndingsl.Bl in greenbacks. Well may it be pronounced a wonder. Prior to 38G1 1 the average daily clearances in the clearing house of the city of New York wore only about 922,000,000, while of late they have averaged oyer $115,000,000, and have even run up as high as $140,000,000 in one day. My colleague should read much and reflect more before venturing to become a public In structor. But notwithstanding the freedom with which the gentleman impeaches the motives of class'es as well as individuals, I look over his speech in vain for any condemnation of the usurpations of those in authority, and es pecially for the slightest reflection upon the miserable crowd.Qf sappers and miners—the contractors who have fattened themselves on the blood and tears and distress of tho na tion—whoso howl is ever fiercest for tho war, whose policy is to prolong it, and who de nounce without measure all who sock to give it a proper direction Cft* a speedy termination. We in Pennsylvania have seen these harpies feeding 1 on the life-blood of tho Stale, and my colleague knows —none knows bettor than he —the paralyzing and consuming power of tho frauds on which he chooses to preserve a silence so profoundly loyal. As a faithful sentinel on tho tho nation, why has he’never given notice that this same class of persons are gnawing its foundations away? It was Madame Roland who, when tho cauldron of tho Revolution was boiling over in Franco, weeping over tho degrada tion of society and |ho frauds that were eve rywhere apparent, exclaimed: “ O Liber ty I”—and I might add, O loyalty I—“what crimes arc committed in thy name I” I have great respect, Mr. Speaker, for an argument, for statesmanlike views, and for candid and honest difference of opinion ; but it required a groat deal of assurance, almost the audflcity of ignorance to charge me with no expression of sympathy for the soldiers who had defended his homo and my homo, when since tho commencement of the.session I have been laboring in bis presence in obe dience to the united sentiments and instruc- tion of my party, and against the opposition of him and his. friends, to secure to the sol dier a just compensation for his services.— The soldier wants and ig entitled to substan- tial aid, not mere expressions of admiration and sympathy, but something to supply his physical wants and.comforts, and especially those of his wife and children in his absence. This material aid the Democratic party as a unit have repeatedly offered on this floor, and as often has it been ruled out of order and defeated. lie cannot forget, and if ho does I refer him to which X had the honor to submit on the 17th of February, the occasion on which I offered a proposition to increase the soldiers’ pay and declared that they had performed their duty with noble fi delity and zeal, and that Antiotam, Vicks burg, Gettysburg and Chattanooga, wore monuments of their bravery and patriotism that would bear their fame to a distant and admiring future, and were at least entitled to our justice. I may further say that on that occasion I declared that wherever any part of that great army had moved on the water or upon tho land its ranks had been filled with thousands of. gallant Democrats, many of whom now sloop in soldiers’ graves. But, Mr. Speaker, such exhibitions arc not uncommon-in straggles like‘the present, when tho country is in tho chroos of revolu tion. Tho tenor of his speech is tho same which pervades a thousand speeches since these troubles commenced. Notwithstanding the evils which civil wars bring to tho mass. ob; there are always somo dashing' patriots who scout tho magnitude of tho trouble, and flourish in tho general ruip, like tho storm bird which careers in tho tempest which is devastating tbo face of naturo. - Those par ties hre ever ready to impeach such as have the courage to expose corruption, and labor in a spirit of true patriotism for the welfare of their country. /My colleague would like to make tho coun try believe that he is especially devoted -the preservation of tho Union, and to the pro; 0 sedition of the war for that end. How sin cere ho is in his professions appears from his course on the following resolutions, which I had tho honor to introduce on tho 18th day of January last: “ Whereas a great civil war like that which .now afflicts tho United States is tho most grievous of all national calamities, producing, as it docs, spoliation, bloodshed, anarchy, public debt, official corruption, and private immorality; and whereas tho American Gov ernment cannot rightfully wage such a war upon any portion of its people except for the sole purpose of vindicating tho Constitution and laws and restoring both to their just su premacy ; and whereas this House, on the -2d day of July, 1801, speaking in the name of tho American people, in tho face or tho world, solemnly and