vol. m amSican- volunteer. pUDLISnBD EVERY THURSDAY MORNING DT JOIIW B. BRATTON TEEMS ' Snusonti’TioN. —Two Dollars if paid within the : j Rf • and Two t)ollars and Fifty Cents, if not paid iithin'tho year. These terms will bo rigidly nd acred to in every instance. No subscription dis continued unfil all arreprages are paid unless-at Mib, .opti° n of tho Editor. . Advertisements'— Accompanied by the cash, and exceeding one square, will bo inserted throe Aimes for One Dollar, and twenty-five cents for each additional insertion. Those of a greater length in proportion. Jon-PaigTiNO —Such as Han d-bills, Posting-hills Piiiiipldctif Blanks; Labels, »fcc. &c v executed with oouracy and at the shortest notice. SPEECH OF GOV. SEYMOCRj OF. NEW YORK. M the Democratic meeting in of ■ Neiu 'Yprkfon the 31$/ of Oct. 1863. o .. Fellow-Citizens s When I was - invited to address my fellow-citizens in this condi tion of public affairs, I felt myself compell ed to respond, to that invitation. (Ap plause.) I fob! that our country is in ex troino peril, and X feol 'that' it is tho right and the duty, of every man at this .moment to stand forth and do what ho can to.save the rights and liberties of the‘American . ’people. (Cheers.)- Upon a recent occasion when the ’President .of the United Stales addressed an assemblage, of his political ‘friends, 1 he siiid he knew of nothing in -the Constitution) t-hat forbid him li»m so doipg. On my part, I can find much 7 in the Consti tution of our country and the genius of our institutions that makes it the duty of every ollicial at limes like.thcso to stand forth and; speak plainly, of public.affairs. (Cheers.) One year 'ago.! addressed a vast assemblage like this in - this ‘very room. What has transpired since tlpij time ? Then ihe.peo-• t hie ofthese United States,. in response to an appeal which was made to them by its government, had just sent up six hundred thousand .men to till the armies of the Un ion. At that time we had a.right to expect •before.twelve months should have passed •'away that we should l,\avo readied an end to the sad war which has carried desolation . over our land and mourning into its bodies. (Applause.) Since the ttbgiunlng of this - ,\>ar the administration has, at different,, ‘times, called Upon the people formally for ‘nearly fourteen hundred thousand men.— A^y 0 are advised that this call was more than 1 responded to, lor’we are told that the north western Slates had, under the call made by tho Consciiplid'n; act. largo credits which - •' wove to be deducied from the amount which ■ they were lo furnish under thut.act of Con gress. Under tho Conscription law itself, in addition to the thirteen hundred and jserenty-livo thousand men'that at different have hern called'info U»« service, a ’demand was maflo for more than thlvb him ‘tired thousand mure. I mean by this th t •taking Into v>'c«lnnt the surplus which had iu<iai hmlishcd by the Western-States, and bhe demand made upon the Atlantic States, It would swell the calls flnde upon tills peo ple np'to seventeen hundred l-liun.viiei men. Within the last few weeks th 5 President in . siddi'ion to that, lias call- d T«»r Ihr e hun dred ilumsind more, making a i»*t>• I nf'two milli on of men who have been demamled thus tar in tho progress of tl*?s war. tlnn fourteen liundred I leiu.-.uid of. whom i b-ivd gone forth to the hatl'le-fiehi. (diners’) I When I addressed, you one year ago the nr 'rides of Ui I a, IJblou exceeded sevxui hundred thousand in nnnrn-rs; and we. are I>V the President In his proclamation, and ft fk well kiwn to every’intelligent mm in this land. Hut our forces are insollloient fmr the ‘ I ‘purpose of putting down the r**h limn; and I now another additional call is mile unmi yon, which, as I said before, counting the numbers contemplated ■-•>’ the Conscription net. and counting in those tliat ,ar«* demand ed by the President, will amount to" nearly •six hundred thousand men. The experi ence of this war has shown that everv year - wastes one half of onr armies. This is now wod ascertained; It is ascertained from every source whore Inquiry has been mad-; ' il l's onr experience in tbis state ; it is tho experience of other States; it i« a result i which wo .have ascertained so accural-Iv and precisely that we can lay it d »wn as i rule lh.it every twelve monthsw iste* otr.j half of our armies.'And wh n again -nr ar my shall have increased to \• n hundred . tlmnsttnd men, or when, as one year ago, it ’numbered seven hundred thousand men, •" e-u*h day ’diminished'its .numbers 1)V one thonsmd. X'-do-not say that all of these foil, on Up* battle ‘field. I do not say Unit they all •languished nftrt died in the hospitals. I know h.iinypf them returned to their honi'-s ; [ know that their fates vary hut what I do mean •to nay is this, that they were lost to tin- ar mies of onr country* for the time being at least. Now. .in view’ of., this monstrous ’ Waste of human life, and In view of another . fact, that when this war began we were a , peo;le free from.debt and comparatively free from taxation, wo find ourselves to day burdened with a debt which is variously es timated to/be from fifteen hundred millions to two thousand millions of dollars. N(\w, in view of this result, and in view of ‘the - fact that the wards not yet ended, I stand before yon this night to address to yon some considerations which seems to be of the ut most public importance—-nay more, consid ' ©rations which do not merely concern us as • ' a nation in onr relationships to tho nation, but which concerns every man within the, * ’sound of my voice inghis own person, af fecting his property, affecting his home, af fecting.all tho dearest and most important relationships o.f life. (Applause.) Now however we may differ about other things, one thing all men must agree to* that there is an amount ol debt which will load to n i llonal bankruptcy. One man may fix the Bum at two thousand millions, another at three, or another, perchance more sanguine at four thousand millions; but all men, I care not what their political views may he, tohothor they are Democrats or whether, they are Republicans, agree in this—that there is nn amount of public indebtedness which, when it ik once created, will be be yond tho ability of this people to pay. But more than that; in view of what I have, al ready stated to you wo all agree in another proposition* whatever onr political- views may ho, that a continuance of this war will involve ns in national ruin ; for when I toll what hus been .the waste heretofore, every man will agree that .there will be a time— one may