truly declared that it was waged for no purpose of conquest or op pression, but solely to restore the Union with alHho rights of the people and of the States unimpaired ; artel whereas in "ov6ry war, es pecially in every war of invasion, and most particularly if it be a civil war between por tions of the same country, the object of it ought to ho clearly defined, ami the terms distinctly stated upon which hostilities will cease, mid the advancing armies of tho Gov- ernment should carry tho Constitution an do laws in one hand, while they bold tho sword in tho other, so that the invaded party may have its choice between*the two: Therefore “ Resolved, That tho President be required to make- known, by publio proclamation or otherwise, to all the country that whenever any State now in insurrection shall submit herself to the authority of the Federal Gov ernment as defined in the Constitution, all hostilities against iier shall cease, and such State shall be protected from all external in terference with her local laws and institu tions, and her people shall bo guarantied in the full enjoyment of all those rights which the Federal Constitution gave thorn. “Mr. Stevens moved to lay the preamble and resolution on thc’table. “ Mr. Dawson demanded the yeas and nays. • “ The yeas and nays were ordered. # “The question was taken ; and it was de cided in the affirmative—yeas 70; nays 56. “ So the preamble and resolution were laid upon the table.” It is thus seen,that, under the lead of the chairman-of Ways and Means, my colleague [Mr, Moorhead] voted to lay those resolu tions upon the table. By that vote ho has declared that the war should not terminate, though the people of the South should lay down their arms and submit to the authority of the Government. Although the war has lasted for nearly three years, and has spread death and desolation in its path, though it has broken up our industry, burdened us with mighty debts, shingled us with taxation, and demoralized our people; though it threatens the overthrow of our republican system and the substitution of a despotism in its .place, yet he refuses by his vote’to adopt the only basis upon which peace and order and stability can lie again secured. His po licy means f bolition, subjugation and exter mination. Fresh hecatombs must bo offered to appease his insatiable appetite for blood. It is my solemn conviction that it is only upon tho basis of those resolutions that this struggle can be brought to a peaceful and successful termination. To this conclusion we must come at last. Fanaticism and evil men may delay this result, and the country may have to bo exhausted by the fires of civil war oro it becomes a reality. When tho world, as related by tliO'Sacrod historian, was buried under the deluge, and Noah and bis family were tho solo survivors of tho. human race, it will be recollected that tho dove was soi.t forth from the ark for some token of the reappearance of theland. After traversing for many days tho waste of waters sho found no rest for the sole of her foot, and returned again to Noah. A second time she was sent forth, and this time she brought back the olive-branch, tho harbinger of cer tain subsidence of the waters. A third time she was sent for encouraging indications, and this time she-returned no more, for tho wa ters bad retired to their recesses in the great deep, and the worlds was redeemed from the curse. Let the friends of constitutional gov ernment derive encyuragemont from the les son. 'Tho substance of tho resolutions may yet, like the dove, find amid the deluge of domestic troubles a secure resting place, and restore a nation from tho grasp of dissolution. My colleague, intho conclusion of his speech says, ‘/With the rebellion thus suppressed” this great country shall become tho “ asylum of-tho down trodden and oppressed of every nation.” Here we join hands in cordial agree ment; I oply regret the memory ns well ,as tho record of tho fact that my colleague, al though the son of an Irishman, joined the Know-Nothing Lodge; and engaged in the crusade to deprive Irishmen of the rights of citizenship, and catholics {of their religious liberties. Tho Germans, too; he aimed to mako tho victims of his vengeance. But tho countrymen of Fmmett and Curran and Grat tan still live, and are marching in thousands by thosido of the hardy German, carrying tho flag of tho t/rdon through blood and fire to defend for him that home from which ho I would have excluded them. . My colleague-for tho greater part of his life has been a Democrot, at least in profess ion. In those days abolitionism was power less and ho was opposed to it. It comes with an ill grace from him now, indeed. It is a slander to say that the Democratic party has sympathy with tho rebellion. It is a slander repeated by tho lowest as well as those favored with position. It has been conceded by members of the Democratic party that there was provocation for tho rebellion but no justification. In my remarks of the 24th of February, I character ized secession as treason. 