say a year from this, or another two, or another, perchance, three years; but we all agree in there itj, ,jn the path way on which wo are traveling a point of time, which, if woTeach it. if wo do not save onr Union and reach an honqr 7 able peace before we reach that point of time, we will bo involved in national ruin. ( t( That’s so.’’ mid cheers.) Now bear those two points in view upon which we are all agreed. What. then, is tho problem .fbat we are compelled to solve ? It is upon this (hat t moan to sp<*alc to-night. I will f-Tget file past. • I ?vi]l overlook all the . Wrongs that have been done fo. the great patriotic, conservative Democratic narfy of f, ’ir land. T wip f ivV.nfnvnrof person . al injsislloc may have bccu done lo myself. I say, for the time being, let the curtain fall oyer tbo past, andwo will leave Us trans actions and events to the ’judgments of (a dispassionate future : and now at this time let us come forward and plainly, /airly and honesty, confront the questions ortho day. Our country is in imminent peril. As I said before, if wo continue on with this war Without bringing it to a timedy and success ful conclusion, wo are of necessity to bo overwhelmed with bankruptcy, national ru in, social anarchy anddisorder. (Applause) How, then, is this to be done? Now, wo are.agreed on all-hands uponanotber pointy Republican and Democrat alike, and this is, that our Union must bo saved—(ap plause)—our Constitution must bo upheld. I say upon this point all are agreed, Repub lican.*and Democrat alike. I say that be cause I am in mood jn this sad and mourn, ful hour of onr'couhtry’s distress to indulge in no harsh remark toward my political op ponents—(applause)—yet I was mortified when I beard .tljat the Vice-President of these United States—'(hisses 'hud perhaps in-this very room, declared that he supposed “that'tbere were men in this state who want the Union as it was and the Con stitution as U is, biit they cannot have it; (Applause and ft voice— *• Butcher Ham lin. s ’) Then we are seeking on all hands to.bring this war to a successful result be fore, in the progress of time and events, wo are overwhelmed with financial destruction and national ruin. it bo done ? ‘That is the question before iis.. That is the question which \ve ought.to confront; and 'if possible, solve at*this time.before wo de posit our votes in the ballotrbox. (Ap plause.) The proposition which' I have staled, and which no .man will gainsay, makes another thing clearer every day that rolls on. This expenditure, this waste of blood and treasure, brings us still nearer to the calamities to which I have alluded. I have slated wherein men of all parties sub stantially agree. Now, wherein are we dir vided”? Why are we thus divided in opin ion ? Why at this momen't Sfi our country's peril is thoipublic mind agitated by conten tion and by strife ? Itis this. •We declare that wo'battle for the*restoration of our Union, for the preservation of our Constitu tion. We say that Ibis war should be waged'' for that purpose ami Hmt purpose alone.— (Applabso.) Now, the radical portion of the Republican parly say more than th s— that this war must bo carried on not merely for the restoration of the Union, not merely to restore the jurisdiction of the Constiuir lion; but it must bo carried on, as they say, to root out what they assume to be the cause nf .the war—the Institution of slavery. Against that we protested, because it was deviating from that policy which was ar rived at at the outset, declared with nil so lemnity by tlje President of the United States, and asserted’ by the unanimous, vote* ol Congress. (Applause.) But that is not ail. The radical portion of the Republican party,- whoso policy* has prevailed in that parly up to lliis time, declare now still an other tiling*-tIV Ihik war must go on until . tile people of ll • South and the Southern Slates are subjugated that ten .states shall be. trampled out of existence, shall bef re-, dueed to a territorial condition, and,-tobi.se the language Of a senator from New Bug land, they demand subjugation. He said subjugation —that is the term. Now then vuml-.u- (he attitude df'the two parties? W.o on-o’nr part, combat for ll.un-upon which the Morijivrn mind is united —the jest<>nition ■of imr Union and llio support of nitr C«n -eillull"ii, bringing our pi* jplc back to the c.Kidiiion they Were in holme this unh.ijrpy uar broke out. (Applause.) Now. we ace contending for that u liicb is most easily ob tained because upon that point wp are a united people—most easily attained, be cause once declared whole world lliiil Mrcbjajhq p'lriMise idjim ’aml yon would have not only a united North, but a divided South. 1 tell you there aTe h'lndfe.ds of thousands tit the Smjth —p.fty, more, I,believe that at this hour a m.ijuri ty ol the Southern people, il they could re-' tijru once again within the fold of this Un ion, ami leel -themselves protected by its Constitution, would again cmno back to thvir allegiance, and tbo blessing" of peace would main bo restored, to a detracted land, (Ajjpl.unsc.) Now, no man, 1 care n.,i wlmt bis politic vb views may be, will ’deny ibis proposition, 1 that it is more easy to bring this war to a successful result-, by jn-ihing it a war lor the restoration of the ■ Union and fur the support of the ConstUu ti..n, tli in by making it a‘ war for aubjuga -11• 111. bv making it a war that designs to l amj.l • out the rights and lives of states, by i., lt a war that substantially must change and modify tlie whole nature of our n.uloiial inslitntious. (Applause.) There is no man who will deny that upon this point we are inore'nnited*. Vs e agree upon this. There is no man who I 'can deny;that upon lliis point wo could rally to our standaid .thousands-of those who now stand in armed resistance against the government, because they fear the policy they will pursue,-when they declare it is not the purpose of this government to restore'the Union as it was, • oi that would protect the constitution in all its terms. There we have this advantage oyer our opponents. Wo are contending for that which may he reached most easily and iu the shortest space of time/ We are contending for that which may be readied with the least possible waste of -blood-and the lives of the American people. plauao.') Now, then, there is no fair mind ed man who will stand up and say that it is as easy to subjugate tbo South as il is to consolidate the South. There is not a fair-minded man whowillfora inoment con tend that it is not more difficult, more ex pensive, more uncertain, when we .attempt ■what has rarely