'I endeavored to show that, as a legitimate result of the State' rights doctrine, , secession and nullification have ntf wavranfc’Mn tho Constitution. Yet my colleague, witli • great facility of conclu sion, pronounces tliis tho doctrine of John C. Calhoun. lie has sadly changed since the days when he was a Democrat and claims to have been the friend of General Casa ; the days when he prospered on the patronage of that great organization whose policy and pa triotism uphold this government for three quarters of a century, and which is still willing to shield it and save it or perish in the effort. Then 1 ho believed that ifevorabo tlonisin got the Government in_its bands the country would rush headlong to ruin.— Now he gloats dyor tho fulfilment of the pro phecy., Now ho votes to give this Hall'for a British enemy of the Union to lecture in, and assists to degrade the nation by approv ing a eulogy on John Brows, tho traitor and tho murderer. When he bows down in hom age to George Thompson, tho man who for clotting tho dostruo I tion of this Republic, lie should ho careful how he applies the word disloyal and make no reference to General Cass, tlio patriot who gave his days aful nights during all that time to the safety of the nation. Mr. Speaker, the motives of the Democratic party require no defence. It has over been tho party of frccdojn and of progress, over the de fender of tho Constitution, the laws, and the Union of the States. At tho present moment that greatold party covered allover with truth, like the armor of Achilles, may well say, “ Thrice is ho armed who hath his quurrel just." That great party clings to the Consti tution, and does not change its principles nor its independence for tho favor of a President who is but temporarily in power. Tho one it regards merely as a man, the sun of whoso official life is fast going down, and soon there will be an end of -his power and importance. The other, the Constitution, is the Magna Charta of their liberties, in which is stored tho hopes of the present and of millions to come after us, and iu the preservation of of which is centered the interests of the peo ple of every clime. SPEECH OF MVDELL PHILLIPS. We Jive in extraordinary times, and. of course, witness extraordinary things. Not among tho least of these is tho speech of Wendell Phillips, delivered at tho rooent an niversary of tho Anti-Slavery Society jn Now York. Wo qnoto a portion of this speech to show tho new light which lias suddenly fal len upon Mr. Phillips, rectifying his hitherto bad judgment and forcing his tongue to the utterance of truths to which heretofore he lias boon a stranger. It is curious, if not as tounding, to hoar this man, who lias hereto fore been a cfmtcmnor of the Constitution, now appeal to the Constitution ns the index to duty and the great safeguard of the liberty of the citizen. Truly, the signs of the times are full of promise. • , Extracts from the Proceed tiigs* The President then introduced Wendell Phillips as the next speaker. He commenced by presenting the following resolution: “ Resolved, That while we do not criticise the wishes of the Administration, still as , Abolitionists wo feel bound to declare that we see no evidence of its purpose to put the freedom of the negroes on such a basis as will secure it against every peril.” On this resolution Mr. Phillips made a long and eloquent speech. lie hoVo steadily in mind that they met there as Abolitionists, that their platform was sacred to the consid eration of the claims of tho negro ; but it is hardly possible at such nn hour as this to for get that we have interests broader than those which merely concern the abolition of slavery. Wo must acknowledge that our cause, sacred as it'is, is to bo secured by tho most econo mical means, by the slightest peril to tho liberty of tho white man, by the lightest pos sible mortgage on the industry of the future, by tho shortest possiblo submission to tho in evitable despotism of war, accustoming the public mind to tho liberal exorcise of despo tic power, until at last vigilance is blunted and the keen sense of individual right and the sacredness of tho bulwark of personal liberty is lost. The Burdens of the TTar Even standing as we do at tins hour with tho news—if it can bo creditor], of the great est victory of the past three years—it is still to be borne in mind that wo have already in curred a debt, that we have already sacrificed human life, that we have already blunted the old vigilance for individual liberty to an ex tent that bids us. as American citizens, to beware of any second struggle of this char acter. , It is very problematical whether an other such trial could bo borne; and free in stitutions survive it, on this belt of the conti nent. With tho debt which has boon In curred, and with the expense of a standing army which will be inevitable under any plan of reconstruction, a mortgage rests on the labor of tho next half century. Every living right hand is mortgaged and every one to be born for the next twenty' vears. Hith erto tho charm of American labor has been tho surplusage of its means. One-third of the American artisan's wages were left for use for books, lectures, travel, the education of his children. But now, so long us the re sults of this war last, so long as one-third, if not one-half of tiie average income of the ca pital of the county must be asked to defray these expenses, so Jong tho laboring man of tho Northern States is robbed of that surplus, which was the nucleus of intellectual and moral progress. The Administration Habituated to Despotism, Over this picture looms tho cloud of a gov ernment habituated to the exercise of a des potic power. AVcll did Seward say to Lord Lyons, “ I but ring a boll on this side, and unchft'lenged I put in prison a New Englan der. I ring one on that, and equally irre sponsible consign a citizen of Ohio to a dun geon.” No such despotism this side of the wall of China ! Necessary, inevitable, not to be found fault with in this death-grapple of tho rebellion, but all the more earnestly is it for us to remember that such powers and such example, if perchance entrusted to. less worthy hands, may result in the speedy dis memberment of the republic and the quick advance of despotism. The War to Last Many Months Longer I recognize as gladly as any man the valor and skill of the Army of the Potomac and its matchless chief. (Applause.) Ibelievethat Grant will go to the Gulf if he plans to do.it, but I belief* o that it will be done over battle- fields as bloody ns that which lie treads to day: for though the rebellion reels in Vir ginia, it is by no means broken when it quits the Old Dominion. The sections have learned to respect each other. We know the una nimity of the South, its decided purpose, its willingness to dio for its ideas, its indomita ble pride, its readiness for every sacrifice. — Those elomennts are not to be subdued by a single battle, or three such. I believe, there- fore, although we beat the rebellion out of Virginia, that still the war is to last many, many months longer. The Right to Criticise the Administration, My resolution points the discriminating judgment of the abolitionists to the next four years, in full view of the fact of the continu ance of the war, and that this summer the country is to say under what philosophy the war shall bo carried on. The popular cry is tl Stand by the Administration.” I recog nize it; it lias a broad, deep, patriotic mean ing. Bat remember, we are . Americans and not Europeans. Wo live under the Constitu tion of the United States and not under Prenob or English rule, and our fathers have laid it down as the safest and wisest principle- of government that every four years the citizen | shall summon the government before him and j try ft and record Ida verdict.- Wo are not on 1 " ,'nt liberty ns American citizens—wo are pound to say to the pilot of the last four years ej*. I ther you arc or yon tro not ray pilot" the com* i ing four. Whoever raises the cry *' Stand by J the Administration.” and does not take into ( account the conditional limitation that art American citizen is bound to stand by the Administration so far and so long as tlio Con stitution allows him, and no longer, forfeits ids franchise under the free institutions of the fathers, and binds his lips like a vassal of the czar to a life Jong allegiance. It I wore a negro slave I should pray God that the war might last twenty years, for it is taking tho events out of society and cruinb ling up tlio whole civil and social life into its original (dements; and when that work is done, tlio negro always comes nut free. Wit ness South America and Mexico. Phillips for Peace. _ As a white American citizen I deprecate a single month more of war. I sec in it tho seeds of debt, military ambition and despo tism, against which God will demand a vir tue and intelligence in the masses snob as history nowhere shows. , 'The settlement of tills war is not to he liy battle, but bv states manship. Tho greatest anxiety is'not for (lie battle-field,-for there wo shall ho success ful in tlio end, but for tlio Senate Chamber, wlicro we are always betrayed. From General Grnnl's /Innjb Tim srexn of hancock's Frrcxssrs. llkadqua iiteks Armv ottite Potomac, NEAR Scottsvi.vama Couut Hoi sK, Friday, Mnv Id-12 M.