been accomplished in tire liis’ory of the world, when we* attempt to subjugate th® people ot the South, to reduce them to an. abject condition, and to dictate to them the conditions under which they shall exist, and the more especially when the declaration goes out expressive of ex treme antipathy and hatred. (Applause.) We all agree to this, that the continuance of the war is a waste ol nationallife, a waste of the blood of our people, that it destroys labor, and drive's men away from home, and not unfn»qu«ntly drives them to other lands, that the prolongation of the war beyond a certain period of time brings national ruin. We of the Democratic party, are iu favor of -stopping the war at the earliest moment; of time, in favor of-whatever measure is cal culated to bring it to a successful result; while, on the other hand, it is clear that the apprehension of every man—of those who would go farther, fhoeo who would pro long the war for the purpose of subjugation, of carrying out Ihd theory of centralization of government —are those who are increas ing the list ot calamities to which I have alluded, are.thoso who’b'iing us nearer and nearer tp fhb fatal abyss into which wo must bo precipitated, unless, in some tiraely nmo ment, wo bring the war to a just, proper, and’ honorable conclusion. (Applause.) It Is clear to the mind of all we ure con tending,for that which is most easily attain ed—{hat wo, as a party, are pursuing a poli cy vastly more secure, vastly.more safe, and far more calculated to preserve us from S the evil" to which if have alluded. Thisna-, ! t»dn is like a man floating above flic falls of , the Niagara river—above the mighty cata | rant itself; and while he is yet .at u safe dis ; tance, or can s;«V,c himself from the flood • wh.ich.twll cany him to d.obti doca "OUR COUNTRY—JIAf. IX A'UV.'AVS Bp RIGHT—BUT RIGHT OR WRONG OUR COUNTRY." , , not avail himsoff of the means of escape that may be within his roach, and he goes near er, and nearer, and still nearer, till at length ho finds himself beyond the influences which might have saved him and he is overwhelmed beneath the flood when it is too late for him to withdraw himself from thajpdamity which must terminate his existenc£T\( Applause.) Wo are not only contending for that which fs moat attainable, but for that which is most valuable. It may be said that although we admit in asking more than they.ask in mak ing further issues—in goiirg fur subjugation and centralization, in changing the charac ter of the war—wo ask what may bo'more, difficult to attain ; yet, when reached,' will bo worth aji the cost of blood and treasure , now spent. Let us 'this, tor it is ; the true answer. L. .... me for a mo ment. If the war is brought to ut) honor able conclusion ; if wo can bring those by force of arms, and statesmanship, and con ciliation, now In resistance to the govern ment to return to their allegiance—when we have brought them to us by these terms. —we have a basis indeed, when we have bronghfthem to this slate of mind, and they will be consent to "remain in tho. full enjoyment' of their constitutional rights.—' Now I assert that the people of tho North areas deeply, interested in pre.scfving’the constitutional rights'‘of the'tSonth as the peo ple of tho South themselves are. Yon can have no.peace in tho land, ‘ while one-third of the people feel themselves wronged and injured, and. trampled upon. Every’.man knows you can have no peace in the laud un less all the people stand on ’the same plat form as regards their, constitutional rights and privileges and enjoy equal term's in. all respects.With.rufcrcVce to the goveimnent. 3?iU» on the other hand, suppose we spend - more money, and blood, and neasure ; sup pose wo,encounter all the hazards of a pro- longed-war; suppose we ore so fortunate,’ indeed so unfortunate, es to he able to sub jugate the South—what then 7 I tell you that such a peaco as that is no peaccin any sense of the term. (Applause.) Sujuga tion makes occupation necessary 5 it neces sitates a waste of treasure; it keeps up the cost of the war; it demands tho waste of blood, and treasure, and life ot the people; for all know that life is wasted,on southern Soil, wasted under tho southern sun in mo ments of inactivity, ns well as active serv ice, Sncli a peace, if not a mockery and a snare to call it.a peace, means what 7 That .tile people of' the Noi'th aie to' 1 maintain great‘armies 5 to send forever their soils Un der one perpetual conscription to hold Jheir brethren of the South in subjection. '(Ap plause.) If.not conciliated, if not recon ciled by generous treatment, what hope is \> of peace 7 But what is the proposi tion r That they shall ho hold’by military ibrr<*. ii’t Mur expanse of the life and treasure,. «\c f and at the end, at the expense ql the lioorti'-s of the people of the North. (Ap plause.) What would he our resolve under like ejrcmnslances ?. What man would be 11 so mad who would dare to say, in the fice ofdhe people—-if perchance it bad been odr sad misfortune to in* brought in collision with the government that New York could bo kept in the Union mure easily and more securely'by- war, and confiscation than by giving her hevjust rights, by conciliating her people, by restoring that love of Unmn and love of the Constitution which should'ever dwell in t lie hearts of the A merlean ci l izen 7 (Applause.) The great conser\ative -parly .•is contending for that whfcli LimM easily gained, that which can he reached uiih tho least expense of life, and blood, and treas ure. And, mote than that, we ate contend ing for that which wi.en gained is far more valuable than the subjugation id. American States. (Applause.) I have told }<m what tlie cost of this war has been. Now, under the,policy that has b en declared by the jcad.ical ..leaders ,('f.th 0 _ r epuldica\j part};, when will thd cost end? If, In addition, you prolong tho contest, increasing its cost, • you make peace itself—-that kind id peace that they would have —almost as destruc tive as the active war in which we aie en gaged. Now, we Object further firtln- poli cy of the radical republicans, and those who control that parly. They are not attempt ing hi gain that which we believe to be attainable —not only attempting to waste more blood and more treasure, but they arc not bunging to bear upon the contest some thing which is ns-great op insti umenlality to secure success as war. They say in this hour of pur country's peril, when wo are now engaged in this war—when everything hangs, if you please, on tho.events of the battle field —that they would.put forth the exertion of every material power, and so do we. We will go willi-tlmm i" that, but we will do more" than that. There they, stop, and say, “ forge, force alone.” Hero we say we w *uld superadd lu force the. pow er of conciliation. (“ Good.” and cheers.) We would* have wiao statesmanship, we ‘ would have a liberal patriotism and an cn- • larged philanthropy that, rising abovo’pas sion and above prejudice, should honestly and thoughtfully'seek out tho veal good of tho whole American people. Is there no .’power In this beyond the mere force, of arms 7 No than is more impressed than I am .with all tho magnificence of battle’s array ; no. man'has been more impressed than 1 have been with .our magnifacent'arihy, ns I have seen them pass by mein vast numbers, with all tho material strength they -displayed, young men in tho prime oflife, full of vig or, full of ambition, full ofdar.ing courage; high as Trank the armies of in}' coun try, much as I admire their bravery, their daring, their patriotism, helms but an in firm mind vvlfo do'es not know that there are • powers ami influences greater than that of material strength. (Applause.) ,Is not wisdom more than strength ? Is not virtue more than mere muscular power? Is not r Ihe wisdom—is not The Christian charity— is not the earnest patriotism which at this time calls upon us to superadd something to the power of force, greater than even ma terial force itself?. (Cheers.) Will the preacher in his pulpit—who, alas, too many times forgets the character of ins own relig ion—date to stand forth and say that force is better than Christianity 7—that force la belter than wisdom 7—that force is greater than iufiuehcps which are generous, and which should bo 4 cxerted when they can he exerted consistently.with honor and with the interests of our country 7 (‘Applause.) Now, wo tell you to wliut end and for what object we would exercise all these influenc es—as 1 said before, to the restoration bl bur Union.and to the preservation of our Constitution.' We stand, then, in’compari son with our friends of the Republican or ganization, on tho.udvanlago ground In eve ry respect. Wo contend for that which wo can attain ; we contend for that which is far butter ns a result than tho one they seek; we,contend for that whichwill not only show that us a people we are marshaled,‘ami that wo will moke our history glorious by our •deeds upon tbo battle-field, but wn contend for that which will elevate us still, higher in the estimation of the world, in our own es timation, and in that of all posterity, when we show that wo .aro a people capable qf magnanimous and generous action. (Ap plause.) But looking to this mors closely, I contend,that fahe radical leaders are not only in this matter contending fur ijiat w hicli is P*sg.’valuable wb»*n attained Mini contend ing for it at a fearful waste bt life and of treasure*, but th *y are doing that which is 1 inconsistent with tho nation’s honor. Is „' 1 there a mao within the M>i:r,d of' my voice CARLISLE, PA., THURSDAY, NOVEMBER 12, ,186^ who bolieyes that when Chase enmo here at the outset of this war to call upon the city of'Now York for Us treasures, if he had told them what ho declares to-day, that they would have ventured one dollar in such an enterprise, as that 7 (“No, no.”) More than that—the proposition of subjugation, contains within itself the proposition of re pudiation and of constant conscription, be cause it is ill-faith towards the public cred itor. It says to him : “We have now got your fifteen hundred millions of dollars, you have let ns have it, trusting to tbo national honor and to tho national wisdom."* Wo understood that you meant to bring this war to : a conclusion as soon as may be consist ent with the purposes for which it was wag ed—for the Union and the Constitution; wo supposed then; was some significance in the unanimous declaration of Qongreas, when they adopted fhe Crittenden;' pompromiso ; ivo supposed there was some significanqo.in' tho declaration of the President of the Unit ed State? when he had taken upon himself tho solemn oath of office* to support the Constitution and when he lhon declared that the only ohject’of the war was to bring the states again to their proper.allegiance.A (Applause.) Now, every act that prolongs this war unnecessarily 5 every act that brihgs.ns nearor-and., still nearer any point of time, - to, which all concede wo will reach if we in that pathway; every such act is an act of' repudiation, and ho who holds a government bond, when ho sustains such a policy as that/ sayfi by his vofo: ’“ I want more debt in addition to hat which we have got.” ‘ (Applause.) — Will ibis community stop forward and up hold.a policy which has been declared hero that this war shall not stop when’ the Un ion is restored; -that this war shall not he waged for tho purpose of maintaining our Constitution, but it shall lie waged for oth er purposes,.not merely to destroy the gov ernment of the states—they,,lmv.e got be yond that— for we have the bold decimation that it shall go on until it destroys ten stales themselves. Thai is now tho propo sition openly made in Ihis city, and openly approved by the radical leaders of-tho Re publican party. ‘*lt was declared by Sumner and by Chase—(hisses)''—and it was declar ed in meetings held in- the New England Slates. This rightfully calls out the indig nation of the people, who embarked hi this ■contest (or* the purpose of restoring tho Union and for th'* purpose of upholding our Constitution. 'Now, I beg > all of you to think of these propositions which.. I have submitted to yon ; I beg of you to see if then* ia any escape* from' tiflp conclusions that I have indicated. But;shat is not all. The war is not waged alone for the definite purpose which I have mentioned, but for the present it is carried on for a certain pur pose more indefinite than that. Why is H. that the northern mind is to-day distracted and perplexed ?, Why is it that wo have not the community wo had two years ago, when upon ail hands it was said we were battling for the Union and battling for the Constitution / It is that day after day wo have now theories of government pul forth and wo arc now invited to plunge ourselves into the bottomlrss pit of discussion- on questions touching our government which Lav,e been settled liy eighty years’experi ence. mrd which in Unih were' 1 Settled by !lie plain letter of t!.e Constitution, as it was wiitten down by our fathers. Why wo bear if said not-nnfreqnenlly (hat one of the ends ami objects of this war must be to make this gnvermnent siiong and central ize power.. I am willing