—l have just returned from tho scone of'General Hancock’s brilliant victory' of yesterday morning. At the point at which his assault was made, tho rebel breastworks formed an angle or salient, and bis men ad -1 vanccd silently and, without firing a shot, entered tho works at the salient and swept up tlicjnsidc of tho right* making tho splen did haul of prisoners already known to you. Onfortunately, tho supporting line cheered when nearing tiie works, otherwise we would, the prisoners say, have captured both Ewell and Lee. •The assault was made between four and five o’clock, in the gray of tho morning.— Harlow's division, which had tlm advance, Miles’ brigade leading, pent up in column by battalion doubloon the centre, Birney’s division in two lines of battle, and the divi sions of Gibbon and Molt, in the second liilo, supporting. The storming column rushed over the enemy’s breastworks, which were, exceedingly strong, with a ditch in front and drove tho enemy back for a mile. Here tho enemy rallied and Hancock, at six A. M., re turned and formed his line of battle in the enemy's works. As this'was the key of the whole position,,our was gradually re fused, and the main body of the army massed on the left. Tho Sixth Corps (Wright), which had been on tho right of the Second, withdrew behind their skirmish lino and united with Hancock’s right, and afterwards two divisions of Warren’s wore brought over. The history c.f the day after 6 o’clock in tho morning, is all summed up in five successive and fierce assaults which Loe made to retake the lost,,position. At first Ewell’s corps alone confronted Hancock, but. during the day, Hill and Lnngstrcet were drawn over from tho rebel left, and tho whole army of Loe flung itself in five desperate efforts to re capture tho breastworks. But it was all in vain, as every assault met a bloody repulse. So terrific Was the death-grapple, however, thac at different times of the day tho rebel colors were planted on one side of the works and ours upon the other, the men fighting across the parapet. Nothing during tho war has equalled tho savage desperation of this struggle, which has continued for more than fourteen hours, and the sceno of tho conflict,' from which I hard just come, presents a spec tacle of horror that curdled the blood of the boldest. The angle of the works at which Hancock entered, and for the possession of which the savage fight of the day wi;s made, h a perfect Golgotha. In this angle of death tho dead and wounded rebels lie this morn ing, literally in piles—men in the agonies of death, groaning beneath the dead bodies of their comrades. On amareaof a few acres in roar of their position lie not less than a thousand rebel corpses-—many literally torn to shreds by hundreds of balls, and several with bayonet thrusts through and through their bodies, pierced on the very margins of the parapet, which they were determined to rc-takc or perish in the attempt. The one ex-' chimm ition of cvciy man who looks upon the spectacle is, “God forbid that I should ever gaze upon such a sight again.” Hancock’s mmemei.t is regarded here as the most brilliantly conceived and executed tactical operation of tliowar, and Ims added to tho splendid fame he won in the three days’ fight in the Wilderness. After the turning movement of the morning, the Sixth Corps and two divisions of the Second should be included in the history of the day. They share the honors of the glorious but bloody field of Sjmttsylvania. Oar loss of yesterday must reach ten thousand.— X. K timesi Oo.Mri.iMnNT.uiv.—Steel paid the finest compliment to a woman that, perhaps, was ever offered. Of one woman, whom Congrevu had also admired and celebrated, he says that “ to have loved her was a liberal educa tion.” “How often,” he says, dedicating a volume to his wife, “ had your tenderness removed pain from, my. sick head-—how often anguish from my aftiicted heart! If there are such beings as guardian angels, they’ are thus employed. I cannot believe one of them to be more good in inclination, ormnre charming in form than my wife.” His breast seems to warm and his eyes to kindle, when he meets with*a good and beautiful woman, and it is with his heart, as well as with his hat, that ho salutes her. — Thackeray. [C7~ The bridegroom and bride give each other their hands at the alter, as prize-fight-' era in England shake hands before they begin to fight. JG*aT* A shell burst near an Irishman' in the trcuChes, whqn, surveying the fragments, hd exclaimed, ‘ Bejabers I thim's the fellows to tockle yor ear !* DC/ 5 * A cotemporary says, Naval contractctrf seem' to think this is the, time to build vessels of irou—and steel. [£7“ Happiness grows at our own firesides, and is not to be picked up in strangers* gar*' dens. ... JKST*C»6od prospects .ahead. We 1 see it sta ted that rebel regiments are re-onlisting for' thirty years or the war. JSSaT* You’re n queer chicken, ns the ben said when she hatched out th* NO. 50
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