Hint onr national government shall be nnvdi*. as strong as hu man heart and h mil an skill and human wis dom can make it ; but I do deny that this government to be made strong by giving it a-jurisdiction fhnt it .cannot exercise wisely and well. I insist dp«n U that the strength, of this government depends not alone upon tho-powets that have been giv en to it by tho Constitution, but its strength above all depends upon l hr- powers that aro withheld from it by tin* Constitution. ( Ap- plause;.) Ninvonr fit hors meant, when they formed that Constitution, to teach ns thifc : that the government, to ho strong; must bo founded upon the affections of thcpeoplo; that they must act in accordance’with their will and wishes to a proper extent. Men at Washington fancied that, legislation would give them power, and tbx*y fuive tried the experiment. Now, whnt have, been its re sults? (or I want to call yo.ur attention, not only to thq evils of that system to our whole country, but more- particulaily to Ihe £\;il.s which have been brought upon our own great Stale. As I told you, I have, not one word to say in defence of my self. Ido not care what‘may ho thought of mo in such a s;id and solemn hour nsTliis. . (Applause.) No ma;i lives who values the kindly regard and go'od opinion of all men more than I do; I love to have the affections, of my neighbor, whatever parly he may belong to; but at this moment, when tho,destinies'of bur country tremlilo ln tho scale, all person al passions are hushed and subdued within ■my heart, and I approach this question Dot as-a man who cures for man’s judgmfinl, but ■as one who in a few brief years give an account tqjllin who reigns above ns nil.— (Cheers.) I pass by unnoticed, ten thou sand hasty words of-‘reproach utt.ered a gainst me; hut I nevertheless cannot puss by attacks made upon this great and glori ons.State of ours. * While I will not defend myself, I will defend the action of this State embracing, as it does, theopiniohs of men of all parties; and' I wish to view (hat in ''connection with the subject which I before alluded to—the evils of the centralization of power-tho attempt nhw made in cer tain quarters to consolidate power at the panel al government, because recitals wrongs of our s,|ato will servo to illustrate it he views which’ I mean tosput lortli. Why 5 is it that when wo have had victories, We have had no policy such As victdfy demand ed 7 Why is it, that in the whole progress of this war there has never yet been put forth that which the common judgment and common sense ,of all mankind lias ever de manded when nations will resort to the ar bitrament of arms 7 What did our fathers saywhen they attempted to throw off the joke of their allegiance 7 They declared that a decent respect for the opinions of mankind called upon them to state their wrongs and 'their purposes. And yet it is most remarkable that in this wpr, unparal leled for its magnitude and its influence from its beginning down to this time, there liiis never yet been pul forth by this govern ment, except some broken promise, any distinct, clear enunciation of its policy, the end of whicli it meant to roach, and where it meant to stop. (Applause.) Why Is it 7 I ask why ia it 7 When wo obtained such signal victories at Vicksburg and Port Hud son, all tho world thought the contest was to he terminated 7 Wo were eluted with our victories and those against whom we battled were depressed by their defeat. Wo called upon tho government ut conventions at this moment when every motive of magnanimity honor and patriotism, demanded it, that ' they should come forth and offer terms to tho other party ; that should restore peace, to the land, not peace to them alone, but. peace to us—not peace alone to their jiornus, hut peace and happiness to onr,own homes !’ —not duly to save their blood, but our blood. • For-tlie last three or'four mouths you all know that a cloud has rested up* n the Noith as well as the South ; that labor has been -cheerful, when'X. did not know how soon it might bcAJi^bo*from its home aud' all those it loved to nn involuntary service in the distant battle-field. (Applause.) We asked that this same great and generous policy should bo put forth, butbur prayers wore then unheeded. Why ia that 7 Why is it that this war is so strangely prolong ed 7 Why is it that in detriment and inju ry )o the rights of tbo people it still rolls on? Von may judge Tor yourselves.* Eve ry man who is in favor of centralization, fcvery man who is in favor of consolidation, finds a motive in tho views for the continua tion of this war—for it is by the virtue of arms and armed force that power is consoli dated aud centralized ,at tho scat of govern ment. (Applause.) Tho doctrine of con solidation and centralization is of itself full of civil war and full of disorder and revolu tion. It is now proposed to strike out of existence ten stales—ten stales with a very largo population—to deprive them of their representation in Congress until the party in .power may soo Ut to restore them to their rights again. Look at our Constitu tion.. It was never designed that the gen eral government should have these vast powers. It was never designed that it should have the power to destroy tlie life* of the States. What would bo the inevita ble consequence 7 New York, ever patri otic,.ever generous, ever true, when this Constitution was formed, came forward ahd said it wanted to preserve, the’ states, (ho lives of tlie states, and the rights of the. states.* She wanted not to preserve the . rights of the states alone, but that the gen eral government should not overleap its ‘ proper limits.. Although at this time New York was one of tho ‘largest states, of(he* Union and wris destined to bo tho foremost state of the Union, yet she declnied in The convention that every slate in bath branch es of the legislative department should have no more power than was given to'the bnmll- est state of this confederacy ; but when In the end it was adjusted by allowing state rep resentation in the Senate and popular rep resentation In flic House of .Representa tives, the-delcgates Trom the Slate of-New York withdrew from that convention, be * cause they declared ill At it,Was a blow at tbo rights of tho state to which they could not, consent. But, notwithstanding, we did consent to this compromise, and .gave to New England, with less population than New-York', six’times, on’r voice'in the gov ornimyit—a* p’o\t-eV that is now used for the purpose of injuring., and ruining it. I tqll you that a government thus constituted was hover intended to e'tfbrcise ail the fran chises which yon would noW henpftiptm it. Tlio.chango which it has undergone has revolutionized tlie character of the govern;. merit. , The Senate of tho Un.ited States ia absorbing t-he power of the government.— Why, the Fresideiit of tho United States does not appoint principal officers of state. Ho cannot*appoint his own cabinet ’ministers. Ho cannot make’for ns a briga dier-gfiiera’ - (voices, <» Busleed,” and laughter)—without the help of the- Senate. (Applause.) He is powerless without the co operation of the Senate. Thun the Sen ate controls the executive; but, more than that, tlie Senate, being substantially the ap pointing power, and holding its terms of office for six years, controls Hie House of I’Mpreseutatives. In that’ branch of tho g(..v r crnmi*n‘t we find that Hie State of New York has less than one-sixth, in proportion to the population, of the po"er that tho New England states have. Now, hereto- fore 1 we had the balance between tho North ern ami Southern stales—we had something to protect ns. Tho Southern were smaller states. And they did not always agree with the Northeastern stales. New York was 'commercial.; 'New England was manufac turing; (he houth'U'ii slates svanted both manufactures and commence, and thus situ ated all went well 5 we became a great and prosperous peqjde.., .BnLnpw,..theso. gentle men, who have six limes our power, cooly come to New York and say. wo. will, des troy this balance. The practical result in the workings ofotir government is danger ons'and injurious to us. This is not niere speculation. Lei us see what practical re sults have done. You alll>uow tha power will'exercise itself. TVe all know thht tho twelve senators from New England, who look out for their respective slates, have six times tho power of the two senators from New York. 1 have no doubt ihaf bur senators do all they can to protect our rights. Nothing aus more material than when we waged this war, and troops .were drawn from the different states b£ quotas, that those quotas should be fairly adjusted. But, njoye than that, .when Congress de clared that we sliQuldJiavo a lotiely for life and death, I uppeid to every man within the sound'of my voice, if it was not of vital consequence that such transaction should be equal, and just. Let me p\l\ your attention to certain facts, which aiip impor tant to ns, because they not only exhibit a great wrong,’ but they also exposeltjie ten dency to centralization, upon which it is important that’tbu minds of tlie American people should bo aroused. I found when I came into power that New York had lur nished more than its quota of men—(ap plause)—and had sent more than, its share of forces into tho field. The Northwestern States had done the same thing. They' were in advance ol Now York. Tbo Northeastern States Wme a little more pa tiioticin expression than we. You wol.l know that there had been recruiting offices for New England in your city during the lust two years. vNow, wo wanted to know how tlie account stood. It has ireyer been fairly stated how many men these diflerent slates have sent—how the quota was made up. Under the Gdnscripiion act New York was called upon lor sixty-eight thous and; Wo were told' In fixing the number at that amonnt that, the proper credit to 'whifcb we were entitled Had been given.— When the draft was about to l>*a made no tifces were sent to mu showing the enroll ment in the difiarent Congressional districts here. When these returns were scut tome from time to time, I discovered that there was great inequality; that in one district in •Brooklyn they called for five thousand, one in this city where they called lor nearly five thousand, and one in the inteiior of tho state where they called fur fifteen or seven teen hundred. I called the attention ofthe government.to These things; I*endeavored to have Jjjslice done. I had a correspon dence vfith the President upon fhis subject called by pur friends upon tho other side a very disorganizing correspondence. Why did they publish it 7 • (Laughter and- ap plause.) I never did so. If there was anything in that correspondence calculated t,o excite the popular mind, or distract it, the guilt of its publication does not belong to mo. The correspondence was moat re spectful in its terms,most honest in itspurpo ses because I Wanted That justide should be done between the different districts. I asked that inquiry should be made as to this differ ence in the draft. I asked another thing, and I never met a man who did not say that it . was fair, and that was this : I sent to Wash ington and asked when the enrollment was made that it should he put up in some con spicuous plaqe. That is the habit in re gard to tho census. It is put up all over the country. Why. when this • enrollment was made out, slips might have been print ed at. a trifling expense and placed In con- Bpicidus places wherever men could see them. Another thtiig, I never met the man who would not say flint some.fair system should be devised” hyV which every, roan’ should bo known whoso name was to bo submitted to the wheel of fate. It was so done in certain districts, in others it was not done. But in no instance was an or der sent forth! to know that these'things were fairly tried, and tho names of the citi zens fairly drawn. , I appeal to any one If in an ordinary transaction of life,—in a lot tery, for insfance, of a horse, would not tho parties interested take care to see that it was fairly drawn 7 and yql the most solemn transaction io life—the most solemn trans action in tlie history of the world—when somebody’s son—-somebody’s brother some poor woman's- Husband is drawn—a case on which some 08,00 persons .would bo .'made unhappy—surely in a transaction’ ,of that kind every thoughtful man would say, in God's'name let us have no com plaints—no appearance of any injustice.— That this was done wo denied, and- wo weio cnlled had men. I soon began to dis cover.that they were not only-wrong in the Congressional (jUstricls ;i , but., they were wrong‘in every y/py. T told you what New York had already done, aud yet (hey told you that New 1 ' York was deficient in lieT ‘ quota. Now, compare New'York with Vcimont.’ Voimont never furnished, her proper number of men to,the army, and yet in one of our ’congressional districts, Buffa lo*.there wns a cull issued fur more con scripts that were called for in the whole Stale of Vermont. Whilst in .nil, or most of all of other congressional districts, tbero were deficiencies, New York Tpivc a sur- plus average in tlie different congressional districts of twenty per cent, more than the New England slates. Was that light, or just 7 (“No, no,’J) Why was this 7 Ido not charge the government that it.rnen’nl to do you wrong; but i wun.t to draw the les son from the fact, and the most charitable conclusion I can come (ois merely to show you the practical evils ofccntmlizution and consolidation on the representatives of the government. (Applause.) The New Eng land Stales have twelve senators-to eject, while New York, with u much larger popu lation, elects two senators; and New York, In like proportion, ip\s given all to' this war; and she has been wronged, not‘alone of treasure, but robbed of her citizens and of the best blood of her sons, that which makes her great and glorious. Our op ponents say that they will not have the constitution as it is. nor tlie Union ad f qjt wps; • And Vice-President Hamlin and other’s told you that wo should not have tho Union ns it was. They do not tell yon how it must ho, but leave it nil an uncer tai’nty'withthe lulufo. Look at New V.gik, the great commercial,’ metropolis of tho coantry, made-rich by the trade and com merce of the Western States; we act asthp agents of other,states, bud grow rich and powerful. Tho trade and commerce reacts •upon the country and all prospers. Is it’ prudent-or fight to ask you to engage :iu revolution to bring round a consolidation and centralization of tho government 7 I do not-. ,wunt change’s. I want New York to maintain herjibwer. lam willing that little KTmde Island Should stand forth as a state. (Cheers.) lam willing that New England, with her ton thousand glorious memories, should have all her power; but I am not willing to have a central and con solidated power established in thy govern ment. lam not willing to giy<? a power that* may be exercised to our detriment and to our destruction. (Applause.) No man who is a true friend to himself and the country will ever think ofdoing this. Eve ry intelligent New Yorker must perceive such a system of consolidation ahd cen tralization must result in injury. It is said that centralization and .consoli- dation would make the government more powerful 5 buT I deny the proposition, 1 assert that the power ofthe general Z"' 3 ' ‘ ernnjent resting on the- ConMitntion than all the power it could ( c to ploy by centralization. If you lake a barrel you will find it is made strong and serviceable by the iron bunds which bind it togefhei. It is tlieii ofa certain capacity ns a barrel, but if it should take it into its bead To become a hogshead, with all its cn pacUy.'umi to accomplish this would buist all its restraining bands and hoops, it would be neither a barrel nor a hogshead, but a bundle of staVes. (Apj huise.) When the bonds which keep government together arc Violated,’ when *the restraining checks are cast aside, when the influences which’ 1 hold it together, making it useful and ser viceable, are destroyed, yon have destroyed ■ the general governtaent itself., (Applause.) A gentleman lately asked me il I lie‘general government was not going to destroy the , action ol the states. I said no. Out states can live <*nd will live in spite of* all.. You may'-roll over Ohio with your troops, yon insult Pennsylvania, but the Kcystdnb Slate will he tho Keystone Stale still; and Ohio, Pennsylvania, Kentucky, and every other sovereign state, will live and'exist in all their vigor and truth. (Grout applause.) But I said to these men, I do not fear lor the states,, but,l do fear (or the general gov ernment itself. They said they were tired of handing round this hat, and begying con tributions ofthe stales. I reminded .them that, with few exceptions, tlie,people of th« northern states had given to the geneiul government an immense army/and that, at that moment, ’ I believdd that they stood at the head of a, greater martial pow- . or than had over been, seen in the history of ■ tho world. Whence did it come? Fn»ni the men of tho towh, tho .school district- Iho country and.the city; 'Their sons came up to savo our Union, and to battle for the flag ot our country. (Applause.) Those i men were vested with that mighty power by all parlies of the people, but they forgot whence it came. They said they would no longer consent to pass round the hat arid the subscription-box, and they passed tho Conscription act. I begged Ilium hot to' adopt that measure ; I warned them of their folly ; I implored them to allow us to go on and raise troops as heretofore; I point ed them to the proud history of New York and what she had done th® country.— But thov would .not listen. An enrollment was made, and the measure was attempted to be put in execution. After tho sad o vents which had followed. I again appealed •to tho President to give lime to raise the quota, and was told that in this city which, a few weeks before, had Sent forth its sons to"save this natloii’s life, protect Pennsyl vania, ami save tlie capital, this poof re quest could not ho granted because there was not time. There Was time enough giv en fur every western state, but there was no time for us in this slate. None of them were called upon (ill after election. Not one of them had any surplus at the begin ning of this draft., Look at the attitude of - New York. Let mo tell you ; what tho sur plus has been. Not only had the surplus gone out this year which was produced by the-onergy of my predecessor, but since the first dry of January last, the State of New York has raised more than Id.vJUO volun'eers —more than-has boon obtained by the draft. (Cheers.) But beyond that there came , a midnight cry ol help. They ‘ asked me doubtfully and distrustfully when they made a call, whether under tho Constitution they had a rigjit to make it, whether I would do what I could to save. I responded at once and promptly, and I received th**ir warmest thanks fiir doing it. I was urged to send ut once, bhcnu.se it would give now spirit to .the people of tho other states. Then tbo » ar’mywafi not to bo defiled'the little, pfivi- r . New York was to do ))hnt she did r ■anidinlc other states. What took place? The battle of Gettysburg—one of the moat bloody that was over fought on ihofac.o of tho earth. For lour long days did it rage, until at length It was decided by., the withdrawal of our cncttle;i,.i)ud , the national capital was safe. (Applause.)-r Do yon think that tho sixteen thousnnd'thUt New York has sent forth could havo 'been spared 1' They were not all upon tho bat tle-field, but they occupied positions that relieved men-who were there. They .gage courage In the soldiers and alarmed the civ emy. Now 1 say il is not claiming too much lor onr owii citizens—that tho mil.U tinmen of tho cities ol New York and Brook lyn. and Uochesfer.nnd Bnllalo, who-saved., 1 ns that battle—with the .Volunteers that have gone forth (not drafted men) since the Ist day of January last. New York has sorit to 1 the field SoJlljtl men (applause), and ,1 bp that that is a much greater number th.an 'has been sent by till the othet.slates of ill's Union voluntarily. (Applause.) 'I do not know this to he tho fact, hut I believe it to ho the truth. Then, why should Now York he 'denied the privilege accorded. to< other slates? W by, should we ho compelled to furnish an undue proportion of those Wpo go forth and sacrifice their lives on .the bat tle Held ? But theysay that the .adminis tration bait been hindered in the. proseca linnpif tha war hy this slate. I deny-its . pot -.lone ill my ■behalf, and in behalf of tho . Democratic parly.'hut in .behalf of tho peo ple of the Stale ol New York—men of hill parties and opinions. I believe■ that h<ew York'is the only state in this confederacy thrf without regard tb-.the. efraft,. passed a ■ lawgiving bounties lit all tiilieh to.those . who enter the service of their country.—* .(Applause.) The law was not'passed by one party—it was'tho notion of both. The - hist Legislature was ei|ii.n|ly divided. The Senate had a strong Republican majority, and Ibe lift) could not become a law unless I wrote approved” at the.boflom. There fore fdo not speak'for the party,. I,do not speak for my sell—except to have perform-, , , e'd an obvious duty—but I do claim for thin slate, its own citizens:.Us .own journals,.find ils own orators, should not have been so. nntnie to it as not to have made these tilings Jolt through our land. Thus wo stand hero, in those (lax s it soorr.s to ino, in a po sition dually defined'. On Tuesday next you must decide for Yourselves. .You may ho holders of* government securities, or if yon aremot yon nrc tax payers, and.have p deep’njid vital interest as citizens’ in your ■ relationship to the go.vcrnmerit in bringing this war to a speedy and successful conclu sion. Von have a deep interest in tho peer sorvntion of this Union. It must not portaU You have been the agents of tbo Union and. the' Iruatees of tho nation. I havo come hero from the country* I have bcorf Ih tho region west of the Mississippi, whence the humble firmer sends yon his produce. Ao merchants, you arc intrusted with tho weallh oftho nations. Your ships-are loaded and sent to other parts and other climes,do bring hack the products’ 1 ©!’all nature In ex change. Yon.enjoy those privilegesas the result of the Union.' We therefore contend for it, arc willing to put forth resolution for. its restoration, hut demand that when it is gained, it flmll not he lost again to gratify any hinatical or visionary theories. (Ap plause.) VV’e.say th»t', when the. Conotilu lion is restored, and tho Union shall Wo. saved, this war must stop. For that w© wiil put forth every effort and oflergyj but when we have reached it, this war moat close—pm at not go on .merely to gratify, visionary ideas, , I. appeal to yon now once more if wo are not contending for that which ought to satisfy nil; if wo are npfc contending for that which can bi? attained it we are not taking tho course which shall ,savo.dnt.natiun ft cm drifting on in the cur rent which now lends us tonatlonal bank ruptcy and ruin ? Then I appeal to you r Republican friends, if your lenders have not Attempted throughout this state to <?«-. taldish the doctrine that this war must go on till the Southern States themselves, nro crushed out, and that they are to be held by military power; that your blood is to bo poured* out for tins object; that von are to- stale of war followed by a stato of contusion, Y"ii have to decide on these things with reference to your interests, with roferoncH tolluv aims of with reference to , the i nwlnl cnlnmitios which will full upon yon if the war Is pro* lonpe.d. till nt lust wo are overwhelmed In. the grout vortex of.bankruptcy. I.am hope ful. I cannot despair of the -Republic.— (Obeers.) If men will not listen to reason, they must he 'taught by sad sufleriijg.— Whether the Union’' is to he gained bow, or af er all this suffering. I will never ahap* doh the idea that it must he pained. (En thusiastic cheera.) No.personal injustice, no insult, no wmnp shall tnrn aside our stops one hair’s breadth from the a’raipht pathwav of dtitv.' ,We will contend for the; Union and stand by (he Gohstitutiou as our fathers framed it. and will maintain It.— (Tremendous chcerirp.) We will battle for the flap of our country in all its intcprl t v, and borrow* the beautiful fipure of anoth- • F er, in another state (if Is so apt, that I n«0 . it on all such ooeaslons); *• When this war is over that blue field shall pllttor with ero ry stnrthatplj'fer«now,andevery star shall represent a Mata..’? , . - Pumpkin' Pie.— This te tlie season tor puiupK'.u pies, and \Vhou well made they, arc, to our tsto at least, a dish 4 nt biisefc before a following method ot nos.— king them without eggs is recommended. itt f’Oine (jojii tiih : ‘ Seleon n pumpkin, which has a,deep, ricrv c-dor, nnd -firm close texture. Stow and siP in the "uPnary manner; add as much boil ing milk m* will make it about one-third thie/'Or than for common pumpkin pie.-- Swnoton with equal quantities ot molaeaoss, and bako about, one hour in a hot oven/ Note.— Toose who will try this method will ho surprised to find how delicious a pic can he without eggs, ginger nr spices ol uuy, kind. The milk being turned hut mg mt-. upon the pumpkin, causes it to swell iu li king, bo tlmt it is us nice as though eggs had : been used. How Suo.v we Forget.—A leaf torn, from the tree by .the rude gale, -ami borne, away to some desert spot 1 Who, misses it from amongst its fellows? Who is snd that it has gone? . Thus it is with hu-, man life. There lire d“ar triends, perhaps,, who are stricken with grief when a loved one is taken*, ami for many , days the grave* is watered with tears of anguish. Brit by and by the crystal fmmtaiu is drawn dry; the last drop ouzos 'out; the suirn gates of for getfulness fold -hack upon the exhausted, spring ; and Time, the blessed healer of-sor-. i*ows, walks over the closed sepulchre with out waking a single echo by her footsteps. . The richest genius, like the most fertile, soil when uncultivated, sho >t* up in the rank est weeds; ami instead of vines and olives fur flic pleasure ami u«o ot uian, produces to its slothful owner trie most abundant crop of poisons. The more the merrier; tlia tiwe& ti«t bettor chew.*. r NO. 22«
Significant historical Pennsylvania newspapers